Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Charles Robinson, the first state governor of Kansas"

See other formats 


ij 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


CONTENTS. 

Intkoduotiox 9 

Chaptek  I.   Early  Life   27 

Chapter  II.   California  Adventures 43 

Chapter  III.   The  Wager  of  Battle   87 

Chapter  IV.   Early  Settlement  of  Kansas  and  the  Wakariisa 

War 110 

Chapter  V.   The  Constitutional  Struggle 164 

Chapter  VI.  The  Constitutional  Struggle  (continued ) 190 

Chapter  VII.   Local  Affairs 250 

Chapter  VIII.   The  First  Governor  of  the  State 287 

Chapter  IX.   Subsequent  Events 292 

Cha  pter  X.   Controversies 313 

Chapter  XI.   Promoter  of  Education 334 

Chapter  XII.   Character 353 

Appendix.   Notes,  Letters  and  Papers 383 


(5) 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Opposite 
pane 

Portrait  of  ex-Governor  Robinson,  taken  in  1894 Frontispiece 

Portrait  of  Sara  T.  D.  Lawrence,  taken  in  1847 39 

View  of  Lawrence  in  1854-55 121 

Portrait  of  Sara  T.  D.  Robinson,  taken  in  1857 158 

Portrait  of  the  Congressional  Committee 201 

Portrait  of  Robinson  and  Captain  "  Bill"  Martin  of  the  Kicka- 

poo  Rangers, — prisoner  and  keeper 205 

Portrait  of  Doctor  Robinson,  taken  in  Boston  in  1857 219 

View  of  "  Oakridge,"  the  Robinson  home 293 

Portrait  of  Sara  T.  D.  Robinson,  taken  in  1864 298 

Portrait  of  ex-Governor  Robinson,  taken  in  1872 301 

View  of  the  city  of  Lawrence  in  1899  304 

Portrait  of  Sara  T.  D.  Robinson,  taken  in  1898 310 

Bust  of  ex-Governor  Robinson,  in  the  University  Chapel 347 

View  of  the  University  of  Kansas  in  1901 350 


(6) 


INTRODUCTION. 


(v; 


INTRODUCTION. 


I. 

The  writer  of  this  biog-raphy  has  tried  to  tell  a  plain, 
unvarnished  story  of  the  life,  character  and  services  of  one 
of  the  foremost  men  in  the  struggle  to  make  Kansas  a  free 
State.  He  has  written  with  the  consciousness  that  if  only 
the  truth  were  told,  without  any  excessive  laudations  or 
evidence  of  hero-worship,  the  subject  of  this  book  would 
stand  out  as  a  prominent  character  in  Kansas  life,  with 
clearly  defined  and  important  relations  to  individuals,  po- 
litical parties,  and  to  the  community  at  large.  The  life 
and  character  of  Charles  Robinson  are  worthy  of  record. 
His  career  in  Massachusetts,  California  and  Kansas  not 
only  contains  lessons  for  men's  individual  lives,  but  in- 
volves questions  that  affect  human  society, —  questions 
which  are  of  moment  in  the  building  of  States  and  the 
protection  and  preservation  of  comnmnities. 

In  presenting  this  simple  biography  of  a  prominent  man, 
no  attempt  is  made  to  write  a  history  of  Kansas.  To  do 
this  would  involve  tedious  chronological  details  which 
could  not  be  incorporated  into  a  work  of  this  nature.  Yet 
it  is  impossible  to  portray  the  life  of  a  prominent  maker  of 
history,  one  who  was  closely  connected  with  the  stirring- 
events  of  his  time,  without  giving-  much  attention  to  the 
historical  background.  In  doing  this,  much  care  has  been 
taken  to  make  this  history  not  only  correct,  but  full  enough 

(9) 


10  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

to  be  free  from  the  faults  of  partial  knowledge  and  half- 
truths. 

IT. 

It  is  not  an  easy  task  to  write  a  biography  of  any  one 
of  the  prominent  characters  who  engaged  in  the  great 
struggle  for  freedom  in  Kansas, —  for  it  was  a  great  strug- 
gle, a  national  strngglo  localized, —  since  each  individual 
life  came  in  contact  with  nearly  every  phase  of  the  build- 
ing of  a  new  commonwealth  in  a  wilderness.  The  diffi- 
culty is  greatly  increased  on  account  of  the  confusion  of 
political  and  social  affairs.  People  of  every  variety  of 
political  opinion,  possessed  of  different  notions  of  govern- 
ment, having  different  personal  motives,  objects  and  am- 
bitions, came  from  every  part  of  the  Republic  to  mingle 
their  lives  and  their  ideas  in  social  union.  Here  were 
Democrats  of  every  shade  of  belief,  from  those  having 
liberal  views  on  slavery  to  the  most  radical  proslavery 
men ;  here  were  "WTiigs,  Free-State  men.  Independents, 
Free-Soilers,  and  Abolitionists, —  all  crow^ded  together 
under  the  pressure  of  an  intense  political  life.  Before 
any  permanent  government  or  social  order  could  be  estab- 
lished, these  men  of  widely  divergent  views  must  reach  a 
common  basis  of  action  regarding  government.  In  other 
w^ords,  they  must  become  socialized  before  an  effective  gov- 
ernment could  be  put  into  operation.  This  diverse  and 
shifting  life  of  intense  activity  left  its  impress  upon  those 
who  passed  through  it,  and  therefore  to  a  certain  extent  also 
upon  the  history  of  Kansas.  Strong  individuality  is  char- 
acteristic of  all  Kansas  history  that  has  yet  been  written; 
for  with  few  exceptions,  each  one  who  has  written  or  talked 
has  attempted  to  tell  the  story  with  his  own  individual  col- 


INTKODUCTION  11 

oring,  and  seldom,  especially,  has  a  writer  who  went 
through  the  straggle  succeeded  in  hiding  his  own  person- 
ality siijfficiently  to  write  impartial  history.  It  stands  to 
reason  that  if  each  of  ten  men  tells  the  same  story  in  a 
different  way,  each  coloring  it  by  his  own  personality  and 
viewing  the  facts  from  his  own  standpoint,  the  other  nine 
will  he  dissatisfied  with  his  account  and  will  criticize  it 
severely.  History  so  narrated  will  be  a  medley,  and  it  is 
upon  such  a  medley  that  the  student  of  Kansas  History  has 
to  look  at  present.  Yet  is  is  fortunate  that  so  many  who 
passed  through  the  struggle  have  told  the  story  as  they 
viewed  it,  and  unfortunate  that  many  others  allowed  life 
to  pass  without  writing  what  they  knew  of  early  Kansas 
history.  The  difficulty  of  collecting,  sifting,  comparing 
and  classifying  the  material  of  Kansas  history,  so  as  to 
make  a  judgment  just  and  fair  to  all,  is  therefore  great. 
The  large  historical  movements  are  tolerably  well  defined ; 
but  local  events  and  the  details  of  movements  which  can 
only  be  determined  by  the  corroborating  testimony  of 
eye-witnesses,  need  to  be  carefully  recorded  before  it  is 
too  late.  If  this  is  done,  perhaps  then  some  historian  will 
at  last  appear,  unbiased  in  judgment  and  keen  in  discrim- 
ination, who  will  eliminate  the  personal  element  from  his- 
tory, consider  faithfully  and  impartially  all  of  the  frag- 
ments, take  each  at  its  true  value,  and  weave  the  whole 
mass  into  one  presentable  continuous  narrative. 

Kansas  history  seems  at  present,  however,  to  be  in  the 
biographical  period.  Those  who  now  write  and  talk  upon 
the  subject  appear  to  be  chiefly  desirous  of  summing  up 
the  lives  and  characters  of  the  prominent  actors  in  the 
great  struggle  to  make  Kansas  free,  and  of  those  who  were 


12  LIFK    OF    CHiLRLES    ROBINSON 

influential  in  building  the  commonwealth.  And  it  is  well 
to  pause  and  find  out  truly  what  manner  of  men  engaged 
in  this  great  struggle,  and  what  they  stand  for  in  the  pro- 
cess of  state-building,  before  proceeding  to  unravel  the 
tangled  web  of  Kansas  history.  The  strong  individuality 
displayed  in  the  early  struggle,  the  fierce  controversies  that 
have  raged  since,  render  it  highly  necessary  that  the 
achievements  of  all  who  were  prominent  in  that  struggle 
shall  be  carefully  defined  in  order  tliat  the  historical  hori- 
zon may  be  cleared  of  clouds  of  error. 

The  chief  dangers  to  which  those  who  have  written 
about  the  early  history  of  Kansas  are  liable  to  fall  victim 
are  the  tendencies  to  personal  bias  of  the  writer,  ambition, 
and  hero-worship.  Little  that  has  been  written  of  Kansas 
is  without  at  least  one  of  these  defects.  Many,  indeed, 
have  perhaps  innocently  fallen  victims  to  current  errors, 
but  still  more  have  been  blinded  by  their  own  sympathies, 
which  have  fallen  like  a  curtain  over  their  intelligence 
paid  obscured  their  discriminating  power.  Others  have 
been  blinded  by  worshipping  at  the  shrine  of  their  heroes. 
Too  long  gazing  at  their  idols  has  dimmed  their  vision 
and  rendered  inaccurate  their  delineation.  Still  others, — 
and  this  is  the  characteristic  fault  of  some  who  played  a 
leading  part  in  the  early  struggle, —  possessed  of  vaulting 
ambition  to  be  regarded  as  the  greatest  among  their  peers, 
have  unconsciously  enlarged  upon  those  events  with  which 
their  own  lives  were  most  closely  connected.  Yet  in  all 
that  is  said  and  written  about  the  early  history  of  Kansas, 
there  is  something  of  truth,  whose  unmistakable  voice  is 
heard  more  clearly  as  time  and  the  passing  of  passion  and 
prejudice  render  us  more  familiar  with  events  and  men. 


INTBODTJCTION  13 

As  in  all  other  new  countries,  so  in  Kansas, —  hero- 
worship  is  a  prominent  feature  of  the  new  life  of  the  new 
State.  This  is  evident  in  the  early  as  well  as  the  late 
historical  writings,  and  it  will  he  a  long  time  before  it  is 
suffieientlj  eradicated  to  permit  the  writing  of  a  full  his- 
tory of  the  State  in  which  justice  is  meted  out  to  all  her 
sons  according  to  service.  The  strong  partisanship  was 
an  essential  outcome  of  the  variety  of  conditions  contingent 
upon  the  settlement  of  Kansas.  It  could  not  be  otherwise 
than  that,  where  men's  passions  were  deeply  stirred,  where 
each  one  was  put  to  his  utmost  tension  in  subduing  the 
soil,  fortifying  against  the  climate,  endeavoring  to  make 
the  land  habitable,  and  at  the  same  time  fighting  the  battles 
of  freedom,  intensity  of  desire  and  purpose  should  have 
characterized  every  movement.  Men  were  either  for  or 
against  men  and  measures ;  to  be  otherwise  was  to  be 
nothing.  To  be  strongly  in  favor  of  one  party  meant  a 
strong  opposition  to  all  men  or  parties  on  the  other  side. 
It  would  be  a  blessing  to  succeeding  generations  if  some 
one  well  versed  in  the  affairs  of  Kansas  could  obtain  accu- 
rate knowledge  of  all  that  was  done,  and  present  it  in  a 
fair,  impartial  and  wisely  judicial  way,  so  that  each  deed 
and  event  should  stand  out  clearly  in  its  proper  propor- 
tion and  relation  to  every  other,  and  each,  man  should  be 
given  full  credit  and  no  more  for  his  part  in  the  process 
of  state-making.  He  who  reads  all  of  what  has  been  writ- 
ten about  Kansas  history  from  the  many  different  stand- 
points will  find  that  the  men  who  made  Kansas  free  were 
many,  and  that  the  writer  who  attempts  to  show  that  one 
man  saved  the  State  has  read  the  history  only  in  part  or 
was  himself  an  actor  in  that  history,  and  is  moved  by  vain 


14  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

ambition  or  selfisli  motive.  When  impartial  history  cornea 
to  make  known  who  it  was  that  saved  Kansas  to  freedom, 
many  names  whicli  have  remained  in  obscurity  will  be 
illumined  witli  the  noble  lii^ht  of  patriotism,  and  others, 
of  the  YauntinjTf  and  boastful,  will  pass  into  deepest  ob- 
scurity. 

III. 

Yet  even  now,  vital  facts  of  Kansas  history  stand  out 
clearly  and  beyond  controversy.  One  of  the  most  impor- 
tant of  these  facts  is  the  result  produced  by  the  passage 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  The  immediate  effect  of 
this  bill's  becoming  a  law  was  to  open  the  Territory  to 
settlement  by  emigrants  from  various  States  in  the  Union. 
The  causes  of  emigration  were  two-fold:  first,  the  desire 
to  possess  free  lands  of  good  soil  and  in  a  country  having 
an  excellent  climate;  and  second,  the  desire  to  settle  the 
country  for  or  against  slavery.  The  long  controversy  be- 
tween the  slave-power  and  the  free  States  had  reached  a 
crisis.  By  a  decision  of  Congress  the  question  of  slavery 
was  to  be  henceforth  referred  to  the  settlers  of  new  Terri- 
tories for  its  final  adjustment.  This  meant  either  a  settle- 
ment at  the  ballot-box  or  a  passage  at  arms ;  perhaps  both, 
Kansas  became  a  pivotal  point  in  the  controversy  between 
freedom  and  slavery,  an  object  lesson  to  the  whole  country. 
People  rushed  in  from  the  Korth  to  make  Kansas  a  free 
State,  and  from  the  South  to  make  it  slave.  From  the  be- 
ginning, the  struggle  was  to  ascertain  which  side  could 
furnish  the  most  voters.  Whatever  some  might  hope  to 
accomplish  by  prowess,  planning  and  scheming,  the  Free- 
State  people  had  really  but  one  hope  of  victory,  and  that 


IlfTKODUCTION  15 

was  to  outnumber  tlie  Proslavery  voters.    This  they  finally 
succeeded  in  doing,  and  won. 

But  this  struggle  for  mastery  at  the  ballot-box  involved 
the  minor  struggle  for  land;  for  many  spurious  claims 
were  staked  out  by  non-residents,  chiefly  from  Missouri, 
who  hoped  to  hold  them  from  bona  fide  settlers  and  to  use 
them  as  a  pretended  place  of  residence  for  voting  purposes. 
N^or  was  this  struggle  for  land  a  small  factor  in  the  causing 
of  the  border  troubles.  Indeed,  the  getting  possession  of 
property  M'^as  to  some  of  far  gTeater  importance  than  the 
question  as  to  whether  the  State  should  be  slave  or  free. 
Following  this  rapid  settlement  of  the  Territory  came  the 
fraudulent  voting  of  the  proslavery  people  by  hordes  of 
voters  who  came  from  Missouri  to  outnumber  regular 
voters,  and  by  force  to  "  stuff "  the  ballot-boxes.  This 
caused  the  election,  by  unfair  means,  of  a  proslavery  Leg- 
islature which  made  odious  laws  offensive  to  Free-State 
men,  in  violation  not  only  of  the  spirit  of  the  Kansas- 
it^ebraska  Bill,  but  also  of  the  letter  of  the  organic  act 
which  opened  up  the  Territory.  Thereupon  the  Free-State 
men  openly  repudiated  this  Legislature  and  the  laws 
passed  by  it,  and  organized  opposition  to  it.  Incidents 
of  this  struggle  were  atrocious  murders,  invasions,  the 
sacking  of  towns,  and  robbing  and  plundering.  It  is  fair 
to  history  to  say  that  this  was  not  all  done  by  one  side. 
For  while  the  Free-State  men  desired  no  strife  and  en- 
tered upon  the  plan  of  non-attack,  they  did  not  adhere  to 
the  principle  or  practice  of  non-resistance,  but  soon  showed 
themselves  ready  and  willing  to  defend  their  property, 
lives  and  rights  to  any  necessary  extent.  The  Free-State 
men  were  a  fine  class  of  people,  but  they  were  not  all  saints 


16  LIFE    OF    CILAELES    ROBINSON 

by  any  means,  for  they  had  among  them  those  who  could 
encourage  and  even  perform  dastardly  deeds.  In  the  emi- 
gration to  a  new  country  it  usually  happens  that  many 
reckless  and  vicious  cliaracters  are  mingled  among  the  ma- 
jority of  worthy  and  substantial  people.  Surely,  Kansas 
was  not  an  exception  to  the  rule,  and  it  is  scarcely  possible 
that  all  of  this  class  should  have  hailed  from  Missouri  and 
the  South  and  none  from  the  Xorth.  Yet  for  earnestness 
of  purpose,  integi'ity  of  life,  and  desire  for  justice  and 
fairness  in  government,  there  is  no  comparison  between 
the  proslavery  and  antislavery  elements  in  Kansas.  The 
conduct  of  the  former  was  from  the  beginning  character- 
ized by  violence  and  fraud,  while  the  latter  in  the  main 
desired  liberty  and  justice  to  all. 

In  the  contest  that  followed  the  fraudulent  election,  the 
Free-State  men  showed  their  political  sagacity  by  adopt- 
ing tbe  so-called  Topeka  Constitution,  completing  an  or- 
ganization, applying  for  admission  to  the  Union,  and  thus 
keeping  their  forces  together.  By  this  means  they  defeated 
the  Proslavery  party,  preventing  the  adoption  of  the  Le- 
compton  proslavery  constitutions,  and  finally  causing  Kan- 
sas to  be  admitted  to  the  Union  under  the  Wyandotte 
Constitution.  The  change  of  national  administration  and 
the  Civil  War,  followed  by  the  abolition  of  slavery,  com- 
pleted what  the  Wyandotte  Constitution  lacked  of  making 
Kansas  a  free  State.  For  the  phrase  "  white  male  citizens 
of  twenty-one  years  of  age,"  still  stands  in  the  present 
State  Constitution  as  a  last  vestige  of  the  old  political 
struggle  over  Freedom  in  Kansas. 


INTKODUCTION  17 

IV. 

As  already  suggested,  no  little  controversy  has  arisen 
as  to  who  was  most  prominent  in  the  saving  of  Kansas  to 
freedom.  Plainly,  however,  it  was  the  body  of  able  men 
who  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder,  after  they  had  learned  the 
lesson  of  freedom,  persistently  insisting  that  Kansas  must 
be  admitted  into  the  Union  without  slavery.  While  there 
were  leaders  who  won  renown,  much  credit  is  due  to  many 
who  do  not  appear  prominently  in  history,  but  who  can 
answer  honorably  and  with  pride  when  the  long  roll  of 
heroes  is  called  by  the  future  historian  who  writes  the 
whole  of  Kansas  history.  As  to  the  Brown-Lane-Robinson 
controversy,  it  is  not  easy  to  get  at  the  whole  truth  and 
cause  each  man  to  stand  forth  in  his  true  light.  The  three 
men  were  entirely  different,  with  different  characteristics 
and  different  purposes.  Each  was  called  upon  to  play  a 
different  part  in  the  tragedy  of  freedom.  Hence,  granting 
that  each  one  was  sincere,  noble  and  brave,  it  would  be  a 
difficult  thing  to  make  a  comparison  of  the  three  on  the 
same  plane.  They  were  too  unlike,  both  in  good  and  bad 
traits,  to  admit  of  a  successful  classification  and  com- 
parison of  their  qualities,  and  of  their  influence  on  the 
great  national  struggle  between  Freedom  and  Slavery. 
Whether  this  is  equally  true  as  regards  the  relative  influ- 
ence of  each  in  the  smaller  struggle  to  make  Kansas  a 
free  State,  the  writer  has  attempted  to  say  fully  in  the 
body  of  the  work.     Here  a  few  words  must  suffice. 

For  two  years  Eobinson  was  the  resident  agent  of  the 

Emigrant  Aid  Company,  and  his  chief  duty  was  to  care 

for  the  affairs  of  the  company  in  Kansas,  and  especially 

to  look  after  the  emigrants  sent  from  New  England  and 
—2 


18  lAVF.    OK    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

other  parts  <tf  the  East,  and  to  see  tliat  there  was  estab- 
lished a  goveniiueiit  in  which  the  rij]jlits  of  all  citizens 
should  he  protected ;  hence  he  opposed  the  laws  illefijally 
made  by  an  illegallv  constituted  Legislature  elected  by 
fraud  and  violence.  Yet  he  did  not  wish  to  rebel  against 
the  legally  constituted  Federal  Government,  although  he 
felt  at  liberty  to  criticize  its  action  when  he  deemed  it 
wTOug.  While  he  did  not  hesitate  to  fight  when  necessary, 
bloodshed  and  violence  were  in  his  view  ever  to  be  avoided 
if  possible.  His  characteristic  was  cool,  deliberate  judg- 
ment, and  when  once  he  had  determined  upon  a  course  of 
action,  he  never  wavered  on  account  of  personal  conse- 
quences. 

Lane  came  to  Kansas  as  a  politician.  Almost  his  first 
act  after  arriving  in  the  Territory  of  Kansas  was  an  at- 
tempt to  organize  the  Democratic  party  for  political  pur- 
poses. From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  career  in 
Kansas,  political  ambition  was  his  ruling  passion.  It  did, 
indeed,  cause  him  to  do  many  brave  and  noble  things, 
but  it  also  caused  him  more  than  once  to  swerve  from  the 
path  of  justice  and  right;  and  finally,  disappointed  am- 
bition brought  him  to  an  untimely  death.  He  was  bold, 
passionate  and  impulsive,  and  his  impulsive  nature  and 
powerful  eloquence  were  of  service  in  keeping  up  enthusi- 
asm among  a  certain  element  of  Free-State  men.  He 
came  all  the  way  from  a  Proslavcry  to  a  Free-State  plat- 
form, for  he  was  keen  in  measuring  political  forces  and 
he  preferred  to  work  with  a  majority.  He  was,  neverthe- 
less, a  man  of  action,  and  whether  in  the  convention  hall 
or  open  field,  he  swayed  the  multitudes  by  the  momentum 
of  his  enthusiasm.     Often  did  his  fierce  plunges  compel 


INTRODUCTION  19 

the  cooler-headed  of  the  Free-State  men  to  nish  to  the 
re-scue  and  extricate  the  cause  from  a  perilous  position. 
While  only  the  hero-worshipper  can  approve  of  his  course 
in  many  of  his  devious  windings,  he  was,  nevertheless,  a 
power  in  the  building  of  the  State  and  must  be  reckoned 
wdth;  although  it  is  scarcely  safe  to  agree  with  some  of 
the  sweeping  declarations  of  his  eulogists. 

BroAvn  should  not  be  measured  as  a  Kansan,  for  his 
contact  with  Kansas  was  little  more  than  an  episode.  He 
should  be  considered  from  the  standpoint  of  a  larger  na- 
tional life.  What  he  accomplished  in  awakening  a  nation 
to  its  true  sense  of  danger  and  in  precipitating  a  great 
struggle  can  scarcely  be  measured.  Strange  and  myste- 
rious was  his  life,  and  strange  and  mysterious  was  his  in- 
fluence on  the  nation.  The  circumstances  of  his  death 
made  him  a  martyr  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  North. 
The  dignity  of  martyrdom  lifted  him  above  the  status  of 
an  ordinary  violator  of  the  law,  but  his  heroism  was  ac- 
companied by  fanatical  ideas  of  making  people  just  by 
killing  them.  Had  not  some  one  written  a  song  which 
was  subsequently  adapted  to  him  and  which  the  nation 
took  up  and  sang  from  ocean  to  ocean,  his  heroism  would 
have  passed  and  have  been  forgotten  as  did  the  heroism 
of  thousands  of  others  in  the  conflict  for  freedom,  or 
would,  at  best,  have  been  remembered  with  that  of  the  more 
ordinary  heroes  of  the  earth,  who,  in  their  quiet  way, 
did  what  they  considered  their  humble  duty.  But  he  has 
become  prominently  and  indissolubly  connected  with  one 
of  the  greatest  events  of  national  history,  and  this  fact 
alone  will,  of  course,  perpetuate  his  fame.  Brown  desired 
to  precipitate  a  rebellion  by  the  shedding  of  blood.     He 


20  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  BOBINSON 

wished  to  stir  up  a  war  that  would  never  cease  without  the 
liberation  of  slaves.  He  undoubtedly  hastened  the  coming 
of  the  Avar,  but  the  war  would  have  come  had  Brown  never 
b/een  bom.  In  Kansas  he  wished  to  fight,  and  did  so  when- 
ever opportunity  offered,^  While  he  struck  terror  to  the 
hearts  of  some  of  the  Proslavery  rufiians  of  the  border  by 
his  violent  massacre  and  his  persistent  savage  attacks  and 
resistance,  yet  he  was  soon  away,  and  left  the  Free-State 
settlers  of  Kansas  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  reaction  against 
bis  savage  course.  Verily,  without  attempting  to  detract 
from  his  greatness  as  a  national  character,  but  after  follow- 
ing in  detail  his  whole  connection  with  Kansas  and  all  the 
circumstances  connected  with  it,  one  is  inclined  to  say 
that  his  services  to  Freedom  in  Kansas  have  at  times  been 
overestimated. 

But  of  these  three  men  it  is  idle,  after  all,  to  ask  which 
is  the  greatest,  for  each  in  his  own  way  will  always  have 
his  admirers  who  will  find  in  him  noble  qualities  to  eulo- 
gize. If,  nevertheless,  the  question  be  asked,  "  Who  gave 
the  Free-State  cause  in  Kansas  the  best  service, — Brown 
the  hero,  Lane  the  soldier  and  politician,  or  Robinson  the 
man  and  governor?"  tbe  verdict  of  history  cannot  fail 
to  give  the  palm  to  Robinson,  tlie  man  and  governor,  about 
whom  centered  the  Free-State  forces.  But  of  these,  the 
most  prominent  characters  in  the  Kansas  struggle  for  free- 
dom, it  is  difficult,  as  before  indicated,  to  measure  one  by 
the  other;  for  Robinson  was  the  only  one  to  live  a  com- 
pleted life  and  to  round  out  his  years  in  the  fullness  of 
time;  while  one  of  the  remainder  met  death  at  his  own 
hands  and  the  other  was  hanged  for  treason.     In  settling 

1  See  Chapter  I. 


INTKODUCTION 


21 


personal  relations,  however,  and  the  claims  to  relative 
greatness  among  those  who  figured  prominently  in  early 
Kansas  history,  these  are  the  characters  that  must  be  most 

dealt  with. 

V. 

It  is  necessary  to  represent  the  life  of  Robinson,  not  only 
in  relation  to  the  public  actions  which  occurred  in  the 
building  of  a  commonwealth,  but  also  in  his  relations  to 
the  lives  and  characters  of  his  associates  in  the  important 
events  of  the  history  of  Kansas.  Whether  he  has  been 
entirely  successful  in  this  regard  or  not,  the  writer  has  at 
any  rate  tried  to  avoid  throwing  unjust  discredit  upon  the 
actions  of  others,  while  presenting  the  deeds  and  character 
of  Robinson.  Though  it  is  the  life  of  Charles  Robinson 
that  is  here  followed  in  detail,  yet  in  no  case  is  any  praise 
of  his  action  meant  to  throw  improper  discredit  upon  his 
contemporaries.  If  it  appears  that  undue  importance  is 
given  to  Robinson  when  mentioned  in  connection  with 
other  men,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Robinson  is  the 
subject  of  this  biography,  and  that  the  services  of  others 
are  not  ignored  if  not  eulogized.  If  Robinson,  Lane  and 
Brown  were  the  most  prominent  historical  characters  in 
the  early  struggle  for  freedom  in  Kansas,  there  were 
numbers  of  other  loyal  men  whose  unswerving  faithful- 
ness to  duty,  unflinching  courage,  and  acute  sufferings 
made  freedom  possible.  Call  the  roll  of  the  real  heroes 
of  Kansas,  and  the  angel  of  justice  will  respond  for  hun- 
dreds who  sleep  in  their  graves,  and  for  those  living  who 
are  too  modest  to  sing  their  own  praises.  How  absurd  it 
is,  then,  in  view  of  the  great  numbers  in  the  different 
types,  classes,  parties,  who  in  different  ways  rendered  efh- 


22  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

eient  service  to  Kansas, — how  absurd  to  hold  up  to  the 
jouth  of  the  laud  the  claim  that  one  man  saved  Kansas ! 
Yet  each  should  be  zealous  in  telling  of  the  valiant  deeds 
of  friends  and  foes,  that  the  uncompromising  truth  of  his- 
tory may  be  revealed.  In  this  connection  there  may  well 
be  quoted  a  saying  of  Governor  Robinson  in  an  address 
to  the  students  of  the  University  of  Kansas;  "  Who  saved 
Kansas  ?  Not  one  man,  nor  any  group  of  men  claiming  to 
be  leaders.  It  was  the  rank  and  file  of  the  common  citizens 
who  saved  the  State  to  freedom.  It  was  the  union  of  the 
people  in  a  common  cause  that  saved  the  State." 

How  time  is  this!  For,  notwithstanding  all  of  the 
struggle  and  confusion,  it  was  the  majority  at  a  ballot-box 
that  saved  the  State.  Kot  that  other  potent  influences 
were  not  prominent  in  bringing  this  about,  for  there  were 
many.  There  were  times,  too,  when  leaders  were  neces- 
sary, and  then  these  leaders  were  not  wanting.  But  here, 
as  elsewhere,  there  were  wise  and  unwise  leaders;  there 
were  those  who  by  their  folly  led  on  toward  destmction  and 
defeat,  as  well  as  those  who  led  toward  safety  and  victory. 
In  writing  this  biography  the  author  has  no  desire  to  make 
Robinson  a  greater  man  than  he  was.  The  only  thing  he 
has  sought  to  do  has  been  to  draw  a  truthful  picture  of 
all  that  this  man  was  and  did,  and  especially  to  emphasize 
his  public  services.  This  the  writer  has  endeavored  to  do 
faithfully,  with  the  sole  object  of  recording  history  truth- 
fully. 

Men  diifer  so  much  in  motive,  in  character,  and  in  life 
in  general ;  the  nature  of  their  service  varies  and  the  con- 
ditions under  which  they  struggle  are  so  dissimilar,  that 
comparisons  are  dangerous.     It  is  quite  impossible  to  de- 


iJrTKODUCTION 


23 


termine  whether  one  deed  is  greater  than  another,  until 
the  services  rendered  by  each  can  be  measured.  Who, 
then,  can  weigh  and  measure  greatness,  or  how  can  motive, 
or  duty,  or  character  be  estimated  ?  Or  who  can  measure 
sei-vices  and  strike  a  balance  between  two  important  deeds  ? 
There  is  no  dividual  essence  of  nobility,  no  ultimate 
analysis  of  real  greatness.  For  he  who  does  his  duty  has 
served  his  generation  well;  he  is  good  and  brave,  even 
though  the  consequences  of  his  service  are  small.  Would 
that  society  might  leara  to  recognize  faithful  service  as 
the  true  element  of  greatness  and  as  real  heroism !  Look- 
ing over  the  history  of  Kansas  and  considering  the  long 
list  of  names  enrolled  as  founders  and  builders  of  the 
State,  one  finds,  indeed,  that  some  have  had  more  potent 
influences  than  others,  not  only  because  of  greater  indi- 
vidual power  and  genius,  but  also  on  account  of  larger 
opportunity.  But  not  all  the  gloi-y  of  the  founding  and 
building  of  the  commonwealth  may  be  rightly  claimed  by 
the  leaders,  whether  self-constituted  or  whether  so  made 
})y  the  law  of  gravity  of  character  or  the  force  of  circum- 
stances. There  have  been  many  builders  of  the  common- 
wealth; great,  all  of  them,  in  tlie  results  of  their  work, 
for  it  took  the  cooperative  labors  of  them  all  to  achieve 
success  in  building  a  State  and  making  it  habitable  and 
desirable  for  free  men.  Let  us  therefore  ti-y  to  banish 
unjust  comparisons  from  our  minds  and  from  the  printed 
pa/^e,  and  endeavor  to  make  the  life  of  each  stand  alone 
upon  what  he  actually  did. 

While  it  not  easy  to  estimate  the  services  of  the  prom- 
inent leaders  in  early  Kansas  history,  it  is  even  more  diffi- 
cult to  determine  the  positions  of  those  worthy  ones  who 


24  LIFE   OF  CHARLES   ftOBINSON 

in  their  own  several  stations  of  life  did  their  whole  duty 
to  the  cause  of  freedom.  What  of  Wood,  Reeder,  Groodin, 
G.  W.  Brown,  Deitzler,  Walker,  Blood,  Cracklin,  Ewing, 
Parrott,  IST.  J.  Adams,  Anthony,  Woodward,  Thacher, 
Morrow,  Conwav,  Speer,  S.  C.  Smith,  Tappan,  Holliday, 
Learnard,  Legate,  Jenkins,  Moore,  Edward  Clarke,  and 
many  others  who  at  different  times  stood  firmly  for  Kan- 
sas, and  did  valiant  service  for  the  Free-State  cause? 
Their  deeds  of  valor  and  services  to  their  country  must 
not  be  overlooked  simply  because  thej  are  not  the  subjects 
of  this  story.  In  due  time  the  historian  will  record  their 
lives,  every  one  in  the  annals  of  the  State,  among  those 
who  served  their  country  well.  I^or  must  we  forget  the 
great  rank  and  file  of  settlers  and  patriots  who  acted,  suf- 
fered and  endured  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  though  they 
cannot  receive  justice  in  a  single  volume  confined  in  the 
main  to  a  single  course  of  events  respecting  what  one  man 
wrought.  Yet  the  joung  Kansan,  born  under  the  sunny 
skies  and  beneficent  influences  of  the  present  free  com- 
munity, looks  back  with  pride  iipon  these  actors  in  this 
tragedy  of  a  commonwealth,  whether  leaders  of  a  party 
of  people,  actors  in  legislative  halls,  or  sturdy  soldiers  in 
the  rank  and  file  of  life;  and  his  heart  burns  udth  en- 
thusiasm, and  his  cheek  glows  with  pride  as  he  ponders 
upon  this  early  struggle,  and  he  would  count  it  a  privilege 
to  be  numbered  among  the  least  of  these  worthy  patriots. 

VI. 

From  the  life  of  Charles  Robinson  much  of  the  early 
history  of  Kansas  radiates  in  every  direction  as  from  a 
common  center,  and  hia  biography  cannot  be  written  with- 


INTBODUCTION  25 

out  touching  history  at  many  points.  How  difficult  the 
task,  to  extract  from  the  great  mass  of  information  at 
hand  that  which  will  give  a  real  life-picture  of  the  man ; 
how  delicate  the  work  of  portraying  truthfully  all  that  he 
did  and  was  in  private  life  and  public  service!  In  this 
presentation  the  writer  has  endeavored  faithfully  to  abide 
by  the  rigid  and  unyielding  truth  as  it  appears  to  him 
after  a  careful  ^veighing  of  all  historical  evidence  at  his 
command.  Care  has  been  taken  not  to  write  into  the  life 
that  which  did  not  exist,  a  common  failing  of  biography 
and  a  difficulty  not  easily  avoided;  although,  perhaps, 
there  is  less  danger  here  than  elsewhere,  because  there  was 
no  ether  of  romance  enveloping  Robinson's  earnest  life, 
and  no  strange  mystery  about  his  going  and  coming  among 
his  fellows,  l^or  was  there  any  transcendent  genius,  l»r- 
dering  on  insanity,  that  rendered  his  life  and  nature  diffi- 
cult to  understand.  He  was  a  plain  man  of  the  people, 
with  an  earnest  character  which  inevitably  revealed  itself 
to  those  who  came  in  contact  with  his  daily  life.  He  fol- 
lowed closely  the  line  of  conscientious  duty,  without  fear 
and  regardless  of  consequences.  His  life  is  not  a  fit  sub- 
ject for  the  romancer  or  hero-worshipper.  But,  as  a  man 
who  did  his  duty  fearlessly  and  with  great  consequences 
to  the  community  and  the  State,  he  is  worthy  of  the  ad- 
miration of  Ills  fellow-citizens  and  the  affection  of  those 
whom  he  pei"Sonally  befriended.  He  who  writes  best  about 
Robinson  will  tell  without  embellishment  the  plain  stoiy 
of  his  life,  for  the  life  will  then  speak  for  itself,  its  real 
nature  and  its  lessons  of  wisdom. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  ROBINSON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY  LIFE. 

It  is  not  uncommon  for  men  of  great  importance  to 
Lave  made  no  remarkable  or  unusual  record  in  their  boy- 
hood days.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  case  with  Charles  Rob- 
inson. Born  in  the  town  of  Hardwick,  Massachusetts, 
July  21st,  1818,  his  early  life  was  that  of  the  ordinary 
New  England  youth  of  the  time.  Prosaic  and  simple  as 
this  life  was,  however,  there  were  in  it  certain  influences 
which  helped  to  shape  his  future.  And,  in  the  meager 
data  given  us  concerning  his  youth,  there  are  revealed 
many  characteristics  which  point  toward  the  sturdy  char- 
acter of  the  man. 

In  the  first  place,  Robinson  descended  from  sturdy  Xew 
England  stock.  His  father,  Jonathan  Robinson,  was  a 
farmer,  a  zealous  antislavery  man  of  decided  religious 
views,  who  traced  his  ancestry  to  the  John  Robinson  of 
Plymouth  Rock  fame ;  a  man  strong  and  uncompromising 
with  any  appearance  of  evil.  The  mother  of  Charles 
Robinson  was  Huldah  Woodward,  of  a  Xew  England 
family  not  prominent  in  the  records,  but  not  the  less 
for  that  reason  to  be  honored.  There  were  born  to  these 
parents  ten  children,  six  boys  and  four  girls,  to  whom  they 
desired  to  give  as  good  an  education  as  was  possible  in 
New  England  at  that  time. 

(27) 


28  LtVE   OF   CHARLES   ROBINSOJST 

Perhaps  the  homelife  in  New  England,  with  its  fru- 
gality, neatness,  discipline,  and  close  sympathy  between 
the  members  of  the  family,  was  the  most  important  factor 
in  the  education  of  the  times.  It  had  been  the  saving- 
fact  of  New  England  life,  as  it  was  to  be  of  that  larger 
life  that  was  to  move  westward  to  fill  the  valleys  and 
plains,  and  to  envelop  the  mountains  of  the  continent. 
What  a  line  of  sturdy  pioneers  have  emerged  from  the 
homes  of  New  England  and  gone  forth  to  subdue  the 
West! 

Their  home  was  a  most  hospitable  one  —  to  and  from 
it  friends  came  and  went.  In  the  simplicity  of  their  lives 
they  could  give  hearty  welcomes ;  the  gathering  of  warm 
friends  with  the  family  added  much  to  the  charm  of  the 
homelife.  The  genuineness  of  this  homelife  was  not  con- 
cealed by  the  artificiality  so  characteristic  of  modem  social 
life.  There  were  two  or  three  much-loved  cousins  who 
often  added  to  the  home  circle  their  sprightliness  and  af- 
fection. There  were  other  young  people,  too,  who  said 
they  always  chose  their  time  for  a  visit  at  father  Robin- 
son's during  vacations,  when  Charles  should  be  at  home, 
for  his  constant  love  of  joking  and  his  keen  repartee  added 
much  to  the  pleasure  of  their  visit.  There  was,  indeed, 
a  vein  of  humor  in  his  nature  which  the  stem  life-struggle 
too  often  suppressed  in  his  after  days.  He  frequently 
planned  little  home  concerts  which  were  always  a  joy,  for 
the  entertainment  of  guests. 

As'  might  be  expected  from  a  consideration  of  his  subse- 
quent life,  Charles  Robinson  was  a  lover  of  nature,  and 
very  fond  of  straying  off  by  himself,  to  sit  down  by  the 


EAELY  LIFE  29 

brook,  under  the  shadow  of  the  treses,  to  catch  its  sweet 
music  as  it  rippled  over  the  stones,  and  to  dream  of  future 
days  when  he  should  own  a  man's  place  and  bear  a  man's 
part  in  the  f^eat  struggle  of  life. 

The  religious  life  of  the  Robinson  home  was  well  regu- 
lated. Mr.  Tupper,  Congregational  minister,  was  always 
welcomed  to  the  family  circle,  and  until  the  close  of  Gov. 
Robinson's  life  he  was  always  spoken  of  with  great  affec- 
tion by  the  Governor.  The  mother  of  the  family  looked 
carefully  after  the  Sunday-school  lesson,  and  every  Satur- 
day night  the  flock  of  children  gathered  around  the  table 
to  learn  all  this  lesson  could  reveal  of  morals  and  religion. 
They  studied  the  lesson  out  of  the  Bible  with  the  little 
concordance  in  it,  so  well  known  to  the  mother,  aided 
by  the  light  thrown  upon  it  by  Barnes,  Greenleaf,  and 
McKnight.  She  could  point  out  the  beauties  of  the 
literary  style  of  the  Bible,  its  figures  and  expressions,  and 
as  a  daily  reader,  holding  the  great  Bible  in  her  lap,  she 
was  filled  with  the  blessed  spirit  of  Christ.  It  was  often 
remarked  by  her  children  that  they  had  never  seen  their 
mother  angry,  though  she  lived  to  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty-seven  years. 

Charles  was  bom  with  a  strong  will  and  a  defiant  tem- 
per. During  a  time  of  religious  awakening,  when  he  was 
about  sixteen  years  of  age,  he  thought  deeply  and  rever- 
ently, and  at  last  came  to  the  conclusion  that  his  will  must 
be  controlled,  that  he  must  not  yield  to  his  temper  again. 
A  turning-point  had  been  reached,  and  a  change  came  into 
hie  life.  His  mother's  admonitions,  his  minister's  kind 
advice  and  Mr.   Stone's  life-giving  presence  had  accom- 


30  LIKE  OF  CHARLES  KOBINSON 

plished  a  transfonnatlon.  He  bound  to  his  heart  the 
motto  which  he  loved  : 

"  The  Upaa  tree  when  riven, 

Perfumes  the  ax  which  laid  it  low. 
Let  man,  who  hopes  to  be  forgiven, 
Forgive  and  bless  his  foe." 

And  he  promised  daily  consecration  of  the  best  that  was 
in  him  to  holy  living.  The  result  of  this,  his  first  and 
only  great  religious  awakening,  was  to  make  life  and  re- 
ligion henceforth  identical  with  him. 

After  the  New  England  custom,  young  Robinson's  at- 
tendance on  church  was  rc^gular.^  He  took  his  place  in  ihe 
village  choir,  playing  the  clarinet,  an  instrument  of  which 
he  was  then  very  fond  and  which  afforded  him  much 
pleasure  in  after  life.  Later  in  life,  however,  he  severed 
hie  formal  connection  with  the  church.  To  show  the 
change  that  subsequently  came  over  his  religious  beliefs, 
it  may  not  be  out  of  place  here  to  refer  to  a  few  events, 
insignificant  in  themselves  but  of  great  importance  as  in- 
dicating this  change. 

A  small  hamlet,  named  Storrsville,  had  sprung  up  at 
the  adjoining  comers  of  four  towns.  For  the  accoiumoda- 
tion  of  the  people  a  school-house  and  an  unpretentious 
church  were  built  at  the  center  of  the  village.  As  this  vil- 
lage was  nearer  the  Robinson  home  than  was  Hard  wick, 
which  was  situated  in  the  opposite  direction,  the  Robinson 
family  turned  their  steps  thithenvard  on  Sundays  and  on 
other  days  of  religious  worship  or  festival.  But,  as  time 
went  on,  the  little  group  of  Congregationalists  found  it 

1 A8  one  carriage  was  not  sufficient  to  carry  the  entire  family,  young  Bobinaon  found 
it  necessary  to  walk.  Thus,  with  work  ou  the  farm,  with  journeying  to  and  from  school 
and  church,  he  had  sufficient  opportunity  for  erercise. 


BAELY  LIFE  31 

difficult  to  pay  their  minister  and  maintain  services  at 
Storrsville.  Finally  the  minister  was  invited  to  become 
the  pastor  of  the  church  at  Dana,  one  of  the  four  towns 
whose  little  corner  had  been  taken  np  by  Storrsville,  and 
the  church  members  were  to  be  transferred  to  Dana  with 
their  pastor.  But  as  Charles  Robinson  was  attending 
school  at  Hardwick,  his  name  was  left  upon  the  church 
rolls  at  Storrsville.  Subsequently,  in  tbe  year  1852,  when 
Robinson  was  practicing  medicine  at  Fitchburg,  he  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  pastor  of  the  chnrch  at  Dana  ask- 
ing him  to  come  over  and  state  his  views  and  belief  and 
take  a  letter  to  the  Fitchburg  church,  "  if  he  should  prove 
worthy  to  receive  it."  Dr.  Robinson  complied  with  the 
request,  and,  accompanied  by  Rev.  Elnath.an  Davis,  pastor 
of  the  Fitchburg  cliurch,  "  a  most  gifted  man,  full  of  the 
spirit  of  peace  and  good-will,"  went  to  Dana  to  be  exam- 
ined and  to  receive  his  letter.  The  questions  were  those 
which  are  sometimes  asked  of  young  ministers  in  the 
church  of  the  present  day.  They  were  chiefly  as  follows: 
^'  Do  you  believe  in  God  ?  Do  you  believe  the  Bible  is 
inspired,  every  word  of  it  ?  Do  you  believe  in  future  pun- 
ishment ?  Do  you  believe  in  the  Atonement  ?  "  and  various 
other  questions  concerning  predestination,  election,  and 
free  will.  Dr.  Robinson  answered  these  questions  in  his 
own  way,  which  indicated  the  independence  of  his  i*elig- 
ious  belief,  and,  as  it  appears,  severed  his  formal  relation- 
ship with  the  church,  for  he  never  afterward  formally 
united  with  any  church  organization,  although  he  favored 
all  denominations  as  agencies  for  good.  His  answers  to 
the  questions  asked  were  essentially  these: 

"  I  believe  in  God,  the  maker  of  all  things,  who  still 


32  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

abideth  in  all  things.  In  liini  we  live  and  move  and  have 
our  being." 

"  I  believe  the  Bible  inspired,  so  far  as  it  is  tnith. 
As  a  history  of  the  Jews,  many  legends  are  woven  into 
it-s  story,  and  many  statements  which  no  thoughtful  man 
can  believe  tnie." 

"  I  believe  every  man  will  receive  his  reward  for  every 
deed  done  in  the  body,  and  there  is  no  escape  from  the 
penalty  of  sin.  Every  human  being  must  listen  and  fol- 
low the  inner  voice  implanted  in  him  by  the  great  Creator, 
and  look  upon  his  life  as  a  heavenly  mission." 

"  The  Atonement  is  the  At-one-ment  of  the  great  Father 
with  all  his  children.  They  learn  by  following  the  blessed 
life  of  Christ  how  to  become  one  with  him,  as  he  is  one 
with  the  Father.  Were  they  not  free  to  follow  this  most 
inspiring  exhortation,  it  would  be  most  cniel." 

Nothing  more  was  ever  heard  of  that  little  examination 
of  Dr.  Robinson  before  the  pastor  at  Dana,  and  for  any- 
thing he  ever  knew,  his  name  may  yet  stand  alone  on  the 
old  Storrsville  church  records,  in  that  little  decaying  ham- 
let, which  in  its  loneliness  seems  almost  to  be  forgotten 
of  God. 

He  had  one  great  sorrow  in  those  early  days,  by  which 
he  was  much  influenced.  He  was  exceedingly  fond  of  hie 
eldest  brother,  John,  who  was  twenty-five  years  old,  a  man 
of  fine  presence  and  excellent  countenance,  tall  and  com- 
manding. Charles  often  wished  as  he  looked  at  his  broth- 
er's beauty  of  form  and  figure,  that  he  might  grow  up  to 
be  as  well  formed  as  this  brother.  Early  in  life  John 
thought  the  time  had  come  for  him  to  leave  New  England 
and  to  try  his  fortune  in  other  lands.      So,  one  bright 


EAELY   LIFE  33 

autumn  day  lie  bade  them  all  good-by.  It  was  hard  for 
the  mother  to  say  the  last  words  and  look  her  last  upon 
her  stalwart  son,  as  he  took  his  leave  to  go  to  Xew  Orleans. 
One  letter  came  to  them  from  Cincinnati,  which  an- 
nounced that  he  was  well,  and  expected  to  leave  soon  for 
New  Orleans ;  but  they  never  heard  from  him  again,  and 
though  sometimes  some  little  clue  would  be  given  whereby 
they  hoped  to  learn  of  him,  no  word  ever  came,  and  to 
them  all  it  was  a  lifelong  sorrow,  especially  to  the  younger 
brother,  who  had  taken  such  a  pride  in  the  eldest  bom. 

It  was  exceedingly  fortunate  that  Jonathan  Eobinson 
was  zealous  concerning  the  education  of  his  numerous 
family.  Young  Robinson  was  sent  to  the  private  school 
in  his  native  town,  which  was  situated  about  three  miles 
from  his  home.  Here,  under  the  tutorage  of  a  certain 
Mr.  Goldsbury,  he  made  rapid  progress  in  the  elementary 
branches.  Mr.  Goldsbury  was  a  Universalist  preacher, 
and  he  possessed  the  happy  faculty  of  teaching  mathe- 
matics well.  His  pupils  grew  strong  imder  his  instruction. 
Subsequently,  a  Mr.  William  B.  Stone,  a  student  from 
Amherst,  taught  the  neighborhood  school,  and  succeeded 
in  arousing  in  yoimg  Robinson  much  enthusiasm  for 
study.  This  was  the  real  beginning  of  his  career,  for 
under  the  direction  of  this  able  instructor  his  mind  began 
to  show  independence   and   originality  of  thought. 

The  pleasant  little  district  school-house  among  the  trees 

near  the  roadside  was  only  a  fcAv  rods  from  Mr.  Robinson's 

farm-house,  hence  it  was  convenient  for  Mr.  Stone  to  make 

his  residence  in  the  Robinson  home.     He  was  essentially 

a  good  man,  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the 

times,  and,  while  using  every  energy  to  educate  himself 
—  3 


34  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

for  the  hi^li  purposes  of  life,  he  was  careful  to  ^ive  aid  to 
those  about  him.  Hence,  his  daily  pi-esence  in  the  house 
was  of  untold  benefit  to  all  the  members. 

In  the  Robinson  home  there  was  much  conversation  on 
all  matters  which  were  then  filling  the  public  mind ;  mat- 
ters so  engrossing  that  life  seemed  to  be  absorbed  in  them. 
Among  other  vital  questions  were :  How  should  the  coun- 
try free  itself  from  the  strong  grasp  of  slavery;  how 
should  intemperance  be  suppressed ;  how  should  the  grow- 
ing youth  of  the  country  come  to  the  estate  of  manhood 
and  womanhood,  noble  and  self-sacrificing,  pure  in  heart 
and  pure  in  all  things  relating  to  themselves  ?  Mr.  Stone 
was  an  apostle  of  good  not  only  in  the  home,  but  in  the 
neighborhood.^  Temperance  practices  were  strongly  ad- 
vocated. Cold  water  as  it  came  sparkling  from  the  clear 
founts  of  God  was  the  only  beverage  tolerated.  Even  the 
elder  Robinson  gave  up  drinking  his  cider,  which  he  had 
thought  quite  necessary  to  his  happiness.  Through  the  in- 
fluence of  such  a  character,  they  unconsciously  began  to 
follow  very  closely  Mr.  Emerson's  motto,  "  Plain  living 
and  high  thinking."  Physical  laws  were  to  be  kept  un- 
broken as  well  as  moral  and  intellectual,  and  health  would 
be  the  reward. 

At  the  age  of  seventeen  young  Robinson  was  sent  to  the 
Hadley  Academy.^  While  he  had  sufficient  help  to  enable 
him  to  utilize  the  advantages  of  education,  he  was  thrown 
sufficiently  upon  his  own  resources  to  make  him  develop  a 
sturdy  independence  and  a  manly  character.    For  as  eight 

1  See  Appendix  A,  note  (a). 

It  l3  but  a  few  years  sine*  the  Cambrid^je  (Massachusetts)  papers  paid  a  glowing 
tribute  to  his  talent  in  teaching,  and  to  his  graat  moral  worth.  On  his  last  visit  to  New 
Englaud  Go?ernor  Bobinsou  said  to  Mr.  Stone,  "All  that  I  am  I  owe  to  you." 

^See  Appendix  A,  note  (&). 


EARLY  LIFE  35 

Other  cliiklren  graced  the  home  of  Jonathan  Robinaon,  it 
now  became  necessary  for  the  youth  o£  seventeen  to  begin 
in  some  measure  to  shift  for  himself ;  a  great  privilege  to 
the  boys  of  olden  times,  and  a  fashion  which  has  not  quite 
gone  out  in  modern  days.  After  a  year  at  Hadley,  Rob- 
inson entered  Amherst  Academy,  where  he  again  exercised 
the  privilege  of  self-support.  The  authorities  gave  him 
the  privilege  of  making  the  new  desks  and  seats  for  the 
use  of  the  academy.  Therefore  in  the  basement  of  the 
building  was  established  a  workshop  wherein  he  wrought 
at  carpentry  to  pay  tuition,  and  where  he  at  intervals 
pondered  over  the  principles  of  philosophy.  Subsequently, 
while  pursuing  his  studies,  he  taught  three  winter  schools, 
respectively  at  l^orth  Hadley,  West  Brookfield,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  at  ISTorwieh,  Connecticut. 

It  was  but  a  step  from  Amherst  Academy  to  Amherst 
College,  although  he  had  not  completed  the  full  course  at 
the  academy.  After  remaining  in  Amherst  College  for  a 
year  and  a  half  his  eyes  failed,  and  he  found  it  necessary 
to  walk  to  Keene,  ISTew  Hampshire,  forty  miles  away,  to 
apply  to  Dr.  Twitchell  for  medical  aid.  Always  on  the 
lookout  for  opportimities,  as  every  youth  must  be,  he  con- 
cluded to  accept  an  invitation  to  study  medicine  under 
Dr.  Twitchell.  Possibly  it  might  have  been  better  had  he 
remained  at  the  academy  and  subsequently  at  the  college 
until  botli  courses  were  completed,  before  entering  upon 
his  medical  studie-s.  However,  he  did  what  many  another 
X)erson  has  done,  who,  lacking  the  proper  direction  of 
others,  seeks  his  own  course,  abandoning  conventional  cur- 
ricula, and  succeeding  in  his  own  way. 

After  remaining  with  Dr.  Twitchell  six  months  he  at- 


36  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    EOBINSON 

tended  medical  lectures  at  Pittsfield,  Massachnsetts.  Dr. 
Childs,  who  afterward  became  Li  on  ten  ant-Governor  of 
Ma B&aehn setts,  was  tlien  president  of  the  institute.  After 
the  course  of  lectures  was  completod  at  Pittsfield,  he  stud- 
ied for  a  time  with  Dr.  Gridley  at  Amherst,  and  siihse- 
qiientlj  attended  lectures  at  Woodstock,  Vermont.  Dr. 
Rush  Palmer,  much  celebrated  in  his  day  as  an  eminent 
physician  and  lecturer,  was  at  the  head  of  the  Woodstock 
institution.  Robinson  finally  returned  to  Dr.  Gridley  and 
remained  with  him  until  his  medical  education  was  com- 
pleted. His  educational  career  would  be  considered  er- 
ratic for  a  medical  student  of  the  present  day,  but  it  served 
to  give  a  full  medical  education  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  times.  His  peripatetic  education,  so  far  as 
possible,  furnished  what  the  youth  of  to-day  finds  concen- 
trated in  the  modem  medical  college  with  hospital  at- 
tached. It  appears  at  least  that  this  education  was  suffi- 
ciently thorough  for  a  most  successful  medical  practice. 

In  1843  Dr.  Robinson  commenced  the  practice  of  medi- 
cine at  Belchertown,  Massachusetts.^  The  town  was  of  the 
old  New  England  type,  covering  a  large  area,  being  four- 
teen miles  long  and  twelve  miles  wide.  Dr.  Robinson's 
practice  was  very  large,  and  as  the  town  was  situated  in  a 
hilly  district  in  Hampshire  county,  his  numerous  visits  re- 
quired excessive  labor.  Wlien  he  was  fairly  settled  at  Bel- 
chertown, he  at  once  took  his  place  as  an  active  citizen  of 
the  town.  He  used  the  profession  of  medicine  as  a  means 
of  educating  the  people.  He  never  failed  in  his  practice 
to  give  valuable  hints  as  to  what  course  of  living  would 
give  them  health,  and  advised  them  that  it  was  better  to 

^  See  Appec<Ji2  A,  note  (c). 


EAKLY  LIFE  37 

keep  well  than  tx>  send  for  a  physician  to  cure  them  of 
disease.  He  tried  to  impress  upon  them  the  fact  that 
health  of  body,  as  of  soul,  was  intrusted  to  their  own  keep- 
ing,—  hence  they  should  learn  thoroughly  the  laws  that 
govern  both.  There  were  many  families  that  looked  to 
him  for  guidance,  rather  than  for  medicines.  He  never 
joined  the  Medical  society,  because  he  could  not  accept  its 
cast-iron  rules;  for  he  felt  that  he  had  the  right  as  a 
physician  to  learn  from  any  practitioner  of  any  school, 
what  was  best  for  poor  ailing  humanity,  and  when  he  met 
his  old  instructor.  Dr.  Childs,  at  Pittsfield,  and  the  latter 
rallied  him  upon  his  absence  from  the  medical  meeting 
at  Fitchburg,  his  reply  was  simply,  "Am  I  not  following 
out  your  teachings  ?  " 

Dr.  Robinson  was  interested  in  the  town  schools,  and 
was  soon  placed  upon  the  School  Committee.  He  identi- 
fied himself  with  the  people,  and  was  often  at  the  little 
literary  circle.  To  its  program  he  frequently  contributed 
some  fspicy  article  which  would  occasion  much  discussion. 
He  was  a  frequent  attendant  at  the  Sunday-school 
teachers'  meetings,  and  a  constant  worker  for  temper- 
ance. Then,  as  later  on,  he  found  the  question  of  tem- 
perance a  difficult  one  to  deal  with.  In  the  solution  of  the 
problem  he  insisted  on  justice  to  all.  If  the  selling  of 
strong  drink  at  the  hotels  could  not  be  stopped,  why  should 
poor  old  Captain  Burt  be  prosecuted  in  his  little  workshop, 
where  he  sold  an  occasional  glass  to  a  poor  neighbor  ? 

Just  at  tliis  time,  John  W.  I^oyes  was  preaching  the  new 
salvation  from  sin;  that  all  days  were  holy  time;  that 
the  injunction,  "  Be  ye  perfect,  as  also  your  Father  in 
Heaven  is  perfect,"  could  it  not  be  obeyed,  would  not  have 


38  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    EOBINSON 

been  given.  There  was  a  hanilfnl  of  people  at  Belclier- 
town  who  had  beeome  much  interested  in  Noyes's  preach- 
ing. 'Noyes  was  well  educated,  being  a  graduate  of  New 
Haven  Divinity  School,  and  he  exercised  much  influence 
over  his  followers.  They  held  their  little  meetings,  and 
occasionally  the  stroke  of  the  hammer  was  heard  in  their 
dwellings  on  Sunday.  But  the  minister  of  the  Belcher- 
town  Congregational  Church  was  not  a  broad-minded 
man;  hence,  he  would  not  ]et  the  poor  harmless  people 
rest  unmolested  in  their  beliefs  and  practices.  Law-and- 
order  meetings  were  called,  and  much  angry  spirit  was 
aroused.  Dr.  Robinson's  sympathies  were  with  the  perse- 
cuted Perfectionists,  as  those  who  knew  him  might  well 
suppose,  and  he  was  glad  when  one  after  another  they  fol- 
lowed Noyes  to  Oneida,  New  York,  and  quiet  reigned 
again  in  that  lovely  hill  town. 

At  this  juncture  an  event  occurred  which  was  of  vital 
importance  to  Dr.  Robinson.  He  was  summoned  to  attend 
the  daughter  of  Myron  A.  Lawrence.^  Miss  Lawrence, 
while  at  school,  had  met  with  a  severe  accident,  having 
fallen  upon  some  steps  with  such  violence  as:  to  injure  her 
spine.  Her  natural  vigor  had  declined,  and  a  sympathetic 
blindness  had  set  in.  Various  physicians  had  exercised 
their  skill  upon  her  to  bring  back  her  health,  with  not  very 
good  success.  One  evening  in  the  late  autumn  of  1843, 
the  lamps  had  been  lighted  and  the  family  of  Mr.  Law- 
rence were  taking  their  supper,  thus  leaving  the  little  girl 
alone,  lying  on  the  large  sofa  in  the  sitting-room,  to  watch 
the  firelight  in  the  fireframe  and  dream  her  dreams.  She 
was  thinking  of  the  days  to  come,  whether  they  were  to 

'See  Appendis  A,  note  (d). 


SARA  T.   D.   LAWRENCE,    1847. 


EARLY   LIFE  39 

be  for  lier  many  or  few;  whether  they  were  to  be  days 
of  tiresome  inactivity,  perhaps  even  of  hopeless  invalidism. 
All  at  once  there  was  a  gentle  ringing  of  the  doorbell,  a 
quick  step  in  the  hall,  and  then  the  door  into  the  sitting- 
room  was  opened  almost  instantly  and  Dr.  Gridley  of  Am- 
herst walked  in.  He  said  "  Good  evening,"  to  the  little 
girl  as  he  came  toward  the  sofa,  but  she  made  no  reply. 
With  the  firelight  only,  and  her  weakened  sight,  she  coiild 
not  at  first  tell  who  the  gentleman  was.  Then  he  said, 
"Well,  don't  you  know  me — Dr.  Gridley?  And  I  have 
come  to  introduce  you  to  your  new  doctor — Dr.  Robinson." 
There  was  a  brief  consultation  over  the  case,  and  Dr. 
Gridley's  suggestion  to  send  to  Boston  for  Spanish  leeches 
was'  followed  out.  The  next  night  after  they  had  been 
used,  they  crawled  out  of  their  bottle  and  under  the  thin 
muslin  cover,  and  went  to  their  death  in  the  bed  of  coals 
raked  up  on  the  hearth.  At  least  so  it  was  supposed,  for 
they  were  never  seen  more.  When  the  young  doctor  made 
his  next  visit  he  said  he  thought  blisters  and  cups  and 
leeches  had  been  given  sufficient  trial.  Would  it  not  be 
better  to  try  some  new  methods,  less  wearing  upon  the 
nervous  system  ?  Accordingly,  Dr.  Robinson  made  a 
quick  journey  to  Hartford  and  came  home  at  evening 
well  satisfied  with  his  purchase  of  a  galvanic  battery. 
There  was  immediate  gain  from  this  change  of  treatment, 
and  it  continued  to  be  rapid  and  sure.  The  young  Miss 
Lawrence  regained  her  health,  and  years  after  became  the 
wife  of  her  successful  physician. 

Dr.  Robinson  threw  his  whole  zeal  and  energy  into 
his  work  at  Belchertown,  which  proved  to  be  a  great  strain 
on  his  not  over-rugged  constitution.     Consequently,  in  the 


4:0  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

spring'  of  1845  he  went  to  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  and 
there  opened  a  hospital  for  practice.  In  conducting  this 
hospital  he  associated  with  him  Dr.  J.  G.  Holland,  a  well- 
read  physician,  and  subsequently  widely  known  on  account 
of  his  literary  career.  He  was  a  native  of  Belchertown, 
and  had  been  a  room-inate  of  Dr.  Robinson  at  Pittsfield, 
where  the  two  became  well  acquainted.  Dr.  Holland  was 
a  fine  singer  and  a  most  companionable  man,  but  not  a 
very  successful  practitioner.  His  literary  career  is  well 
known,  as  he  was  the  writer  of  many  books,  and  the  first 
editor  of  Scribner's  Monthly. 

While  at  Springfield,  Dr.  Robinson  found  it  impossible 
to  confine  his  work  to  hospital  practice,  and  so  his  visits 
extended  far  and  wide  in  Springfield  and  the  surrounding 
towns  within  a  radius  of  twenty  miles. 

In  the  summer  of  1843,  soon  after  he  commenced  prac- 
ticing at  Belchertown,  Dr.  Robinson  was  married  to  Miss 
Sarah  Adams,  of  Brookfield,  Massachusetts.  Two  children 
were  bom  to  them,  both  dying  in  infancy.  On  the  17th  of 
January,  1846,  while  he  was  practicing  at  Springfield,  his 
wife  passed  from  this  life.  This  loss  had  a  lasting  effect 
upon  his  character,  and  appears  to  have  changed  the  entire 
course  of  his  life. 

Failing  in  health  on  account  of  excessive  practice  and 
broken  in  spirit  on  account  of  his  severe  loss,  he  was  in- 
duced, in  the  spring  of  1846,  to  leave  Springfield  and  go 
to  Fitchburg,  where  his  brother  Cyrus  was  located.^  He 
at  once  entered  into  the  life  and  activity  of  the  town,  doing 
with  his  might  what  his  hand  found  to  do.  It  was  healing 
for  his  spirit,  for  it  was  ever  his  method  to  find  cure  for 

iSoe  Appendix  A,  note  (*). 


EARLY  LIFE  41 

Lis  own  sorrows  in  active  work  for  others.  His  love  of 
music  now  led  him  to  become  the  first  bass  sing^er  in  Rev. 
Mr.  Davis's  church.  When  possible  he  met  with  the  choir 
at  rehearsal,  and  onoe  a  week  with  the  sin^rs  at  some 
private  house.  Many  young  men,  just  commencing  prac- 
tice in  law  or  medicine,  had  located  in  the  town,  and 
other  young  men  fresh  from  school  were  glad  to  unite  with 
them  in  a  weekly  debating  lyceum  which  interested  itself 
in  all  important  matters  of  a  public  nature.  The  t^wn 
hall  contained  a  full  audience  when  Dr.  Robinson  was 
known  to  be  one  of  the  debaters,  for  he  often  had  a  way 
of  looking  at  the  subject  which  was  quite  novel  to  his 
hearers.  It  was  there  he  became  fully  convinced  that  to 
make  men  temperate,  not  only  in  what  they  should  drink 
but  what  they  should  eat,  and  in  all  matters  of  living, 
they  must  be  educated  in  the  laws  of  their  being,  and  learn 
to  obey  them.  They  must  realize  that  to  break  one  of  these 
laws  is  to  break  a  law  of  God,  and  there  can  be  no  escape 
from  its  penalty.  About  this  time  he  became  a  charter 
member  of  the  Sons  of  Temperance,  and  gave  the  order 
his  hearty  support. 

In  Fitchburg  he  was  one  of  the  School  Committee,  and 
at  this  time  there  were  some  little  mischievous  boys  there 
who  g-^ave  the  teachers  much  trouble.  The  teachers  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  punishing  was  of  no  more  use, 
and  were  at  a  loss  to  Imow  what  to  do  to  make  them  obey 
the  laws  of  the  school,  when  Dr.  Robinson  said,  "  Send  the 
unruly  boys  to  me."  I^ot  one  of  them  ever  came  twice. 
We  do  not  know  what  was  said,  but  they  were  doubtless 
v/ords  convincing  them  that  they  were  working  for  their 
own  hurt,  words  of  persuasion  that  only  in  themselves  lay 


42  LIFE    OF    CHAKXES    KOBINSON 

the  power  to  be  dutiful  scholars  in  school,  obedient  bojs 
at  home,  and  respected  citizens  when  they  should  take  their 
part  on  the  stage  of  action.  The  light  upon  their  faces  as 
they  went  out  of  the  house  was  very  different  from  their 
sullen  look  when  they  came  in,  showing  that  new  thoughts 
had  taken  possession  of  them. 

It  appears  that  wherever  Dr.  Itobinson  went,  he  soon 
became  overburdened  with  excessive  practice.  This  was 
tnie  at  Fitchburg  to  such  an  extent  that  he  was  soon  worn 
out  with  the  duties  of  his  profession.  Night  sweats  and 
a  severe  cough  which  now  attacked  him  indicated  his 
critical  condition.  While  he  was  casting  about  what  to  do 
for  his  health,  thoughts  of  a  trip  to  California  were  prom- 
inent in  his  mind.  Ahout  this  time  a  company  was  being 
formed  in  and  around  Boston  for  an  overland  trip  to  Cali- 
fornia. The  first  party  to  set  out  for  San  Francisco  from 
Boston  and  central  Massachusetts  had  sailed  in  Januai^, 
via  Cape  Horn.  The  success  of  Dr.  Robinson  as  a  prac- 
ticing physician  and  his  wide  reputation  in  different  parts 
of  Massachusetts  caused  the  Boston  Company  to  accept 
him  gladly  as  the  company's  physician  on  their  route  to 
California.  So,  on  March  19th,  1849,  he  started  out  with 
the  first  company  from  Boston  to  the  Golden  Gate,  passing 
through  St.  Louis  and  overland  through  Kansas.  The 
adventures  of  this  trip,  many  of  which  border  on  the  ro- 
mantic and  even  mar\^elous,  will  be  recited  in  another 
chapter.^ 

'  See  Chapter  II. 


CALIFORNIA    ADVENTURES  43 


CHAPTER  II. 


CALIFORNIA    ADVENTURES. 

An  incident  in  tlie  life  of  Robinson  is  about  to  occur 
which  will  change  his  entire  future.  In  a  peculiar  way 
he  is  to  become  interested  in  the  emigration  to  Cali- 
fornia.^ For  it  was  at  this  time  the  whole  countiy  was 
aroused  by  the  discovery  of  gold  in  that  country.  Men 
evei'ywhere  caught  the  fever,  and  were  hurrying  westward 
in  the  vain  endeavor  to  be  first  in  locating  mining  claims. 
Not  only  the  adventuresome  West  but  the  staid  East  was 
stirred  with  unbounded  enthusiasm.  Thousands  from 
every  part  of  the  United  States  took  up  the  long  journey 
overland  to  the  new  El  Dorado,  or  by  boat  passed  by  way 
of  the  Isthmus,  or  by  steamer  "  round  the  Horn,"  to  San 
Francisco.^ 

In  the  winter  of  1849  a  party  Avas  formed  in  and 
around  Boston  for  the  purpose  of  emigrating  and  settling 
in  California.  "  This  party  was  composed  of  men  of  all 
classes  and  professions,  including  tradesmen,  clerks,  manu- 
facturers, mechanics,  farmers,  and  laborers.  It  was  organ- 
ized in  the  form  of  a  militai-y  company,  with  a  full  list  of 
officers  from  captain  down.  The  privates  and  non-commis- 
sioned officers  wore  gray  uniforms,  while  the  commissioned 
officers  wore  navy  blue.  An  assessment  was  made  upon 
each  member,  and  all  property  was  purchased  and  con- 
trolled by  the  officers."     In  this  strange  company,  having 

^  See  Chapter  III,  Eaneas  Conflict. 

'  The  first  steamer  bearing  a  party  from  Kew  England  left  Boston  in  January,  1849. 
Two  friends  of  Dr.  Robinson,  N.  D.  Ooodale  and  Enoch  Btirnett,  were  members  of  the 
party. 


44:  lAVK    OK    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

the  form  only  of  military  organization  but  without  military 
discipline,  was  found  Charles  Robinson,  who  had  entered 
as  physician  to  the  company.  He  was  to  be  relieved  of 
all  responsibility  other  than  the  care  of  the  sick.  The 
nature  of  the  man,  however,  rendered  it  certain  that  other 
responsibilities  than  the  care  of  the  sick  would  be  thrust 
upon  him.  For  in  any  association  of  men,  those  of  supe- 
rior judgment  and  ability  are  sooner  or  later  called  into 
general  service,  and  so  it  proved  in  this  case. 

This  small  party  left  Boston  on  March  19th,  1849,  and 
started  overland,  traveling  by  railroad  and  canal  to  Pitts- 
burg and  thence  by  steamer  to  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis,  and 
finally  to  Kansas  City,  or  what  was  then  known  as  West- 
port  Landing.  The  whole  journey  was  without  striking 
events  except  the  ordinary  experiences  of  a  long  journey 
into  a  new  country,  which  always  brings  with  it  a  renewed 
interest  from  day  to  day  as  sights  and  scenes  change.  In 
the  short  pause  at  Cincinnati,  Dr.  Robinson  bought  a 
beautiful  cream-colored  horse,  which  became  a  gTcat  com- 
panion and  pet  throughout  the  entire  journey  to  Califor- 
nia, and  was  subsequently  killed  in  the  squatter  riots  at 
Sacramento.  As  they  moved  farther  westward  new 
classes  of  people  boarded  the  steamer,  and  the  l>[ew  Eng- 
land party  had  an  opportimity  of  forming  the  acquaint- 
ance of  people  from  Missouri  and  the  South.  They  were 
introduced,  too,  to  the  freedom  and  recklessness  of  the 
wild  frontier  life.  They  entered  a  land  where  law 
seemed  much  farther  removed  from  contact  with  the  peo- 
ple than  in  staid  old  I*few  England.  Knowledge  gained 
on  this  trip  of  the  class  of  people  that  were  pouring  into 
the  West  was  of  great  service  to  Dr.  Robinson  in  hia 
subsequent  career  in  Kansas. 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  45 

Soon  after  the  steamboat  left  St.  Louis  on  its  journey 

up  the  Missouri  river,  cholera  broke  out  among  the  pas- 

pengers.     At  this  time  much  less  was  known  about  this 

dread    disease   than   at  present,   and   medical   science  in 

general  had  not  jet  demonstrated  its  ability  to  cope  with 

it  under  favorable  circumstances.     The  physician  of  the 

Boston  party  was  soon  called,  into  service.     He  was  witli- 

out  medical  library,  and  without  any  practical  knowledge 

of  the  disease.     His  information  concerning  it  consisted 

of  meager  descriptions  in  the  few  books  that  he  had  read 

which  touched  upon  the  subject.     The  conditions  on  board 

of  a  river  steamer  were  not  favorable  t-o  the  sup]Dression  of 

the  disease.     Thrown  upon  his  own  resources,  he  adopted 

the  following  plan  of  treating  the  disease,  which  is  best 

described  in  his  own  words: 

"  It  was  found  that  all  the  fluids  of  the  body  were  leaving  the 
surface  and  pouring  into  the  alimentary  canal.  The  features  became 
pinched  and  anxious,  the  skin  pallid  and  bloodless,  and  the  muscles 
of  the  extremities  were  affected  with  painful  cramps.  What  was  to 
be  done?  Evidently  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  reverse  the 
vascular  and  absorbent  machinery  and  send  the  fluids  back  to  the 
surface  and  other  parts  of  the  system  and  relieve  cramps.  What 
would  accomplish  this  result,  and  did  the  medicine  chest  contain  the 
required  remedy?  On  examination,  the  doctor  found  tincture  of 
opium  (laudanum),  tincture  of  camphor,  and  compound  tincture  of 
capsicum  (hot  drops).  The  first  two  would  have  a  tendency  to  send 
the  fluids  to  the  brain  and  surface  and  relieve  spasms,  while  the  last 
would  excite  action  of  the  vascular  tissue  and  absorbent  systems. 
Accordingly,  these  tinctures  were  taken  in  a  mixture  of  equal  parts, 
and  administered  in  teaspoonful  doses  once  in  fifteen  minutes,  more 
or  less,  according  to  symptoms,  till  the  flow  of  fluids  should  be  re- 
versed and  the  cramps  cease.  Fortunately,  this  treatment  proved  suc- 
cessful in  every  case  where  applied  on  first  attack  of  the  disease." ' 

When  the  boat  reached.  Kansas  City  the  military  com- 

^  EaneaK  Conflict,  p.  29. 


46  LIFE    OF    CHABLES    EOBINSON 

panj  was  in  a  state  of  dissolution.  As  is  frequently  tli© 
case  in  all  organizations  of  similar  character,  suspicions 
soon  attached  to  the  officers,  who  were  accused  of  mis-- 
management,  and  a  jj^eneral  discontent  arose.  So  intense 
was  the  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  asso- 
ciation that  no  settlement  of  difficulties  could  be  reached 
without  a  division  of  the  party,  and  tJiis  of  course  neces- 
sitated a  division  of  the  property.  Therefore  two  parties 
were  formed,  and  Dr.  Eobinson  was  appointed  one  of  a 
committee  of  three  to  assist  in  the  division  of  the  supplies 
and  the  settlement  of  the  difficulty.  This  process  occupied 
nearly  five  weeks  of  time,  and  it  was  the  10th  of  May  be- 
fore the  parties  were  ready  to  start  on  their  journey 
westward.  But  the  time  was  not  lost  to  the  observant 
nature  of  Dr.  Robinson,  for  he  studied  the  habits  and 
characteristics  of  the  people  and  learned  something  of 
Western  farming  and  stock-raising.  Much  of  his  time 
was  also  consumed  in  the  care  of  the  sick,  for  during 
the  first  night  after  their  arrival  in  Kansas  City  nine 
citizens  were  attacked  with  the  cholera,  and  died.  The 
services  of  the  physician  of  the  Boston  party  were  again 
called  into  requisition,  and  during  his  entire  stay  he  had 
an  opportunity  to  exercise  his  professional  skill  to  the 
utmost  in  caring  for  victims  of  the  cholera.  Upon  the 
whole,  the  delay  proved  profitable  and  useful  to  Dr.  Robin- 
son; and  on  the  other  hand,  perhaps  in  no  period  of  his 
life  did  he  serve  humanity  better  than  during  these  few 
weeks'  stay  in  Kansas  City.  ISTor  were  the  days  in  Kan- 
sas City  without  recreation,  for  in  the  long  delay  while 
they  waited  for  the  grass  to  grow  on  the  plains,  or  engaged 
in  the  tedious  division  of  the  property  of  the  company, 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  4rT 

the  spare  hours  at  the  little  house  where  they  boarded 
were  enlivened  with  music.  Dr.  Robinson  had  bought  a 
clarinet  in  Cincinnati.  A  young  friend  of  his  played 
the  flute  well,  and  the  two  furnished  music  to  the  neigh- 
bors of  the  temporary  home  during  the  evenings  of  wait- 
ing. The  old  Western  farmer  thought  Dr.  Robinson  and 
the  young  man  from  Roxbury  would  do  better  ''"  giviii'  con- 
certs than  goin'  to  the  gold  diggin's." 

Two  parties  instead  of  one  were  now  to  start  on  the  long 
overland  journey  of  over  two  thousand  miles  to  the  Pa- 
cific slope.  Their  organizations  were  completed  by  the 
lOtli  day  of  May,  thirty  days  after  their  arrival  in  Kansas 
City,  and  instead  of  going  in  boats  coursing  on  the  muddy 
Missouri  they  were  to  travel  in  "  schooners "  over  the 
rolling  prairies  of  Kansas  and  the  plains  of  the  West, 
drawn  by  cattle  and  mules,  or  on  horseback,  as  many  did. 
It  was  a  life  of  wild  experiences,  especially  at  first,  for 
inexperienced  men  were  now  attempting  to  manage  wild 
pteers  and  wilder  mules,  hitherto  unknown  to  yoke  and 
harness.  Thus,  with  inexperienced  drivers  and  untrained 
animals,  they  were  to  enter  upon  a  journey  over  a  bound- 
less country  with  ill-defined  roads.  A  "  schooner  "  would 
frequently  be  fastened  in  the  mud,  and  endless  delays 
occur  for  want  of  discipline  and  order.  There  was  much 
experience  in  the  way  of  searching  for  the  best  routes,  the 
best  crossing  of  streams,  and  for  the  best  method  of  re- 
sisting attacks  from  Indians ;  indeed,  the  expedition  be- 
came a  little  world  of  experience  on  wheels,  in  which  all 
phases  of  human  nature  v/ere  tested.  Those  who  started 
from  Boston  without  experience  lived  years  in  a  short 
journey  across  the  plains. 


48  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

A  vory  interesting  incident  is  related  by  Dr.  Robinson 
in  regard  to  the  discussion  which  so  frequently  occurred 
among  overland  parties  respecting  Sabbath  travel.  On  the 
first  Saturday  of  the  journey  it  appears  that  darkness  over- 
took the  travelers  before  they  had  reached  water, —  a 
very  important  consideration  in  overland  travel.  The 
next  morning,  which  was  Sunday,  it  was  found  upon  in- 
vestigation that  the  Wakarusa  was  only  two  or  three  miles 
away,  and  they  decided  to  hitch  up  the  teams  and  drive 
to  water  even  though  it  was  Sunday.  This  was  so  neces- 
sary that  every  member  of  the  party  readily  acquiesced, 
even  to  the  strictest  Puritan  among  them.  But  when 
they  reached  the  river  and  the  stock  had  been  watered,  a 
question  arose  as  to  whether  they  should  continue  travel 
on  Sunday  or  not,  as  they  were  already  prepared  to  go  on. 
After  a  controversy  a  vote  of  the  party  was  taken,  which 
favored  Sunday  travel.  But  they  had  not  pursued  their 
journey  very  far  when  an  accident  to  one  of  the  animals 
caused  a  delay,  and  Sunday  travel  had  to  be  given  up  for 
that  day.  The  remainder  of  the  day  was  spent  in  theolog- 
ical discussion,  one  party  maintaining  that  the  accident 
was  a  judgment  of  God  on  account  of  their  Sabbath- 
breaking,  while  the  other  attributed  it  to  improper  attach- 
ments of  the  coupling-pins  and  to  bad  driving.  One  party 
appealed  to  tlie  Decalogue  and  the  other  called  for  its 
reading,  and  when  read  it  seemed  to  enjoin  the  keeping 
of  the  seventh  day  and  not  the  first.  From  the  Decalogue 
the  appeal  was  made  to  the  New  Testament,  but  it  was 
found  on  examination  that  there  was  no  sentence  in  the 
New  Testament  which  enjoined,  the  keeping  of  the  Sab- 
bath.    As  in  most  discussions  of  this  kind,  no  settled  con- 


CALIFOENIA   ADVENTURES  49 

elusion  was  reached.  But  it  is  related  that  the  men  who 
were  the  strongest  advocat€s  of  Sabbath  observance  were 
afterwards  seen  at  the  gaming-tables  in  Sacramento,  bet- 
ting with  other  sinners  at  "  three-card  monte."  Dr.  Rob- 
inson closes  this  narrative  with  the  following  sentence, 
which  I  give  as  expressive  of  his  own  peculiar  character- 
istics: "Persons  who  depend  upon  outside  pressure  for 
religion  are  apt  to  adopt  the  customs  of  their  surroundings 
when  that  pressure  is  removed;  while  the  person  who  is 
governed  by  his  own  convictions  of  what  is  right  and  what 
is  wrong,  regardless  of  public  opinion  and  public  custom, 
will  be  but  slightly  influenced  by  externals." 

The  journey  overland,  though  full  of  changes  and  daily 
happenings,  cannot  be  followed  in  detail.  They  had  the 
typical  journey  of  the  plains  of  those  times,  consisting 
of  long,  monotonous  days,  alternating  with  those  of  wild 
adventure  and  positive  danger.  An  immense  crowd,  fully 
20,000,  had  preceded  them,  and  the  grass  was  eaten  off 
fully  haK  a  mile  from  the  trail  on  each  side,  and  water 
was  scarce  and  difficult  to  obtain.  Doctor  Robinson  had 
three  horses, —  Charley,  Old  "  Zach  "  Taylor,  and  "  Doctor 
Slop."  At  one  time  the  party  had  to  camp  at  night  with- 
out water.  During  the  night  the  horse  "  Doctor  Slop  " 
broke  away  from  camp,  and  in  the  search  for  him  on  the 
following  morning  he  was  found  quietly  feeding  by  a  boun- 
tiful stream  of  water,  giving  evidence  of  the  acuteness  of 
animals  in  the  search  for  water.  Xot  long  after  this  they 
came  to  the  St.  Mary's  river,  in  the  desert,  where  they  suf- 
fered for  lack  of  food.  Here  Dr.  Robinson's  strength  failed 
and  a  fever  attacked  him.     His  companions  waited  a  day 

or  two  for  him  to  partially  recover,  and  then  they  all  pro- 
-4 


50  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

oeeded  to  cross  the  desert,  Dr.  Robinson  having  packed 
grass  upon  two  horses  for  their  feed  through  the  waste. 
They  spent  one  Sunday  at  tlie  new  town  of  Salt  Lake  City, 
where,  under  the  direction  of  Brigham  Young,  the  "  desert 
began  to  blossom  as  the  rose,"  although  the  Mormons  had 
been  there  but  two  years. 

The  most  important  event  concerning  Dr.  Robinson  was 
an  adventure  which  he  had  in  the  Platte  river.  It  appears 
that  some  time  had  been  spent  in  searching  for  the  proper 
fording-place,  the  river  itself  always  being  deceptive  in 
appearance.  Sometimes  when  moving  smoothly  and  evenly 
it  appears  like  a  deep  flowing  stream,  while  in  reality  the 
water  may  not  be  over  three  inches  deep,  flowing  over  a 
bottom  of  mud  and  quicksand.  Searching  for  a  fording- 
place,  Dr.  Robinson  on  his  cream-colored  horse  plunged 
in  to  make  the  crossing.  About  midway  in  the  river 
was  a  small  island.  This  having  been  passed,  the  rider 
and  horse  floundered  in  deep  water,  and,  becoming  sepa- 
rated, the  horse  made  for  the  opposite  shore,  while  the  rider 
returned  to  the  island.  While  the  rider  was  yet  flounder- 
ing in  the  water,  the  horse,  from  the  opposite  shore,  gave 
a  loud  neigh,  and  plunged  again  into  the  stream,  swim- 
ming toward  the  island,  which  he  reached  about  the  same 
time  as  the  rider.  He  immediately  came  and  stood  over 
the  prostrate  form  of  Dr.  Robinson  until  the  Doctor  was 
able  to  mount  and  ride  out  tO'  the  further  shore.  This 
little  act  of  intelligenoe  on  the  part  of  the  horse  endeared 
it  very  much  to  its  owner.  The  horse  was  so  docile  that 
he  was  at  home  wherever  the  camp  was,  without  liitching 
or  tethering,  and  whenever  his  master  approached  he  would 
leave  off  grazing  and  place  his  head  over  the  Doctor's 
shoulder  to  be  fondled  and  caressed. 


CALIFORNIA  ADVENTUEES  51 

Wlien  the  company  readied  Sacramento,  on  the  12tli 
of  August,  1849,  Dr.  Robinson  liad  changed  from  a  slen- 
der man  of  145  pounds  to  a  robust  person  of  170,  with 
every  trace  of  his  puhnonary  trouble  gone. 

The  company,  indeed,  was  no  longer  properly  a  company 
when  it  reached  California.  The  organization  so  thor- 
oughly completed  in  Boston  before  the  party  started  west- 
ward, became  finally  w^holly  disintegrated,  and  its  mem- 
bers reached  the  State  in  straggling  groups.  Most  of  the 
members  entered  the  mines  for  the  purpose  of  washing 
gold ;   others  finally  located  in  towns  or  on  farm  lands. 

Dr.  Robinson  soon  abandoned  the  mines  and  took  up 
his  residence  in  Sacramento,  where  he  in  company  with 
others  started  a  boarding-house,  and  at  the  same  time 
practiced  to  a  certain  extent  his  medical  profession.  He 
found  many  poor  people  in  the  city  who  were  in  need  of 
both  food  and  medical  attention.  From  the  boarding- 
house  many  received  aid  to  keep  them  from  starving,  and 
through  the  kind  offices  of  Dr.  Robinson  were  given, 
gratis,  medical  attention  which  saved  their  lives.  Here 
as  elsewhere  he  always  showed  a  kind-hearted  disposition 
to  help  those  who  were  needy.  This  disposition  to  help 
sufferers  and  those  who  were  dealt  with  unjustly  led  him 
to  become  a  leader  of  the  settlers'  or  squatters'  cause  in 
Sacramento.^ 

In  order  fully  to  understand  the  position  taken  by  Dr. 
Robinson  in  the  squatter  riots  of  Sacramento  in  1850,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  inquire  specifically  into  the  exact 
condition  of  the  land  question  in  California  during  the 
interregnum  from  the  time  of  the  occupation  of  California 

J  Bancroft's  Works,  Vol.  XXXV,  chapter  XVII,— S^uaMerism. 


52  LIFE    OF    CHABLES    ROBINSON 

l)j  United  States  authorities  in  1846  to  the  admission  into 
the  Union  in  1850,  and  the  subsequent  settlement  of  land 
claims.  It  is  one  of  the  principles  of  modern  civilization 
as  regards  international  rights  and  usages,  that  in  con- 
quered territory  or  territory  obtained  by  purchase,  the 
property  rights  of  all  citizens  living  in  the  territory  at  the 
time  of  the  change  shall  be  respected  and  guaranteed. 
In  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  of  America  and 
the  Mexican  Republic  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  February  2, 
1848,  approved  by  the  President  Marcb  16,  1848,  and 
proclaimed  July  4,  1848,  property  rights  are  guaranteed. 
All  land  titles  and  property  of  every  kind  belonging  to 
citizens  within  the  territory  are  guaranteed  to  the  o^vner. 
Freedom  in  the  use  and  protection  in  the  right  of  said 
property  are  guaranteed  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  These  provisions  make  all  bona,  fide  titles 
granted  by  the  Mexican  or  Spanish:  government  prior  to 
the  occupation  by  the  United  States  government,  valid  and 
secure. 

It  had  been  the  custom  of  the  Spanish  government  prior 
to  Mexican  independence,  and  subsequently  of  the  Mexi- 
can government,  through  the  Governor  of  California,  and 
by  well-defined  laws  and  usages,  to  grant  large  tracts  of 
land  to  individuals  for  the  sake  of  colonization  and  oc- 
cupation, the  largest  grant  not  to  exceed  eleven  square 
leagues  of  land.  The  aim  of  the  government  was  to  settle 
the  territory  by  gi'anting  large  tracts  of  land  to  individuals 
to  whom  the  government  was  under  special  obligations. 
Unfortunately,  in  the  granting  of  these  titles  the  language 
used  in  defining  the  territory  was  usually  quite  indefinite, 
and  in  those  days  no  definite  survey  was  obtained.     Usu- 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  53 

ally  the  limits  of  the  grant  were  determined  by  well- 
defined  natural  boundaries,  such  as  mountains  and  rivers. 
The  result  of  this  granting  of  lands  so  freely  was,  that 
by  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  gold  and  the  incoming  of 
the  settlers  from  the  East^  and  in  fact  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  a  large  proportion  of  the  fertile  lands  located 
in  small  tracts  along  the  river  bottoms  had  been  covered 
by  numerous  grants.  In  addition  to  these  genuine  grants, 
many  fraudulent  ones  had  been  made  or  assumed,  which 
would  seem  to  cover  almost  every  available  spot  of  fertile 
land  in  the  State, 

To  add  to  this  confusion,  the  State  Legislature  was 
powerless  to  make  laws  for  the  government  of  the  State, 
as  the  latter  had  not  yet  been  organized  and  accepted  as 
a  member  of  the  Union.  The  courts  also  were  in  a  dis- 
organized condition,  being  in  theory  guided  and  regulated 
by  the  Mexican  customs,  which  prevailed  everywhere  until 
American  customs  were  adopted,  but  tending  all  the  time 
to  break  away  from  the  Mexican  system  and  to  adopt  the 
American.  There  was,  then,  no  adequate  authority  for 
testing  land  titles.  Hence,  when  there  came  this  sudden 
influx  of  settlers  who  were  seeking  lands  to  preempt  on 
the  so-called  "  squatter  rights,"  which  had  prevailed  to 
such  a  large  extent  in  the  United  States,  the  settlers  found 
the  lands  all  covered  by  rights  resting  upon  ]\Iexican 
grants,  or  by  assumed  titles  which  might  or  might  not  be 
legal.  This  was,  of  course,  a  great  disappointment  to  the 
settlers;  and  when  it  was  known  that  large  numbers  of 
fraudulent  claims  were  being  filed,  and  that  men  were 
using  all  means  within  their  power,  both  fair  and  foul,  to 
obtain  possession  of  large  tracts  of  land  for  the  sake  o£ 


54  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    BOBINSON 

holding  or  speculating,  the  settlers  looked  upon  themselves 
as  defrauded  of  the  rights  of  American  citizens  to  settle 
wherever  no  legal  title  to  land  existed ;  for  they  believed 
much  of  this  land  to  be  a  part  of  the  public  domain.  They 
held  that  at  least  until  title  to  lands  should  be  decided  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  they  had  as  good 
a  right  to  settle  on  these  lands  and  await  the  decision  as 
anyone  else.  Evidently  there  was  a  great  misunderstand- 
ing among  the  settlers  because  of  the  fact  that  the  Mexi- 
can land  titles  were  diiferent  from  those  of  the  United 
States.  They  had  supposed  that  California,  being  open 
to  settlement,  was  all  public  domain,  similar  to  the  new 
Eastern.  States  and  Territories  when  once  these  were 
opened  to  settlement.  They  had  failed  to  realize  that 
civilization  already  existed  in  California;  that  a  govern- 
ment had  been  established  prior  to  the  American  occu- 
pation and  American  purchase;  and  that  persons  living 
within  the  territory  were  entitled  to  property  rights  supe- 
rior to  those  of  new-comers  or  immigrants. 

The  situation  at  Sacramento  was  peculiar.  In  1839 
Sutter,^  a  man  from  Switzerland,  had  settled  on  the  Sac- 
ramento river  at  the  junction  of  the  river  with  the  Ameri- 
can river,  where  he  built  a  fort  and  established  a  colony. 
His  possessions  reached  far  and  wide  up  and  down  the 
Sacramento,  American  and  Feather  rivers.  He  lived  on 
his  domains  like  a  feudal  lord  of  old  times,  with  his  men 
as  sei-vants,  helpers,  and  a  small  army  drilled  for  defense. 
In  1841  he  received  a  grant  from  the  Mexican  government 
of  eleven  square  leagues  of  land.  In  December,  1847, 
Sutter  reported  the  wliite  population  of  his  grant  as  two 

1  Eancroffe  Works,  Vol.  XJXV,  p.  408.     Kaneas  ConCict,  pp.  38-41. 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  55 

hundred  eighty-nine,  besides  a  large  number  of  docile 
Indians,  half-breeds,  and  Hawaiians.  Sixty  houses  clus- 
tered around  the  fort,  and  six  mills  and  one  tannery  were 
within  the  district.  Thousands  of  bushels  of  wheat  were 
raised  annually  in  the  fertile  fields,  and  thousands  of 
cattle,  horses,  mules,  sheep  and  hogs  grazed  in  the  valleys 
and  on  the  hills.  In  1846  Sutter  laid  out  the  town  of 
Sutterville,  three  miles  below  the  fort,  on  the  Sacramento 
river.  Subsequently  the  town  of  Sacramento  was  laid 
out  between  Sutterville  and  the  fort.  So  far  as  rights 
accruing  from  possession  were  concerned,  Sutter  certainly 
was  the  owner  of  this  last  tract  of  land.  So  far,  too,  as  the 
intent  of  the  grant  by  the  Mexican  Governor  in  1841  was 
concerned,  he  had  a  clear  title  to  the  land.  Unfortu- 
nately, by  a  blunder  in  the  title  deed  the  boundaries  fixed 
for  the  territory  covered  over  a  thousand  square  leagues 
of  land,  and  the  southern  boundary  was  placed  some 
twenty  miles  north  of  the  fort,  at  the  junction  of  the 
Feather  and  the  Sacramento  rivers;  hence,  if  the  deed 
were  strictly  constnied,  the  fort,  Sutterville,  Sacramento 
and  the  surrounding  territory  would  be  entirely  excluded 
from  the  gTant.  The  third  and  fourth  sections  of  the 
grant  read  as  follows :  ^ 

"  Third.  The  land  of  which  donation  is  made  to  him  is  of  extent  of 
eleven  sitios  da  ganado  mayor  as  exhibited  in  the  sketch  annexed  to 
the  proceedings,  without  including  the  lands  overflowed  by  the 
swelling  and  the  current  of  the  rivers.  It  is  bounded  on  the  north  by 
los  Tres  Picas  (Three  Summits)  and  the  39°  41'  45"  of  north  lati- 
tude; on  the  east  by  the  border  of  the  Eio  de  las  Plumas  (Feather 
river)  ;  on  the  south  by  the  parallel  38°  49'  32"  of  north  latitude; 
and  on  the  west  by  the  river  Sacramento. 

"  Fourth.    When  this  property  shall  be  confirmed  unto  him,  he 

'  Tfxt  and  map  of  grant.  In  piunphlet,  "Frandnlent  Location  of  the  Sntter  Grant," 
C.  W.  Holt,  Sacramecto.  18«9.     Kans-aa  Cor.fiict,  p.  41. 


56  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

shall  petition  the  proper  judge  to  give  him  possession  of  the  laud, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  measured,  agreeable  to  ordinance,  the  surplus 
thereof  remaining  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation,  for  convenient  pur- 
poses. Tlierefore  I  order  that  this  title  being  held  as  firm  and  valid, 
that  the  stime  be  entered  in  the  proper  book,  and  these  proceedings  be 
transmitted  to  the  Excellent  Departmental  Assembly." 

It  is  evident  from  this  tliat  tlie  intention  was  that  Sutter 
should  locate,  by  proper  surveys,  land  to  the  amount  of 
eleven  square  leaj^ues  within  the  boundaries  described,  and 
that  the  remainder  within  these  boundaries  should  revert 
to  the  Government  as  national  property.  It  is  also  clear 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Governor  of  California  to 
include  within  this  grant  the  fort  and  its  surrounding  ter- 
ritory, while  in  fact  it  excluded  it  entirely  by  the  state- 
ments included  within  the  grant. 

To  make  matters  worse,  Sutter,  w'ho  had  little  con- 
ception of  the  boundary  of  his  own  land,  l^eing  in  doubt 
at  times  whether  his  title  covered  the  territory  in  which 
his  fort,  Sutterville,  and  Sacramento  were  located,  and 
being  harassed  on  every  side  by  land  speculators,  only 
deepened  the  confusion  of  the  whole  matter  by  his  prodi- 
gality.    The  case  is  thus  stated  by  Josiah  Royce :  ^ 

"  In  1848,  when  the  gold-seekers  began  to  come.  Sutter  began  to 
lose  his  wits.  One  of  the  pioneer  statements  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  col- 
lection says  rather  severely  that  the  distinguished  captain  thence- 
forth signed  any  paper  that  was  brought  to  him.  At  all  events,  he 
behaved  in  as  unbusiness-like  a  fashion  as  well  could  be  expected, 
and  the  result  was  that  when  his  atfairs  came  in  later  years  to  a 
more  complete  settlement,  it  was  found  that  he  had  dee<led  away, 
not  merely  more  land  than  he  actually  owned,  but,  if  I  mistake  not, 
more  land  than  he  himself  had  supposed  himself  to  own.  All  this 
led  not  only  himself  into  embarrassments,  but  other  people  with 
him;    and  to  arrange  with  justice  the  final  survey  of  his  El  Dorado 

'  Eoyce  :  Squattar  Siot  of  '50  la  Sacramento  ;  Orerland  Dlonthly,  Vol.  VI,  (second 
series, )  p.  227. 


CALIFOKNIA   AUVEIfTUEES  57 

grant  proved  in  later  years  one  of  the  most  perplexing  problems  of 
the  United  States  District  and  Supreme  Courts." 

In  1860,  the  Supreme  Court,  in  its  attempt  to  settle  the 
Sutter  case,  located  the  land,  in  two  tracts:  one  of  two 
leagues,  including  the  fort  and  city;  the  other  of  nine 
leagues,  on  the  Feather  river,  including  Marysville.  In 
1863  the  District  Court  set  aside  this  survey,  and  lo- 
cated the  land  in  a  long  line  of  thirteen  tracts  between 
the  same  limits  as  before,  with  the  idea  of  following  Sut- 
ter's own  selection  of  territory.^  Subsequently  the  Su- 
preme Court  set  aside  this  last  decision,  and  restored  that 
of  1860.  Thus  the  Supreme  Court  recognized  the  grant 
to  Sutter  as  given  in  good  faith,  although  the  title  had 
been  buraed  in  a  Sacramento  fire.  They  attempted,  amid 
great  difficulties,  to  settle  the  matter  justly  and  equitably. 
But  if  commissions  and  courts  found  so  much  difficulty 
in  settling  the  land  title  of  Sutter,  it  is  easy  to  see  how 
settlers  would  readily  fall  into  the  idea  that  the  grant  was 
irregular  and  illegal.  Moreover,  the  grasping  for  land 
by  Yankee  speculators,  the  shrewd  manner  in  which  these 
Yankees  were  outwitting  the  old  Spanish  grantees  and 
seizing  the  most  fertile  spots  of  California,  tended  to 
create  a  distrust  of  all  land  titles.  The  manner  in  which 
the  speculators  were  obtaining  control  of  large  bodies  of 
land  seemed  to  the  settlers  like  a  process  of  robbery,  by 
which  they  were  defrauded  of  the  rights  of  settlement  on 
what  they  considered  the  public  domain. 

The  squatter  riot  of  Sacramento,  however,  arose  on  ac- 
count of  personal  sympathy  which  certain  individuals  had 
for  the  squatters  because  of  the  cold  and  cruel  manner 

1  O.  W.  Holt :  Fraudulent  Location  of  the  Sntter  Oiant,  Sacramento,  p.  3 


58  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

in  whick  many  of  them  were  ejected,  on  a  pretended  or 
real  legal  process,  from  lands  claimed  by  others.  The 
town  of  Sacramento  was  founded  on  land  claimed  by  Sut- 
ter, and  lots  were  sold  directly  by  himself  or  by  those  per- 
sons who  were  granted  territory  by  Sutter.  The  town, 
then,  derived  its  right  to  be  from  the  Sutter  grant;  and 
if  this  grant  were  valid,  persons  who  bought  lots  in  the 
town  had  a  legal  right  to  them.  In  the  winter  of  1849 
settlers  flocked  to  the  city,  and  occupied  with  tents  and 
shanties  the  vacant  lands  in  and  around  Sacramento. 

"  In  the  midst  of  this  rainy  season,  three  men,  including  the 
Doctor,  were  passing  along  the  levee  between  the  slough  near  I 
street  and  the  river,  when  they  met  a  pretended  sheriff  and  posse 
Avell  charged  with  whisky.  Curiosity  caused  the  three  men  to  stop 
and  watch  the  proceedings.  The  posse  went  directly  to  a  structure 
of  logs  and  canvas,  where  was  a  sick  man  who  had  been  fed  and 
nursed  liy  the  Doctor  for  several  days.  This  man  was  ruthlessly 
hauled  from  his  shelter,  and  the  logs  and  canvas  leveled  with  the 
ground.  One  of  the  three  watchers  exclaimed,  '  That  is  a  damned  out- 
rage! '  and  the  others  joined  in  the  exclamation.  It  was  then  and 
there  the  movement  commenced  that  culminated  in  the  squatter  riot 
of  the  next  year." ' 

These  men  resolved  that  such  actions  should  be  reported 
to  the  people,  and  that  if  possible,  such  outrages  should 
be  prohibited.  A  meeting  was  called  to  be  held  on  the 
levee  that  evening.  A  cord  of  wood  was  procured  to  fur- 
nish light,  and  small  handbills  advertising  the  meeting 
were  printed  and  circulated.  When  the  meeting  was  called 
to  order  the  speculators  and  their  friends  monopolized  the 
speaking.  After  several  speculators  had  explained  their 
side  of  the  question  in  set  speeches.  Dr.  Robinson  made 

1  Kobinson  :   Kansas  Conflict,  p.  37. 


CALIFORNIA  ADVENTUEES  59 

his  way  to  the  platform  and  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tion :  ^ 

"Whereas,  The  land  in  California  is  presumed  to  be  public  land, 
therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  Ave  will  protect  any  settler  in  the  possession  of 
land  to  the  extent  of  one  lot  in  the  city  and  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  in  the  country,  till  a  valid  title  shall  be  shown  for  it. ' 

This  was  a  hold  assertion  to  make.  It  assumed  that 
the  Sutter  title  was  not  legal,  or  that  Sutter's  claims 
were  greater  than  the  law  could  warrant.^  The  resolution 
was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  the  assembled 
crowds,  and  had  its  influence  in  preventing  indiscrim- 
inate ejection  of  tenants.  But  in  December,  1849,  an 
ordinance  was  passed  by  the  city  council  directing  the 
removal  of  certain  improvements  from  city  lots  occupied 
by  squatters.^  After  the  passage  of  this  ordinance  a 
posse  of  several  hundred  men  under  the  direction  of  the 
city  marshal  set  out  to  execute  the  order,  but  the  squatters 
organized  into  an  association,  and  the  president  of  the 
association  met  them  at  the  first  attempt  to  remove 
property,  and  boldly  informed  them  that  their  authority 
to  meddle  with  private  property  was  not  recog-nized  hj  the 
squatters'  association,  and  that  if  they  touched  the  prop- 
erty they  must  kill  the  whole  squatters'  association  after- 
wards. The  little  deputy  marshal,  well  loaded  with 
whisky,  cried,  '"'  Shoot  the  scoundrel ! "  But  as  no  one 
appeared  desirous  of  obeying  his  order,  the  posse  retired 
from     the    field     leaving    the     squatter     in     possession. 

1  Robinson  :    Kansas  Conflict,  p.  38,  et  seq. 

*C.  W.  Hoit :  Fraudulent  Location  of  the  Sutter  Grant,  p.  2.    Royce :  Squatter  Riot 
of  '60  in  Sacramento;  Overland  Monthly,  Vol.  VI,  (eecond  series.)  pp.  232-4. 
a  Idem,  p.  238. 


60  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBIN^SOlSr 

The  next  step  on  the  part  of  the  land-owTiers  was  to  have  an 
act  passed  by  the  provisional  State  Legislature, — although 
the  State  was  not  yet  admitted  into  the  Union, —  to  pro- 
vide for  forcible  entry  and  detainer,  the  land-owners 
hoping  thus  to  secure  possession  of  the  land  without  a 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. ^ 

Suits  in  the  local  courts  continued  to  be  held,  and  in 
these  suits  the  courts  always  decided  that  Sutter's  title 
was  connect,  and  rendered  judgment  against  the  squatters. 
The  squatter  had  a  right  to  appeal  to  the  probate  court  by 
giving  bonds  for  the  satisfaction  of  judgment;  but  all 
bondsmen  must  be  land-owTiers,  and  as  the  squatters  were 
supposed  not  to  be  horm  fide  land-owners,  the  right  of  ap- 
peal was  thus  really  cut  off.  The  city  council  also  pro- 
ceeded to  pass  a  municipal  ordinance  forbidding  anyone 
to  erect  tents  or  shanties  or  houses,  or  to  heap  lumber  or 
other  incumbrances  upon  any  vacant  lot  belonging  to  any 
private  person  or  upon  any  public  street.^  The  land- 
owners also  formed  a  law-and-order  association,  and  cir- 
culated handbills  asserting  their  intention  of  defending 
their  property.  Numerous  encounters  of  a  minor  nature 
occurred,  but  the  agitation  was  gradually  dying  out  on  ac- 
count of  the  absence  of  Dr.  Robinsoii  from  the  city  for  two 
months.^  On  his  return,  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  the 
movement  had  fallen  into  the  background  of  public  atten- 
tion and  great  discouragement  prevailed  among  the  squat- 
ters. Obsei*ving  the  situation  of  the  courts,  and  seeing  that 
no  appeal  could  be  taken  from  the  decision  of  the  local 

1  Boyce  :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50  In  Sacramento ;  Overland  Uonthly,  Vol.  VI,  (aecoad 
series,)  p.  238. 

-  Ideaa.  ■'  Idem. 


CALIFOENIA    AX>VE]S  TUBES  61 

courts,  Dr.  Robinson  staked  off  several  blocks  of  land  in 
the  outskirts  of  the  city,  put  up  a  large  tent  upon  tbem, 
and  moved  in.  When  the  next  trial  occurred,  lie  offered 
himeelf  as  bail.  When  the  court  asked  him  in  regard  to 
his  title,  he  said  it  was  as  good  as  there  was  in  the  city. 
The  justice  held  that  he  could  not  try  titles,  and  must 
accept  the  bondsman  on  his  assertion  of  a  legal  right  to 
the  property  offered,  whose  value  was  placed  at  $100,000. 
Soon  after  this  came  a  trial  of  the  appealed  case  before 
Judge  Willis,  of  the  county  court.^  The  case  was  decided 
against  the  squatters,  and  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  Dis- 
trict Court  with  the  hope  of  finally  reaching  the  United 
States  Court,  but  it  was  denied.  The  defendant  then 
asked  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court,  but  at  this  time 
there  was  no  law  to  sustain  the  appeal,  and  the  motion  was 
overruled,  and  the  squatters  were  beaten.  There  was  no 
opportunity  to  settle  land  titles  in  the  State  of  California, 
except  through  local  courts  which  had  no  jurisdiction  over 
the  public  domain. 

The  trial  caused  a  great  deal  of  excitement.  Both 
parties  were  excited  to  the  utmost  degree.  The  squatters 
had  been  denied  the  right  of  appeal.  "  They  rushed  from 
the  court  to  excited  meetings  outside,  and  spread  abroad 
the  news  that  Judge  Willis  had  not  only  decided  against 
them,  but  had  decided  that  from  him  there  was  no  appeal. 
Woe  to  such  laws  and  to  such  judges !  The  law  betrays 
us.  We  will  appeal  to  the  Higher  Law.  The  processes 
of  the  courts  shall  not  be  served.  Dr.  Robinson  was  not 
unequal  to  the  emergency.     At  once  he  sent  out  notices 

1  Compare  Boyce  :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50  in  Sacramento ;  Overland  Monthly,  Vol.  VI. 
(second  series,)  pp.  239-40.    Bancroft's  Works,  Vol.  XXXV,  p.  408.    Kansas  Conflict,  pp. 


62  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON" 

calling  a  mass  meeting  o£  squatters  and  others  interested, 
to  take  place  tbe  same  evening,  August  10.  It  was  Sat- 
urday, and  when  night  came  a  large  crowd  of  squatters, 
land-owners  and  idlers  had  gathered."  ^ 

In  this  crowd  "svere  found  all  sorts  of  people.  There 
were  the  land  speculators  and  laud-owners,  settlers  and 
squatters,  and  idlers  and  loafers.  Quite  a  large  number 
were  disposed  to  take  it  all  as  a  huge  joke;  hut  Dr.  Rob- 
inson was  serious  enough  for  the  occasion.  He  came  for- 
ward to  define  his  position,  asserting  that  the  time  for 
moderation  was  passed,  and  offering  resolutions  denounc- 
ing Judge  Willis  and  the  law.  These  resolutions,  in  spite 
of  a  few  dissenting  votes,  were  carried  by  a  large  majority. 
Subsequently,  numerous  speakers  crowded  to  the  platform 
and  harangued  the  public.  The  next  day  Dr.  Robinson 
drew  up  a  manifesto  —  an  able,  bold,  and  somewhat  reck- 
less document — stating  clearly  the  situation  and  denounc- 
ing the  attitude  of  the  courts  and  the  land-owners.  The 
following  is  the  manifesto  as  given  by  the  Doctor's  own 
pen:^ 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  SACRAMENTO  CITY. 

It  is  well  known  that  a  few  individuals  have  seized  upon  nearly 
all  the  arable  lands  in  this  country,  and  the  following  are  some  of  the 
means  they  have  resorted  to,  in  order  to  retain  the  property  thus 
taken : 

First.  They  have  used  brute  force  and  torn  down  the  buildings 
of  the  settlers,  and  driven  them  from  their  homes  by  riotous  mobs. 

Second.  They  have  used  threats  of  violence,  even  to  the  taking 
of  life,  if  the  occupant  or  settler  persisted  in  defending  his  property, 
and  thus  extorted  from  the  timid  their  rightful  possessions. 

Third.  They  have  passed  or  procured  the  passage  of  certain  rules 

1  Koyce,  p.  240. 

2  Kansas  Conflict,  pp.  45-6. 


CALIFORNIA    ADVENT UKES  63 

in  the  so-called  Legislature  of  California,  for  the  purpose,  as  their 
attorneys  affirm,  of  protecting  themselves  and  removing  the  settlers 
from  the  land  they  may  occupy  whether  right  or  lorong, —  thus  set- 
tling the  question  of  title  in  an  assumed  legislative  body,  which 
question  can  alone  be  settled  by  the  supreme  government  of  the 
United   States. 

Fourth.  Under  said  legislative  regulations,  by  them  called  laws, 
they  have  continually  harassed  the  settlers  with  suits,  and  in  many 
instances  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  homes  for  want  of  the 
means  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  courts.  Many  others  have  paid  these 
costs  with  the  hope  of  carrying  their  cause  through  these  so-calletl 
courts  to  the  proper  tribunal  for  final  decision,  viz.,  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 

But  these  hopes  were  vain,  for  Judge  Willis,  so  called,  has  de- 
cided that  from  his  decision  there  is  no  appeal. 

And  now,  inasmuch  as  the  so-called  Legislature  is  not  recognized 
by  Congress,  and  the  rules  and  regulations  not  approved  and  are 
therefore  of  no  binding  force  upon  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
but  simply  advisory,  and  inasmuch  as  the  so-called  law  of  "  Forcible 
Entry  and  Detainer,"  if  passed  for  the  purpose  affirmed  by  their 
counsel,  namely,  to  drive  ofi"  settlers,  with  or  without  title,  is  un- 
constitutional, and  would  be  in  any  State,  the  people  of  this  com- 
munity called  settlers,  and  others  who  are  friends  of  justice  and 
humanity,  in  consideration  of  the  above,  have  determined  to  disre- 
gard all  decisions  of  our  courts  in  land  cases  and  all  summonses  or 
executions  by  the  sheriff,  constable,  or  other  officer  of  the  present 
county  or  city,  touching  this  matter.  They  will  regard  the  said 
officers  as  private  citizens,  as  in  the  eyes  of  the  Constitution  they 
are,  and  hold  them  accountable  accordingly.  And,  moreover,  if  there 
is  no  other  appeal  from  Judge  Willis,  the  settlers  and  others,  on  the 
first  show  of  violence  to  their  persons  or  property,  either  by  the  sheriff 
or  other  person,  under  color  of  any  execution  or  writ  of  restitution, 
based  on  any  judgment  or  decree  of  any  court  in  this  county,  in  an 
action  to  recover  possession  of  land,  have  deliberately  resolved  to 
appeal  to  arms,  and  protect  their  sacred  rights,  if  need  be,  with 
their  lives. 

Should  such  be  rendered  necessary  by  the  acts  of  the  sheriff  or 
others,  the  settlers  will  be  governed  by  martial  law.  All  property, 
and  the  persons  of  such  as  do  not  engage  in  the  contest,  will  be 
sacredly  regarded  and   protected  by  them,   whether  landholders  or 


64  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

otherwise,  but  the  property  and  lives  of  those  who  take  the  field 
againet  them  ■will  share  the  fate  of  war. 

Dr.  Robinson's  position  was  bold  and  liis  situation  some- 
what critical,  for  he  had  openly  defied  the  local  courts 
and  committed  himself  to  defense  at  arms.  It  was  under- 
stood that  the  sheriff  Avould  take  possession  of  the  property 
under  dispute  on  Monday  morning,  and  it  was  necessary 
for  the  squatters  to  act  then  in  defense  of  their  property 
against  the  courts,  if  they  ever  expected  to.  In  a  letter 
written  to  Sara  T.  D.  Lawrence,  afterward  the  wife  of 
Dr.  Robinson,  dated  August  12,  1850,  the  situation  is 
clearly  and  graphically  described  in  the  Doctor's  own  way. 
The  writer  feels  it  better  to  quote  from  this  letter  than  to 
attempt  an  elaborate  description  of  the  situation :  ^ 

"August  12,  1850. — Although  I  have  written  one  letter,  yet,  as  I 
have  been  called  upon  by  circumstances  to  remain  in  town,  and  as  I 
have  a  little  leisure,  I  will  talk  with  you  a  little,  my  dear  S. 
Since  writing  you  we  have  seen  much  and  experienced  much  of  a 
serious  and  important  character,  as  well  as  much  of  excitement.  The 
county  judge,  before  Avhom  our  cases  were  brought,  decided  against 
us,  and  on  Saturday  morning  declared  that  from  his  decision  there 
should  be  no  appeal.  The  squatters  immediately  collected  on  the 
ground  in  dispute,  and  posted,  on  large  bills,  the  following:  'OUT- 
RAGE!!! Shall  Judge  Willis  be  dictator?  Squatters,  and  all 
other  republicans,  are  invited  to  meet  on  the  Levee  this  evening,  to 
hear  the  details.'  It  was  responded  to  by  both  parties,  and  the  specu- 
lators, as  aforetime,  attempted  to  talk  against  time,  etc.  On  the 
passage  of  a  series  of  resolutions  presented  by  your  humble  servant, 
there  were  about  three  ayes  to  one  nay,  although  the  Transcript 
tiaid  they  were  about  equal.  Sunday  morning  I  drew  up  a  mani- 
festo— carried  it  with  me  to  church — paid  one  dollar  for  preaching — 
helped  them  sing — showed  it  to  a  lawyer  to  see  if  my  position  was 
correct,  legally,  and  procured  the  printing  of  it  in  handbills  and  in 

'  Kansas  Conflict,  pp.  46-8.  Koyce  :  Squatter  Eiot  of  '50  in  Sacramento  ;  Overland 
Monttily,  Vol.  VI,  (second  periee,)  pp.  241-2. 


CALIFOKNIA   ADVENTURES  65 

the  paper,  after  presenting  it  to  a  private  meeting  of  citizens  for  their 
approval,  which  I  addressed  at  some  length.  After  a  long  talk  for 
the  purpose  of  consoling  a  gentleman  just  in  from  the  plains,  and  who 
the  day  before  had  buried  his  wife,  whom  he  loved  most  tenderly, 
and  a  few  days  previous  to  that  had  lost  his  son,  I  threw  myself  upon 
niy  blankets  and  '  anxiously  thought  of  the  morrow.' 

"What  will  be  the  result?  Shall  I  be  borne  out  in  my  position? 
On  whom  can  I  depend?  How  many  of  those  who  are  squatters  will 
come  out  if  there  is  a  prospect  of  a  fight?  Will  the  sheriff  take  pos- 
session, as  he  has  promised,  before  10  o'clock  a.m.?  How  many 
speculators  will  fight?  Have  I  distinctly  defined  our  position  in  the 
bill?  Will  the  world,  the  universe,  and  God  say  it  is  just?  —  etc., 
ete.,  etc.  Will  you  call  me  rash  if  I  tell  you  that  I  took  these  steps 
to  this  point  when  I  could  get  but  twenty -five  men  to  pledge  them- 
selves on  paper  lo  sustain  me,  and  many  of  them,  I  felt,  were  timid? 
Such  was  the  case. 

"  This  morning  I  was  early  on  my  feet,  silently  and  quietly  visit- 
ing my  friends,  collecting  arms,  etc.  Our  manifesto  appeared  in  the 
paper  and  bills  early,  and  the  whole  town  is  aroused.  Nothing  is 
thought  or  talked  of  but  war.  About  two  hundred  men  assembled  on 
the  disputed  territory,  and  most  of  them  sympathized  with  us.  A  few, 
however,  were  spies.  We  chose  our  commander,  and  enrolled  such  as 
were  willing  and  ready  to  lay  down  their  lives,  if  need  be,  in  the 
cause.  About  fifty  names  could  be  obtained.  I  managed,  by  speeches, 
business,  etc.,  to  keep  the  spectators  and  fighters  mingled  in  a  mass, 
all  unarmed,  so  as  to  let  no  one  know  that  all  were  men  of  valor  and 
ready  to  fight.  While  thus  engaged,  the  mayor  appeared  and  ad- 
dressed us  from  his  saddle  —  not  ordering  us  to  disperse,  but  advising 
us  to  do  so.  I  replied,  most  respectfully,  that  we  were  assembled  to 
injure  no  one,  and  to  assail  no  one  who  left  us  alone.  We  were  on 
our  own  property,  with  no  hostile  intention  while  unmolested.  After 
he  left,  I  with  others  Avas  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon  him  at 
his  office,  and  state  distinctly  our  position,  etc.,  so  that  there  could 
be  no  possibility  of  mistake.  He  said  he  would  use  his  influence  as 
an  individual  to  keep  anyone  from  destroying  our  property,  and  told 
us  the  sheriff  had  just  told  him  that  the  executions  from  the  court 
had  been  postponed.  We  returned,  and  after  reporting,  and  making 
some  further  arrangements  for  another  meeting  if  necessary,  we  ad- 
journed. I  told  the  mayor  we  should  not  remain  together  if  no  at- 
tempt was  to  be  made  to  execute  their  warrants,  but  I  told  him  that 


66  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

if  in  the  meantime  a  sheriff  or  any  otlier  person  molested  a  squatter 
we  should  hold  him  responsible  according  to  our  proclamation.  From 
this  position  we  could  not  l>e  driven,  although  we  knew  it  to  be  in 
violation  of  the  regulations  of  the  State.  We  were  prepared  to  abid«» 
the  result. 

"  It  is  said  that  a  writ  is  made  out  for  my  arrest,  as  a  rebel,  etc. 
If  so,  it  will  not  probably  be  served  at  present." 

The  conflict  was  soon  precipitated  by  the  sheriff,  who 
appeared  soon  after  the  squatters  had  dispersed,  removed 
the  property  and  furniture  in  dispute,  and  placed  a  Iceeper 
in  charge.  Several  squatters  were  arrested  and  sent  to  the 
prison-ship.^  During  the  day  leading  squatters  sought  to 
escape  arrest,  and  a  meeting  was  held  in  Dr.  Robinson's 
tent  at  night.  After  a  full  discussion  of  the  subject,  a 
plan  of  procedure  was  adopted.  All  the  squatters  who 
had  pledged  themselves  to  defend  their  interests  were  to 
meet  early  the  next  morning  under  an  oak  tree  in  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city,  and  thence  march  to  the  disputed  prop- 
erty and  retake  it.  An  ex-soldier  of  the  Mexican  War  by 
the  name  of  Maloney  was  chosen  as  military  leader.^  To 
avoid  arrest  Dr.  Robinson  and  Maloney  spent  the  night 
at  the  latter's  cabin,  six  miles  outside  of  the  town.  Early 
the  next  morning  they  rode  to  the  appointed  place,  but 
much  to  their  surjn-ise  found  not  a  solitary  squatter.  The 
courage  of  those  who  had  asserted  boldly  that  they  would 
defend  their  rights,  seemed  t/)  have  disappeared.  Dr. 
Robinson  and  Maloney  started  out  to  rally  their  forces, 
and  found  after  a  search  that  some  of  the  loudest  in  the 
protestation  against  abuses  and  the  boldest  in  promises 
were  in  bed,  trembling  at  the  hint  of  war.     It  took  four  or 

1  Bancroft's  Works,  Vol.  X5XV,  pp.  408-9.     Kansas  Conflict,  p.  48,  et  oeg. 
-  Compare  this  and  following  with  Koyoe :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50 ;  Overland  Honthlj, 
Vol.  VI,  (second  series,)  p.  242. 


CALIFORNIA  ADVENTURES  67 

five  hours  to  muster  fifteen  men,  who  were  drilled  a  short 
time  by  Captain  Malonej  before  setting  forth  on  their 
errand.  The  soldiers  were  sworn  in  to  obey  the  orders  of 
the  commander  or  be  shot  as  a  penalty.  The  situation  was 
not  encouraging.  After  a  day  and  a  night  had  been  spent 
in  vigorous  work,  an  army  of  only  fifteen  armed  and 
equipped  men  could  be  mustered  to  take  the  field.  Ma- 
loney,  who  began  to  swell  with  military  pride,  desired  to 
ride  the  Doctor's  cream-colored  horse.  Dr.  Robinson  was 
armed  with  a  Colt's  six-shooter  rifle.  This  had  been  lent 
to  him  by  a  gentleman  who  sympathized  with  the  move- 
ment, and  who  had  recently  arrived  across  the  plains.  At 
noon  of  a  very  hot  day,  August  14,  the  order  was  given  to 
march,  and  the  little  squatter  army  of  fourteen  men  and 
one  commander  marched  seven  abreast  down  X  street, 
though  insignificant  in  number,  very  warlike  in  appear- 
ance. They  had  not  gone  far  before  a  crisis  occurred  in 
their  own  ranks.  The  house  of  a  citizen  by  the  name  of 
A.  M.  Winn,  fonner  president  of  the  city  comicil,  was  on 
the  line  of  march,  and  it  appears  that  the  commander, 
Maloney,  had  a  bitter  grudge  against  him.  As  the  little 
army  approached  the  house,  the  commander  turned  upon 
his  horse  and  said  he  vvould  order  that  house  destroyed. 
Up  spoke  the  Doctor  from  the  ranks  and  denounced  such 
a  proceeding  as  fatal  to  the  entire  squatter  movement. 
The  commander  apparently  abandoned  his  purpose,  but 
when  directly  opposite  the  house  he  turned  again  and 
said,  "  We  will  never  have  a  better  time,"  and  was  about 
to  give  the  order  to  fire  the  house.  From  the  ranks  of 
the  little  army  Dr.  Robinson  sprang  forward,  rifle  in  hand, 
and  shouted  to  the  foolhardy  commander,  "  If  you  order 


bb  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    EOBINSON 

that  house  destroyed,  I  will  blow  jour  brains  out !  "  This 
was  a  peculiar  situation.  Here  was  a  private  who  had 
fifteen  minutes  before  sworn  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  com- 
mander, on  penalty  of  being  shot,  jumping  from  the  ranks 
and  threat-ening  to  shoot  the  commander  if  he  did  not 
obey  the  orders  of  a  private.  Dr.  Robinson  was  not  a 
little  disturbed  at  the  commander's  apparent  lack  of  judg- 
ment,  and  especially  his  lack  of  comprehension  of  the 
issue  involved.  It  was  evident  that  Maloney  must  be 
checke-d  or  the  warfare  would  be  turned  from  an  attempt 
at  the  protection  of  the  helpless  squatters  in  their  rights 
to  an  attempt  at  the  wanton  destruction  of  the  property 
of  peaceful  citizens.  Even  with  the  utmost  check  upon 
his  reckless  conduct,  Maloney  apparently  disgraced  the 
cause  by  movements  lacking  in  judgTuent. 

Finally  the  house  and  property  in  controversy  were 
reached,  and  as  the  keeper  placed  in  charge  by  the  sheriff 
was  absent,  the  squatters  took  formal  possession  and  re- 
placed the  furniture  and  property  in  the  house  where  it 
belonged.-^  The  Doctor,  desiring  to  get  the  squad  out  of 
the  city  in  another  direction,  advised  that  they  visit  a  lot 
on  I  street,  where  lumber  had  been  deposited  upon  a 
squatter's  claim  without  the  owner's  consent.  On  arriving 
at  the  lot  on  I  street,  it  was  found  that  the  person  who  had 
deposited  the  lumber  there  had  done  it  only  as  a  matter  of 
convenience,  and  had  no  designs  on  the  lot;  hence  there 
was  nothing  more  to  be  done.  The  little  army  soon  had 
numerous  followers,  who  joined  the  procession  largely 
through  curiosity,  some  armed  with  rifles  or  shotguns,  and 
others  with  revolvers. 

^  Oompare  Royce:  Squatter  Riot  of  '60  in  Sacramento  ;  Overland  Monthly, Vol. VI, 
(second  B»riee,)  p.  242. 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  69 

Maloney  was  requested  to  marcli  out  of  town  on  I  street, 
which  was  sparsely  settled,  as  the  little  band  would  l>? 
likely  to  attract  less  attention  by  so  doing.  He  marched 
up  I  street  to  Third,  when  to  the  amazement  of  the  Doctor 
he  turned  to  J  street,  the  busiest  part  of  the  town.  As 
they  marched  through  the  principal  business  street  the 
crowd  of  followers  increased,  including  many  of  the 
worst  characters  in  the  city.  When  the  squad  arrived  at 
Fourth  street  a  turn  was  made  to  the  south.  Soon  after 
the  comer  was  turned  at  J  street  and  Fourth  a  shout  was 
raised,  and  the  mayor,  sheriff  and  their  adherents  opened 
fire  on  the  little  sqnatter  army  of  fifteen.^  It  appears  that 
while  the  squatter  army  was  marching  about  town  the 
mayor  and  sheriff  were  galloping  here  and  there  for  rein- 
forcements to  put  down  the  rebellion.  l^To  sooner  was  the 
attack  made  on  the  little  army  than  Maloney  gave  the 
order  to  face  about  and  fire.  As  soon  as  the  fire  of  the 
mayor's  crowd  was  returned,  all  fled  in  hot  haste  and  the 
space  was  cleared  in  front  of  the  squatters.  In  fact,  there 
was  a  rapid  dispersing  of  the  crowd  on  both  sides.  The 
mayor  was  badly  wounded,  losing  an  arm,  and  the  city 
auditor,  who  was  foremost  in  the  attack,  was  killed.  One 
squatter  also  was  killed  in  the  first  encounter.  While  the 
squatters  were  still  in  line  a  man  named  Harper  passed 
up  J  street,  and  when  opposite  Dr.  Robinson  suddenly 
stopped  and  fired  his  revolver,  the  ball  passing  through 
the  Doctor's  body  two  inches  below  the  heart.  Dr.  Robin- 
son then  raised  his  rifle  and  returned  the  fire,  the  ball 
striking  the  breast-bone  of  Harper  and  glancing  off  with- 
out entering  the  body. 

1  Compare  Bancroft  :  Work'),  Vol.  XXXV,  p.  409  ;  and  Royce  :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50 
ia  Sacramento  ;  Overland  MoQthly,  Vol.  VI,  (second  .series,)  pp.  243  and  244. 


70  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    EOBINSON 

Wlien  Dr.  Robinson  returned  to  consciousness  lie  found 
himself  in  the  street  on  the  ,^round.  Looking  about,  he 
found  that  no  one  was  in  si^ht,  and  he  crawled  slowly  into 
an  eating-house  near  by.  At  first  the  inmates  were  afraid 
t-o  give  even  the  water  which  he  craved.  Soon  after,  some 
physicians  appeared,  and  he  was  well  cared  for.  The  cor- 
oner and  the  sheriff  appeared ;  the  former  asked  Dr.  Rob- 
inson's name  and  age,  and  the  latter  seemed  in  such  a 
hurry  that  Robinson  smilingly  told  him  if  he  could  wait 
a  little  he  would  be  out  of  his  way.  He  was  in  a  very 
critical  condition  at  this  time,  and  the  pulsation  at  his 
wrist  having  stopped,  the  physicians  caused  the  sheriff  to 
wait  until  circulation  was  restored.  As  the  slow  proces- 
sion moved  toward  the  prison-ship  bearing  the  Doctor  on 
a  cot,  sidewalks,  verandas  and  roofs  were  thronged  with 
people  silently  watching  the  proceedings.  Others  came 
out  of  the  crowd  and  silently  pressed  his  hand.  On  reach- 
ing the  prison-ship  Dr.  Robinson  was  placed  in  the  fore- 
castle. The  only  other  occupant  was  a  violent,  insane 
foreigner  who  muttered  in  an  unknown  tongue,  beating 
the  sides  of  the  vessel  with  his  head  and  in  other  ways 
most  of  the  time.  Here  the  prisoner  w^as  placed  with  the 
idea  that  he  would  not  live  long,  and  that  probably  a 
burial  the  next  morning  would  be  the  only  trouble  he 
would  cause  thereafter.  Sucli  was  Dr.  Robinson's  critical 
condition  that  a  person  leaving  Sacramento  on  the  night 
of  August  14,  the  day  of  the  riot,  brought  tbe  news  to 
San  Francisco  that  he  was  dead,  and  the  report  was  con- 
veyed to  his  New  England  home.  The  great  excitement 
of  the  news  was  only  allayed  when,  a  fortnight  after,  a 


CALIFOENIA  ADVENTURES  71 

long  letter  written  by  Dr.  Robinson  was  received,  which 
contradicted  the  news  of  his  deatli. 

The  prison-ship  was  an  old  hulk  situated  a  considerable 
distance  out  upon  the  Sacramento  river.  Although  the 
heat  on  this  August  day  in  Sacramento  was  excessive,  the 
nights  on  the  i^rison-ship  were  very  cold  and  the  prisoner 
suffered  much  because  he  had  lost  a  good  deal  of  his 
clothing  in  the  examination  of  the  wound,  and  was  fur- 
nished none  in  prison.  He  suffered  great  pain,  but  when 
the  jailer  arrived  next  morning  at  9  o'clock  the  Doctor 
declared  that  unless  inflammation  set  in  he  would  recover, 
contrary  to  the  expectations  of  his  friends  and  the  hopes 
of  his  enemies.  Dr.  Robinson  attributed  his  rapid  re- 
covery to  his  strictly  temperate  habits,  cold  w^ater  being 
his  only  beverage. 

It  appeared  that  w^iile  Dr.  Robinson  was  lying  in  the 
eating-house,  wounded,  and  awaiting  removal  to  the  prison- 
ship,  just  before  his  arrest  by  the  sheriff,  the  small  army 
of  squatters  had  disappeared,  each  one  going  his  own  way 
to  his  own  home.  While  Captain  Maloney  was  riding 
along  the  street  the  sheriff  galloped  up  to  him  and  de- 
nounced him  in  very  severe  terms.  Though  Maloney  was 
unarmed,  except  with  a  saber,  he  turned  and  pursued  his 
assailant,  who  ran  into  a  crowed  of  well-armed  speculators. 
They  at  once  opened  fire  on  Captain  Maloney,  killed  the 
horse,  and  planted  eighteen  bullets  in  Maloney's  body. 

Thus  ended  the  first  and  last  real  encounter  of  the 
squatters  with  the  speculators  of  Sacramento.  The  city 
was  greatly  alarmed.  Lieutenant-Governor  McDougal 
started  for  San  Francisco  for  help.  Wild  rumors  were 
afloat  regarding  the  strength  of  the  squatters  and  their 


72  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

sworn  vensfcance  upon  the  citj.  But  it  appears  that  the 
panic  had  bep,iin  to  subside,  when  it  was  found  that  the 
squatters  proposed  to  live  up  to  their  manifesto.  But  many 
of  the  specuhitors  uriyed  that  with  the  military  leader  of 
the  squatters  killed  and  their  civil  leader  badly  wounded, 
it  was  a  g'ood  time  to  make  an  end  of  all  squatterism. 
The  newspapers  were  full  of  glorious  boasting"  over  the  re- 
sult, and  the  little  sheriff  was  commended  for  his  bravery. 
Swelling  ^v^th  pride,  he  rallied  a  posse  the  second  day  and 
started  seven  or  eight  miles  in  the  country  to  arrest  "  Old 
Man  Allen,"  as  he  was  called.  Allen  had  taken  up  a 
claim  on  the  American  river,  and  it  appeared  that  some- 
body wanted  the  claim  or  had  attempted  to  establish  a 
legal  right  to  it.  It  is  stated  by  some  that  he  was  keeping 
a  hotel  or  boarding-house.  Allen  was  caring  for  a  sick 
wife,  when  the  sheriff  surrounded  his  house  with  three 
squads.  When  he  came  to  the  door  his  surrender  was  de- 
manded. He  replied  by  discharging  the  contents  of  a  shot- 
gun into  the  little  sheriff,  who  was  carried  back  a  corpse  to 
the  city.  Allen  was  woiuided,  and  several  others  were 
wounded  and  killed  in  the  struggle.  His  wife  died  during 
the  struggle. 

The  nev.'s  of  the  sherifl''s  death  caused  great  excitement 
in  the  city.  Militia  companies  turned  out,  and  detailed 
patrolling  parties  passed  through  the  streets  to  keep  them 
clear.  But  the  next  morning  the  steamer  returned,  bring- 
ing Lieutenant-Governor  McDougal,  and  this  with  other 
events  allayed  public  fear,  the  excitement  soon  died  out, 
and  the  people  were  ashamed  that  they  had  been  alarmed. 
The  squatters  continued  to  meet  in  the  mining  districts 


CALIFORNIA   AD  V'E  If  TURKS  73 

and  at  Marjsville,  l>ut  at  Sacramento  tliere  seemed  to  be 
a  common  consent  to  drop  the  subject  as  soon  as  possible.^ 
Dr.  Robinson  holds  that  the  matter  was  dropx)ed  be- 
'  cause  the  speculators  were  beaten,  or  at  least  saw  they  had 
to  cope  with  a  stem  and  stubborn  foe.  Those  advocating 
the  other  side  considered  that  the  squatters  were  beaten. 
After  the  sheriff  had  attempted  to  arrest  Allen,  the  keeper 
of  the  prison-ship  visited  Dr.  Robinson,  who  inquired  as 
to  the  condition  of  the  squatters  and  what  they  were  doing. 
"  Squatters  ?  "  said  the  keeper ;  '*  they  are  annihilated,  or 
will  be  as  fast  as  found."  Two  nights  after  the  transac- 
tion the  keeper  again  appeared,  in  a  very  different  frame 
of  mind.  He  was  very  much  excited,  and  had  come  to  ask 
a  favor;  for  it  appeared  that  the  next  day  after  killing 
the  sheriff,  Allen  had  reached  a  mining  camp  while  the 
miners  were  at  dinner.  "  He  was  hatless  and  coatless,  and 
covered  with  mud  and  blood  from  head  to  foot.  In  this 
plight  he  told  the  story  of  the  squatter  riot  and  of  his  en- 
counter with  the  sheriff."  ^  A  report  was  soon  abroad  that 
the  miners  had  resolved  to  enter  Sacramento,  rescue  the 
prisoners  and  destroy  the  town,  if  another  squatter  was 
disturbed.  The  keeper  had  come  to  ask  Dr.  Robinson  to 
send  word  to  the  miners  that  he  did  not  wish  to  be  rescued, 
as  he  thought  this  would  quiet  the  town  and  allay  the  ex- 
citement. Dr.  Robinson  replied  that  while  he  had  no  de- 
sire to  be  rescued,  he  had  no  word  to  send  to  the  miners 
or  to  anyone  else.  At  this  juncture  the  militia,  which  had 
come  from  San  Francisco  to  quell  the  disturbance,  called 
in  a  body  upon  Dr.  Robinson  on  the  prison-ship.     During 

>  Bancroft :  Works,  Vol.  XXXV,  pp.  408-10;  and  Royce  :  Sqnatter  Riot  of  '50  in  Sac- 
ramento ;  Overland  Monthly,  Vol.  VI,  (aecond  series,)  p.  245. 
-  Kansas  Conflict,  pp.  56-7. 


74  LliE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

this  visit  an  officer  whispered  in  the  Doctor's  ear  that  he 
and  his  friends  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  militia,  as 
they  had  investigated  the  matter  and  approved  the  course 
the  squatters  had  taken,  Mr.  Kojce  ^  states  that  "  a  tacit 
consent  to  drop  the  subject  was  soon  noticeable  in  the  com- 
munity," and  that  "  there  was  sullen  submission  near 
home,"  and  ''  a  decided  sense  of  common  guilt."  Dr.  Rob- 
inson holds  that  the  reason  for  this  was  the  firm  stand 
taken  by  the  squatters  to  protect  occupants  of  land  until  a 
title  should  be  shown,  the  speculators  having  finally  real- 
ized the  justice  of  the  squatters'  position,  or  at  least  the 
cogency  of  their  argument  of  force  in  maintaining  it. 

Mr.  Royce  writes  somewhat  facetiously  on  this  subject. 
He  tries  to  show  tlie  improper  attitude  of  the  squatters 
in  attacking  the  institutions  of  California,  but  he  does  not 
question  the  ability  or  sincerity  of  Dr.  Robinson  as  a 
leader  of  the  movement.  Referring  to  a  letter  which  Dr. 
Robinson  had  written  to  the  Placer  Times  in  defense  of 
the  position  of  the  squatters,  he  says :  - 

"  The  writer  of  the  letter  in  question  is  very  probably  no  other 
than  the  distinguished  squatter  leader,  Dr.  Charles  Eobinson  him- 
self, a  man  to  whom  the  movement  seems  to  have  owed  nearly  all  its 
ability.  And  when  we  speak  of  Dr.  Eobinson,  we  have  to  do  with  no 
insignificant  demagogue  or  unprincipled  advocate  of  wickedness,  but 
with  a  high-minded  and  conscientious  man,  who  chanced  just  then  to 
be  in  the  Devil's  service,  but  who  served  the  Devil  honestly,  thought- 
fully, and,  so  far  as  he  could,  dutifully,  believing  him  to  be  an  angel 
of  light.  This  future  Free-Soil  Governor  of  Kansas,  this  cautious, 
clear-headed,  and  vigorous  antislavery  champion  of  the  troublous 
days  before  the  war,  who  has  since  survived  so  many  bitter  quarrels 
with  old  foes  and  old  friends,  to  enjoy,  now  at  last,  his  peaceful  age  at 

1  Boyce :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50  In  Sacramento ;  Overland  Monthly,  Vol.  VI,  (second 
series,)  p.  246. 

2  Idem. 


CALIFORNIA  ADVEN  TUBES  Y5 

kJB  home  in  Lawrence,  Kansas,  is  not  a  man  of  whom  one  may  speak 
with  contempt,  however  serious  his  error  in  Sacramento  may  seem. 
He  was  a  proper  hero  for  this  tragic  comedy,  and  '  nature,  country 
and  God  '  were  his  guiding  ideals." 

Mr.  Royce  then  goes  on  to  discuss  the  origin  of  the  culti- 
vated radicalism  of  the  antislavery  generation  of  Massa- 
chusetts, who  found  it  convenient  when  ordinary  common- 
place legal  processes  failed,  to  appeal  to  a  so-called  higher 
law.  He  holds  that  Dr.  Eohinson  had  a  tendency  to  over- 
look ihe  intricacies  of  Spanish  land  grants,  to  repudiate 
local  courts,  and  to  appeal  to  the  higher  law  for  the  solu- 
tion of  the  cases  in  equity.     He  continues  :  ^ 

"  For  the  rest,  Dr.  Kobinson  added  to  his  idealism  the  aforesaid 
Yankee  shrewdness  and  to  his  trust  in  God  considerable  ingenuity  in 
raising  funds  to  keep  the  squatter  association  at  work.  He  wrote 
well  and  spoke  well.  He  was  thoroughly  in  earnest,  and  his  motives 
seemed  to  me  above  any  suspicion  of  personal  greed.  He  made  out  of 
this  squatter  movement  a  thing  of  real  power,  and  was  for  the  time 
a  very  dangerous  man." 

In  his  article  in  the  Overland  Montlily,  where  he  gives 
the  history  of  the  squatter  riot,  and  also  in  his  history  of 
California,  Mr.  Eoyce  did  some  very  fine  writing.  The 
whole  historical  aspect  is  colored  with  fine  bits  of  phi- 
losophy, and  in  many  instances  with  extravagant  words 
and  statements.  Upon  the  whole  it  is  a  gi'aphic  picture 
of  the  great  squatter  movement  of  California,  with  an 
apparent  studied  attempt  to  overlook  the  real  details  of 
the  situation  at  Sacramento  and  the  attitude  of  the  men 
in  defending  squatter  rights  in  Sacramento,  But  it  is  a 
sparkling  philosophy  rather  than  an  impartial  history. 
It  is  graphic,  reflective,  and  entertaining.     The  following 

1  Boyce  :  Squatter  Riot  of  '50  in  Sacramento  ;  Overland  Monthly,  Vol.  VI,  (second 
eeries,)  p.  237. 


76  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON" 

statement  by  Dr.  Robinson  is  a  fair  representation  of  the 

squatter  side  of  the  argument :  ^ 

"  It  is  plain  the  only  higher  law  the  squatters  were  after  was  the 
law  of  the  United  States  and  the  decision  of  a  legal  tribunal.  This 
law  and  decision  the  speculators  said  should  not  be  had,  hence  the 
conflict.  Mr.  Royce  says  the  Supreme  Court  is  a  long  way  oflf,  and  to 
wait  for  its  decision  would  work  great  hardship  to  the  claimants 
under  the  grant.  But  where  would  be  the  greater  hardship?  This 
grant  was  sufficiently  elastic  to  cover  all  northern  California,  and  was 
used  to  enable  a  few  men,  with  quitclaim  or  other  deeds  from  Cap- 
tain Sutter,  to  levy  tribute  upon  every  person  of  the  many  thousand 
who  might  want  to  settle  in  the  country.  If  the  claimants  could  not 
wait  for  a  legal  adjustment,  how  could  the  hordes  of  destitute  people 
wait  that  were  pouring  in  from  the  Eastern  States?  If  the  title 
should  prove  valid,  the  grantees  would  lose  nothing.  Even  should 
the  entire  tract  of  eleven  letvgues  le  densely  populated  by  thriving 
cities,  it  would  only  enhance  tlie  value  of  the  grant  a  thousand-fold, 
while,  should  the  land  in  question  be  not  covered  by  the  grant,  the 
cormorants  would  have  robbed  every  occupant  of  hard-earned  money, 
never  to  be  returned.  Thus  a  valid  claimant  would  lose  nothing  by 
waiting  for  the  courts,  even  the  highest  court,  while  the  squatter 
would  lose  all  he  might  pay  for  a  bogus  title  at  the  hands  of  a  bogus 
claimant  or  speculator." 

So  far  as  concerns  tbe  position  of  the  squatters  in  de- 
fending settlers  in  their  rights  until  titles  could  be  settled 
bj  the  courts,  there  seems  to  be  no  real  objection  to  their 
course.  The  denial  of  the  right  to  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  ought  not  to  have  been  permitted.  The  ultimate 
test  of  all  land  titles  is  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  If  the  governmental  machinery  was  not  sufficiently 
perfected  to  allow  an  immediate  decision  on  the  appeal, 
that  was  no  concern  of  the  lower  courts,  and  they  should 
have  decided  in  favor  of  the  right  of  appeal.  That  all 
cases  were  finally  referred  to  a  commission  appointed  by 

J  Robinson  :  Kansas  Conflict,  p.  60. 


CALIFORNIA    ADVENTTJKES  77 

Congress,  and  that  all  contested  cases  finally  readied  the 
Supreme  Court  for  settlement,  shows  that  the  squatters 
were  logically  correct.  In  the  special  case  of  the  Sutter 
grant,  it  was  evident  from  the  intent  and  purposes  of  the 
Mexican  government  that  he  had  a  i-ight  to  eleven  leagues 
of  land ;  and  that  the  description  of  the  boundary  of  this 
land  located  it  twenty  miles  north  of  Sacramento  as  its 
southern  boundary.  The  fact  remains  that  for  ten  years 
Mr.  Sutter  had  occupied  and  settled  land  in  and  around 
Sacramento  on  the  supposition  that  his  grant  covered  that 
territoi-y,  or  possibly  with  no  direct  idea  that  it  was  in  the 
original  claim.  He  bought  the  fort  of  the  Russians,  but 
had  no  title  to  the  land  unless  he  could  make  the  Sutter 
grant  by  Alvarado  cover  it.  In  point  of  fact,  Sutter  had 
no  legal  title  to  the  land  about  Sacramento,  and  conse- 
quently could  give  no  legal  title  in  transfer,  possession  be- 
ing his  only  real  claim.  Holding  strictly  to  the  title,  he 
would  have  been  excluded  from  any  right  of  land  in  and 
around  Sacramento,  including  the  disputed  territory.  As 
a  question  of  equity  and  justice  the  court  might,  on  ac- 
count of  his  possession,  grant  him  a  portion  of  the  Sacra- 
mento territory.  Apparently  this  is  what  happened,  for  in 
the  final  settlement  the  larger  portion  of  his  grant  was 
located  within  the  boundaries  of  the  legal  title,  but  a 
smaller  portion  was  allowed  him  in  the  territory  occupied 
in  and  about  the  Sacramento,  The  squatters  could  scarcely 
be  blamed  for  believing  that  the  title  of  Sutter  was  fraud- 
ulent, on  account  of  the  dispositions  of  persons  in  those 
days  to  grab  and  hold  great  landed  estates  regardless  of 
right.  The  Supreme  Court  decided  against  two  other  al- 
leged Sutter  grants, —  one  for  twenty-two  leagues,  signed 


T8  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

by  Governor  Miclieltorena,  and  the  other  a  list  of  sub- 
grants  given  by  the  Governor  to  Sutter's  men  on  the  lat- 
ter's  recommendation.  On  the  whole,  it  may  fairly  be  said 
that  although  the  squatters  and  settlers  had  some  just 
grounds  of  complaint  in  this  Sacramento  affair,  yet  the 
general  tendency  of  the  California  squatters  to  ignore  the 
Mexican  land  titles  led  to  a  vast  deal  of  trouble.  Squat- 
terism,  as  it  spread  over  the  State,  became  a  synonym  of 
injustice,  strife,  and  waste  of  property. 

The  character  of  Dr.  Robinson  comes  out  clearly  through 
the  whole  struggle.  He  was  convinced  that  he  was  right, 
and  that  he  was  defending  the  oppressed,  or  those  who 
were  deprived  of  their  rights.  Throughout  his  life  he 
never  appeared  to  better  advantage  than  when  attempting 
to  defend  the  helpless  or  in  fighting  single-handed  open 
forms  of  injustice  or  oppression.  In  this  movement  he 
showed  himself  clear-headed,  conscientious,  shrewd  and 
skillful  by  the  manner  in  which  he  routed  the  forces  of  the 
speculators  and  landholders,  who  had  all  the  odds  in  tlieir 
favor.  When  we  remember  the  critical  condition  he  occu- 
pied before  the  law,  his  subsequent  history  in  California 
is  little  less  than  marvelous. 

When  Dr.  Robinson  was  sufficiently  recovered,  he  was 
brought  before  a  local  magistrate  and  formally  committed 
on  the  charge  of  murder  and  other  crimes.^  Soon  after, 
the  District  Court  met  at  Sacramento;  the  grand  jury 
found  four  true  bills  against  him, —  one  for  murder,  one 
for  conspiracy,  and  two  for  assault  with  intent  to  kill. 
Dr.  Robinson,  with  two  other  prisoners,  was  soon  taken 

iFor  the  ram^initif?  incidents  of  the  Sacramento  troubles,  aeo  TUe  Kansas  Conflict 
pp.  61-65.     See  also  Bancroft  :  Works,  Vol.  XXXV,  p.  410. 


CALIFORNIA  ADVENTURES  Y9 

into  court  to  plead  to  tlie  indictment.    All  three  were  again 
remanded  to  prison  to  await  trial. 

But  other  and  more  important  events  were  crowding  on, 
which  tended  to  draw  public  attention  away  from  the  op- 
erations of  the  courts.  The  time  was  approaching  for  the 
election  of  members  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  the  name 
of  Dr.  Robinson  was  proposed  bj  the  squatters  and  miners 
as  that  of  a  candidate  for  a  seat  in  this  body.  At  their 
request  a  new  campaign  document  in  the  form  of  a  mani- 
festo was  written  by  Dr.  Eobinson.  In  this  he  boldly 
charged  the  speculators  w^ith  murder  in  the  first  degree, 
and  declared  that  the  squatters  had  done  nothing  more 
than  defend  their  natural  and  constitutional  rights. 
The  manifesto  was  printed  in  the  form  of  a  poster  and 
distributed  throughout  the  country,  and,  although  not  a 
speech  was  made  in  the  entire  canvass,  the  poster  did  its 
work,  and  returned  a  majority  in  favor  of  Dr.  Robinson 
for  the  Legislature.  The  papers  denounced  the  manifesto, 
but  the  people  voted  in  favor  of  their  hero  now  in  a 
prison-ship  under  indictment  for  murder  by  the  grand 
jury,  and  awaiting  ti-ial.  Soon  after  the  election  the 
prisoner  was  admitted  to  bail,  and,  as  editor  of  the  "Set- 
tlers' and  Miners  Tribune,"  entered  vigorously  upon  the 
work  of  defending  the  cause  he  had  espoused.  He  was 
thus  employed  until  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Legislature, 
which  met  in  San  Jose,  in  1851. 

The  character  of  Dr.  Robinson  is  clearly  shown  in  his 
attitude  at  this  time  on  the  slavery  question,  which  affords 
a  good  illustration  of  the  fact  that  at  all  times  he  worked 
from  conviction  as  to  what  was  right  under  the  circum- 
stances.    While  he  was  in  prison,  one  of  the  attorneys, 


80  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBiNSON 

Mr.  Tweed,  appointed  to  defend  the  squatters,  came  to  liim 
and  advocated  the  division  of  California  into  two  States, — 
the  southern  portion  to  be  a  slave  State,  He  desired  the 
opinion  of  his  client  on  the  subject.  Dr.  Robinson  an- 
swered that  he  was  opposed  to  slavery  from  conviction, 
and  could  not,  on  account  of  its  injustice,  favor  its  exten- 
sion. When  Mr.  Tweed  learned  the  attitude  of  Dr.  Eob- 
inson  on  the  slavery  question  he  advised  the  Doctor  not  to 
consent  to  run  for  the  legislature,  because  it  mig'ht  preju- 
dice his  case  now  ]>ending  before  the  courts.  The  insight 
of  the  prisoner  easily  discerned  that  his  counsel  opposed 
his  candidacy  simply  because  he  was  opposed  to  slavery. 
The  Doctor  therefore  assured  him  that  if  the  people  chose 
to  vote  for  him  he  would  not  interfere,  and  if  the  courts 
chopc  to  hang  him  because  the  people  voted  for  him  they 
could  do  so.  Again,  in  the  Legislature  the  slavery  ques- 
tion caane  to  the  front.  General  Fremont  had  been  elected 
for  the  short  term  of  the  Senate,  which  was  about  to  ex- 
pire. In  his  place  Avere  nominated,  by  the  Whigs,  T. 
Butler  King,  of  Georgia;  and  by  the  Democrats,  Judge 
Heydenfelt,  of  Alabama, —  both  favoring  the  division  of 
California  and  the  extension  of  slavery.  Fremont  was 
opposed  to  the  division  and  to  the  extension  of  slavery, 
and  accordingly  Dr.  Robinson  and  some  twelve  or  fifteen 
others  voted  for  Fremont, —  who,  by  the  way,  was  the  pro- 
prietor of  a  large  Mexican  land  grant, —  and  thus  de- 
feated the  election  for  that  session.  Subsequently,  in  the 
next  session,  the  antislavery  sentiment  was  sufficiently 
strong  to  elect  an  antislavery  man,  a  Mr.  Weller,  from 
Ohio,  which  effectually  disposed  of  the  matter.  In  voting 
thus   on   the   slavery   question.   Dr.   Robinson    of   course 


CALIFORNIA  ADVENTUBES  81 

pleased  the  anti&lavery  squatters  and  displeased  those  of 
proslavery  views. 

At  this  session  of  the  Legislature  a  law  was  passed 
which  quieted  the  legal  proceedings  in  land  controversies, 
and  referred  all  cases  to  proper  tribunals  for  decision. 
While  Dr.  Robinson  was  absent  from  the  Legislature 
through  sickness,  a  unanimous  vote  of  both  houses  in- 
etnicted  the  prosecuting  attorney  to  enter  nolle  pros,  in 
tJie  case  of  The  State  vs.  Robinson,  but  the  acting  Gov- 
ernor, McDougal,  who  had  fled  to  San  Francisco  at  the 
sound  of  war,  vetoed  the  bill.  The  squatter  cases  of  Sac- 
ramento were  by  a  change  of  venue  taken  to  Benicia,  but 
after  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  Legislature  the  pris- 
oners were  discharged  on  account  of  no  prosecution. 
"  Nolle  pros,  was  entered,  and  the  hero  was  free."  Dr. 
Robinson  w^as  exonerated  by  the  people  of  Sacramento 
valley,  who  elected  him  to  the  Legislature.  Also,  he  was 
exonerated  by  the  Legislature  representing  the  whole  State 
of  California,  and  by  the  District  Court,  which  dismissed 
his  case. 

The  remainder  of  Dr.  Robinson's  stay  in  California  was 
rather  uneventful.  As  soon  as  he  was  thoroughly  recov- 
ered from  the  chills  and  fever  which  had  attacked  him,  he 
t^ok  a  steamer  for  Boston  by  way  of  the  Isthmus.  He 
sailed  on  the  3d  day  of  July,  1851,  and  on  the  5th  they 
were  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  about  eighty  miles 
below  San  Diego.  They  had  struck  the  rocks  about  one- 
fourth  of  a  mile  from  shore,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. On  the  coast  arose  hills  between  which  ran  a  little 
dry  ravine,  each  side  of  this  ravine  being  overshadowed 

by  perpendicular  rocks  eighty  feet  high.     This  small  ra- 
—6 


82  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

vine  proved  tlieir  salvation.  In  the  course  of  the  day  they 
got  the  small  boats  off  for  the  shore,  conveying  all  the 
passengers  safely  to  land  before  the  ship  finally  sank. 
They  knew  not  tlieir  location,  however,  and  remained  on 
this  inhospitable  shore  for  two  weeks  without  a  clue  to 
their  whereabouts. 

A  large  amount  of  gold  dust  was  on  board  the  ship. 
This  was  brought  on  shore,  where  it  was  carefully  guarded 
by  forty  men  chosen  by  the  company  for  this  purpose. 
The  men  were  under  the  command  of  Captain  Day,  with 
Dr.  Robinson  second,  and  were  divided  into  relays  of  ten 
each,  who  watched  the  treasure  day  and  night.  One  day, 
after  they  had  been  watching  their  treasure  on  land  for 
two  weeks,  at  the  same  time  eagerly  scanning  the  sea  for 
a  sail  or  scouring  the  country  for  information,  a  Mexican 
suddenly  appeared  from  the  interior,  and  informed  them 
of  their  location.  Ten  persons  went  to  San  Diego  to  get  a 
boat  to  come  that  way  to  pick  them  up.  It  was  necessary 
for  them  to  walk  a  considerable  distance  north  to  take  the 
boat,  as  it  could  not  come  near  shore  at  that  place.  They 
were  finally  obliged  to  take  a  schooner  instead  of  a 
steamer,  and  on  account  of  the  slow  sailing  of  the  former 
they  were  delayed.  While  on  their  way  to  the  Isthmus 
they  had  to  stop  at  Acapulco  to  see  the  consul  about  sal- 
vage papers  to  convey  to  the  insurance  companies. 
Through  misinformation  as  to  the  time  of  the  sailing 
of  the  steamer.  Dr.  Robinson  was  left  in  an  office  in  Aca- 
pulco, and  was  obliged  to  take  a  slow  boat  for  the  Isthmus. 
Consequently  he  arrived  too  late  to  take  the  fortnightly 
steamer  for  Kew  York.  The  two  weeks  of  heat  and  in- 
clement weather  brought  on  the  chills  and  fever  again. 
Finally  he  sailed  for  l^ew  York,  stopping  at  Havana, 


CALIFOEIfIA  ADVENTURES  83 

where  lie  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the  execution  of  Gen- 
eral Lopez.  He  reached  New  York  in  time  to  file  his 
papers  respecting  the  insurance  case  which  had  been  given 
into  his  charge.  It  was  the  9th  of  September,  when,  after 
various  delays,  he  received  a  joyful  welcome  in  his  ISTew 
England  home  at  Fitchburg,  where  he  remained  until 
June  28th,  1854.  On  that  day  he  started  for  Kansas, 
where  so  many  stirring  scenes  were  about  to  be  enacted. 
It  is  remarkable  that  Dr.  Robinson  returned  from 
California  much  improved  in  health.  The  variety  of  posi- 
tions that  he  had  held  while  in  California, —  physician, 
editor,  restaurant-keeper,  leader  of  a  squatter  rebellion,  a 
member  of  the  California  Legislature, —  seemed  to  indi- 
cate that  in  the  future  he  would  have  a  wider  sphere  than 
that  of  practicing  medicine  in  a  countiy  town.  After  his 
return  from  California  his  friends,  among  whom  was 
Mr.  Benjamin  Snow,  father  of  Chancellor  Snow,  famous 
in  Kansas  as  a  lecturer,  scientist,  and  head  of  the  Kansas 
State  University,  urged  him  to  edit  a  paper.  At  their 
earnest  request  he  took  charge  of  the  Fitchburg  News. 
This  he  conducted  with  great  vigor  for  a  period  of  two 
years.  On  the  other  hand,  his  great  success  as  a  practicing 
physician  had  led  other  friends  to  urge  him  not  to  abandon 
his  practice.  The  result  was  that  in  attempting  to  fill  both 
places  of  usefulness,  he  was  &oon  carrying  on  an  extended 
practice  and  editing  a  paper  at  the  same  time.  Perhaps 
this  was  an  injudicious  thing  for  a  man  to  do  who  had 
deemed  it  necessary  to  go  to  California  for  his  health. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  as  editor  of  the  Fitchburg  News  he 
developed  a  pungent  and  virile  style,  which  served  him 
well  in  his  after  life  in  the  Kansas  conflict. 


84  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

In  the  mean  time,  six  years  of  watchful  care  over  the 
health  of  Miss  Lawrence,  prior  to  the  departure  of  Dr. 
Robinson  to  the  Pacific  coast,  had  brought  about  an  en- 
during friendship  between  the  two,  and  the  wedding-day 
was  set  about  thirty  days  after  Dr.  Robinson  started  west, 
an  event  which  postponed  the  marriage  for  about  two  and 
one-half  years.  But  on  his  return  from  California  he  was 
married  to  the  cultivated  and  gift.ed  daughter  of  Myron 
A.  Lawrence,  on  the  30th  of  October,  18.51.  After  a  trip  to 
Philadelphia  and  a  visit  home,  they  settled  permanently 
in  Fitchburg. 

Sara  T.  D.  Lawrence^  proved  a  worthy  companion  t-o 
Dr.  Robinson,  and  especially  in  the  Kansas  struggle  by 
her  excellent  judgment  and  ready  pen  did  valiant  service 
for  the  cause  of  freedom.  Keen  in  observation,  courageous 
in  all  things,  she  could  stand  at  her  husband's  side  in  a 
determined  struggle  for  the  right. .  Mrs.  Robinson  was 
educated  at  the  Belchertown  Classical  School  and  at  the 
New  Salem  Academy,  besides  having  received  private  in- 
struction from  a  lady  of  fine  accomplishments.  Mrs.  Rob- 
inson was  well  versed  in  Latin  and  modern  languages  and 
belle^lettres.  Her  true  courage  and  faithfulness  have 
placed  her  name  among  those  of  the  women  who  made 
Kansas. 

Dr.  Robinson  was  aided  in  the  newspaper  office  by 
Josiab  Trask,  a  youth  of  fifteen  years,  son  of  Rev.  George 
Trask  of  anti-tobacco  fame.  Young  Trask  lost  his  life 
in  the  Quantrell  raid  at  Lawrence,  in  1863.  Often  when 
Dr.  Robinson  was  absorbed  in  medical  affairs  Trask  would 
run  to  him  crying  for  more  copy.  "  More  copy,  I  must 
have  more  copy ! "  became  a  household  phrase  with  the 

'  See  Appendix  A,  note  (/). 


CALIFORNIA   ADVENTURES  85 

Doctor,  and  frequently  rang  in  his  ears  when  his  mind 
was  centered  on  some  medical  case.  Not  infrequently, 
when  Dr.  Kobinson  was  out  on  a  long  ride,  Mrs.  Robinson 
would  appear  in  such  an  emergency,  with  an  article  al- 
ready prepared  for  Trash's  rollicking  call  under  the  win- 
dow, "  More  copy,  I  must  have  more  copy !  "  ^ 

While  Dr.  Robinson  was  practicing  medicine  in  Fitch- 
burg  and  editing  a  newspaper  at  the  same  time,  the  slav- 
ery agitation  was  attracting  great  notice  throughout  the 
ISTorth,  especially  in  I^ew  England.  The  passage  of  the 
Kansas-l!>J'ebraska  Bill  threw  the  Territory  of  Kansas  open 
to  settlement,  and  the  Xorth  and  South  vied  with  each 
other  in  sending  emigrants  into  the  new  Territory  for 
occupation  under  the  law  of  "  squatter  sovereignty."  The 
Emigrant  Aid  Company  of  J^ew  England  was  formed, 
and  meetings  were  held  at  different  places  to  agitate  the 
question  of  colonizing  the  new  Territory  with  the  friends 
of  freedom,  and  especially  to  collect  money  and  recruits 
for  settlement  there.  One  day  one  of  the  Chapman  Hall 
meetings  in  Boston  was  addressed  by  Eli  Thayer,  who  at 
the  close  of  the  meeting  asked  if  any  present  would  be 
willing  to  go  to  Kansas.  Charles  Robinson  walked  up  and 
signed  his  name  to  the  paper.  After  the  meeting,  Mr. 
Thayer,  who  had  noticed  his  quiet  though  self-reliant  bear- 
ing, asked  if  he  were  the  Charles  Robinson  who  had  gone 
to  California.  His  reply  being  in  the  affirmative,  Mr. 
Thayer  asked  if  he  would  be  willing  to  go  to  Kansas  to 
live. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply. 

"  Would  your  wife  be  willing  to  go  ?  " 

>See  Appendix  A.,  note  (g>)- 


86  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

''  I  liave  110  doubt  of  it,"  replied  Robinson. 

"  Well,  then,"  continued  Thayer,  "  will  you  come  down 
to  Boston  ai^'ain  to-morrow  and  meet  the  directors  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Company  ?  " 

The  early  train  brought  Dr.  Robinson  to  Boston.  The 
result  of  the  conference  was  that  Dr.  Robinson  agreed  to 
leave  Boston  on  the  28th  of  June  to  make  his  future  home 
in  Kansas.  lie  accordingly  made  hurried  preparations 
to  close  out  his  practice  and  arrange  his  business  affairs 
for  the  new  life.  Subsequently  he  took  charge  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  in  connection  with 
Charles  H.  Branscomb,  of  Holyoke,  Massachusetts,  and 
Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Southampton,  Massachusetts, 
financial  agent. 


THE  WAGER  OF  BATTLE  87 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  WAGBK  OF  BATTLE. 

The  Kansas  conflict  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  facts 
of  American  history,  from  the  Revolutionary  War  to  the 
present  time.  The  great  parties  of  the  nation  had  failed  to 
agree  concerning  political  sovereigntY  and  the  great  domes- 
tic institution  —  slavery.  The  nation  was  rapidly  dividing 
into  two  great  parties,  each  occupying  separate  sections  of 
national  territory  and  having  different  industrial  interests. 
Opinions  regarding  legislation  and  justice  were  widely  di- 
vergent in  the  two  sections,  and  men  were  wedded  to  sec- 
tional interests  rather  than  to  national  honor.  Even  from 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  1789  there  had 
hung  a  great  cloud  over  the  American  Republic  as  a  men- 
ace to  free  institutions.  Men  who  boasted  of  freedom  and 
liberty  and  waxed  eloquent  over  the  blessings  of  free  insti- 
tutions, held  a  large  number  of  human  beings  in  servitude. 
The  difficulty  of  regulating  domestic  institutions  by  gen- 
eral laws  was  soon  evident,  involving  as  it  did  the  relation 
of  Federal  to  State  government.  In  the  early  period  of 
national  life  men  were  too  busy  with  the  affairs  pertaining 
to  the  development  of  the  nation  to  pay  much  attention  to 
the  question  of  slavery.  But  there  came  a  time  when  agi- 
tation, slight  and  almost  unnoticed  at  first,  finally  stirred 
widespread  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  the  enslaved.  A 
little  cloud  no  larger  than  a  man's  hand  appeared  above 
the  horizon,  and  gradually  spread  over  the  sky  the  black 


8S  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

and  threatening  appearances  of  war.  Step  bj  step  the 
slave-power  was  encroaching  upon  the  national  life  and 
threatening  to  rule  or  ruin  the  whole  country.  The  na- 
tional legislators  met  the  determination  to  spread  the  do- 
mestic institution  of  slavery  over  tlie  entire  nation  with 
compromise  after  compromise,  they  seeking  to  avoid  the 
definitive  decision  of  a  great  moral  question.  They  put  off 
its  settlement  until  it  became  a  great  political  question, 
shaking  the  nation  to  its  very  center.  Failing  finally  to 
settle  this  question,  the  legislators  thrust  it  upon  the  people. 
They  staked  out  a  dueling-ground  in  the  far  West,  where 
the  people  were  to  settle  a  great  national  question  in  their 
own  way.  It  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in- 
stances on  record,  of  the  shifting  of  a  great  national  ques- 
tion upon  a  local  community.  "  The  field  of  battle  was 
thus  removed  from  the  halls  of  Congress  to  the  plains  of 
Kansas."  ^  But  the  nation  did  not  escape  so  easily ;  for 
the  attempt  to  transfer  the  responsibility  to  the  plains  of 
Kansas  caused  an  agitation  that  eventually  precipitated 
the  whole  nation  in  a  great  stiiiggle,  and  dearly  did  the 
nation  pay  for  its  evasion  of  the  question. 

The  slavery  question  ought  to  liave  been  settled  with  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution;  and  one  may  well 
consider  with  surprise  the  fact  that  colonies  struggling  for 
their  own  freedom  against  oppression  could  have  perpet- 
uated domestic  slavery.  But  when  it  is  considered  how 
nearly  we  came  to  not  having  any  constitution  at  all,  and 
that  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  was  at  best 
the  compromise  of  all  interests,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  essen- 
tial it  was  to  compromise  on  the  slavery  question  in  ordor 

1  Hobiaion  :  The  Kansas  Conaict,  p  S. 


THE  WAGEK  OF  BATTLE  89 

that  the  Union  might  exist,  even  without  being  firmly  estab- 
lished. But  there  were  those  who  saw  that  the  question 
deferred  must  be  settled  at  some  future  time.  A  republi- 
can government  could  not  long  exist,  professing  freedom 
and  equality,  while  it  kept  millions  of  human  beings  in 
slavery.  The  progress  of  civilization  could  not  tolerate 
such  an  inconsistency'. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  sought  to  establish  a  perma- 
nent settlement  of  the  difficulty  by  division  of  the  terri- 
tory, thus  recognizing  the  justice  of  the  claims  made  by 
the  slave-power.  The  bill  of  1850  had  a  tendency  to  dis- 
turb rather  than  to  settle  the  question.  It  was  a  partial 
repeal  of  the  Compromise  act  and  against  its  spirit.  With- 
out doubt  Henry  Clay,  the  author  of  the  act  of  1850,  was 
sincere  in  his  efforts  to  settle  peacefully  a  great  national 
difficulty.  After  the  passage  of  this  act,  it  seemed  that  for 
a  few  years  at  least,  contention  would  cease.  While  the 
workings  of  the  fugitive-slave  clause  of  the  Compromise 
were  producing  some  agitation,  the  real  struggle  would 
probably  have  been  deferred  for  twenty  years  had  it  not 
been  for  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-l^ebraska  Act,  the 
author  and  chief  defender  of  which  was  Stephen  A,  Doug- 
las. But  this  act,  which  repealed  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise and  sounded  the  death-knell  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Act,  left  the  country  open  to  the  extension  of  slavery 
throughout  the  national  territory.  Such  a  receding  from 
the  position  taken  by  both  the  opponents  and  the  advocates 
of  slavery  since  the  constitutional  period,  was  an  instance 
of  temporizing  uncommon  to  a  self-governed  people. 

With  the  adoption  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  the 
period  of  temporizing  came  to  an  end ;  the  era  of  compro- 


90  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    ROBIJSfSOJST 

mise  was  past.  \Tlie  concentration  of  a  great  national 
struggle  in  a  single  small  Territory,  brought  the  strife  to 
a  focus  and  made  bloodshed  and  war  inevitable.  The 
Kansas-l^ebraska  Bill  turned  the  intellectual  struggle  for 
supremacy  in  Congress  into  a  struggle  of  physical  strength, 
and  the  Territory  was  thrown  open  to  the  possession  of 
opposing  forces.  These  forces  met  each  other  face  to  face, 
and  in  that  struggle  for  possession,  war  w^as  initiated.  The 
meaning  of  the  bill  M-as  clear,  for  it  threw  open  a  broad  ex- 
panse of  national  territory  to  the  extension  of  slavery. 
Referring  to  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  it  finally  says: 

"  The  same  is  hereby  erected  into  a  temporary  government  by 
the  name  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  when  admitted  as  a  State 
or  States,  the  said  Territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be 
received  into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  constitution 
may  prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission.  .  .  .  That  the  Con- 
stitution, and  all  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are  not  locally 
applicable,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  within  the  said 
Territory  of  Kansas  as  elsewhere  within  the  United  States,  except  the 
eighth  section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri 
into  the  Union,  approved  March  sixth,  1820,  which,  being  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in 
the  States  and  Territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislature  of  1850, 
commonly  called  the  Compromise  measure,  is  hereby  declared  inopera- 
tive and  void;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  act  not 
to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it 
therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and 
regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States:  Provided,  That  nothing 
herein  contained  shall  be  construed  to  revive  or  put  in  force  any  law 
or  regulation  which  may  have  existed  prior  to  the  Gth  of  March,  1820, 
either  protecting,  establishing,  prohibiting,  or  abolishing  slavery." 

The  introduction  of  this  bill  by  Douglas  precipitated 
one  of  the  most  noted  parliamentary  struggles  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  nation.     On  one  side  was  Douglas,  the  most 


THE  WAGEK  OF  BATTLE  91 

powerful  debater  in  Congress,  followed  by  a  strong  sup- 
port of  alert  men.  On  the  other  side  were  Chase,  Sumner, 
Giddings,  Seward,  and  Wade,  with  others  zealous  in  the 
support  of  their  leaders.  The  lines  of  battle  were  close- 
drawn,  and  the  struggle  prolonged  and  intense. 

When  the  bill  was  finally  passed,  the  boom  of  the  cannon 
and  the  shouts  of  Southern  sympathizers  told  of  its  suc- 
cess; while  on  the  other  side,  gloom  and  apprehension 
hung  like  clouds  over  all.  The  few  giants  who  had  stood 
for  justice  and  for  a  stay  of  the  slave-power  in  its  triumph- 
ant march  acknowledged  the  defeat  and  expressed  their 
feelings  in  a  cry  of  despair. 

Seward  said.  May  25th,  1854: 

"  The  sun  has  set  for  the  last  time  upon  the  guaranteed  and  cer- 
tain liberties  of  all  unsettled  and  unorganized  portions  of  the  Ameri- 
can continent  that  lie  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 
To-morrow's  sun  will  rise  in  dim  eclipse  over  them.  How  long  that 
obscuration  shall  last  is  known  only  to  the  Power  that  directs  and 
controls  all  human  events." 

Senator  B.  F.  Wade  said: 

"  The  humiliation  of  the  North  is  complete  and  overwhelming. 
.  .  .  I  know  full  well  that  no  words  of  mine  can  save  the  country 
from  this  impending  dishonor,  this  meditated  wrong  which  is  big  with 
danger  to  the  good  neighborhood  of  the  different  sections  of  the 
country,  if  not  the  stability  of  the  Union  itself." 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  May  25th, 
1854,  said: 

"  This  bill  doubtless  paves  the  Avay  for  the  approach  of  new, 
alarming,  and  perhaps  fatal  dangers  to  our  country.  It  is  the  part 
of  freemen  and  lovers  of  freedom  to  stand  upon  their  guard  and  pre- 
pare for  the  worst  events.  It  is  because  this  bill  puts  in  peril  great 
and  precious  interests,  reverses  the  ancient  and  settled  policy  of  the 
Government,  and  breaks  down  a  great  safeguard  of  liberty,  that  I  feel 


92  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

myself  constrained  to  resist  it  firmly  and  persistently,  though  without 
avail." 

Prior  to  tlie  passag'e  of  the  act  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, May  16,  1854,  Hon.  Joshua  K.  Giddings,  of 
Ohio,  said: 

"  Mr.  Chairman  —  Who  does  not  know  that  the  Southern  and 
servile  presses  are  already  proclaiming  that  when  this  bill  shall  have 
been  passed,  slavery  shall  next  be  admitted  into  Minnesota,  Washing- 
ton, and  Oregon?  ...  To  surrender  this  vast  territory  will  ex- 
clude free  men  from  it;  for,  as  I  have  said,  free  laborers,  bred  up 
with  feelings  of  self-respect,  cannot,  and  will  not,  mingle  with  slaves. 
For  these  reasons  it  is  most  obvious  that  the  character  of  the  States 
to  be  carved  out  of  this  territory  will  be  determined  by  that  of  the 
government  now  to  be  established.  If  the  territory  be  settled  by 
slaveholders,  the  States  will  of  course  be  slaveholding  States."' 

He  might  have  added,  if  the  territory  be  settled  by 
antislavery  people,  the  States  of  course  will  be  antislavery, 
—  a  sequel  to  the  Douglas  bill  which  had  not  yet  dawned  in 
prospect  upon  the  people.  Earlier  than  this  statement  of 
Giddings,  on  February  21,  1854,  Sumner  had  stated  in 
the  United  States  Senate  that  — 

"  It  is  clear  beyond  dispute  that  by  the  overthrow  of  this  prohi- 
bition, slavery  will  be  quickened  and  slaves  themselves  be  multiplied  ; 
while  new  room  and  verge  will  be  secured  for  the  gloomy  operations 
of  the  slave  law,  under  which  free  labor  will  group,  and  a  vast  terri- 
tory be  smitten  with  sterility.  Sir,  a  blade  of  grass  would  not  grow 
where  the  horse  of  Attila  had  trod:  nor  can  any  true  prosperity 
spring  up  in  the  footprints  of  a  slave.  .  .  .  You  are  asked  to 
destroy  a  safeguard  of  freedom,  consecrated  by  solemn  compact  under 
which  the  country  is  reposing  in  the  security  of  peace,  and  thus  con- 
firm the  supremacy  of  slavery." 

Although  these  chief  opponents  to  the  Douglas  bill  saw 
with  prophetic  eyes  that  a  great  national  issue  was  to  be 
settled  possibly  at  the  expense  of  union  and  liberty,  they 


THE   WAGER  OF  BATTLE  93 

eaw  in  the  situation  signs  of  no  hope.  They  saw  nothing 
but  an  unavoidable  conflict,  which  might  end  in  humilia- 
tion and  defeat.  A  few  papers  like  the  New  York  Tribune 
proclaimed  the  situation.     January  6,  1854,  Mr.  Greeley 

says : 

"  The  Thirty-first  Congress  inaugurated  the  era  of  submissions  to 
slavery.  Since  then  eveiything  has  gone  on  swimmingly  in  this  line. 
Not  only  was  the  slavery  question  compromised,  but  the  character  and 
reputation  and  principles  of  hundreds  of  our  public  men  were  com- 
promised by  the  same  operation.  .  .  .  Freedom's  battle  was 
fought  and  lost  in  1850,  and  the  cowards  and  traitors  have  all  run 
to  the  winning  side. 

In  the  issue  of  March  14,  1854,  the  same  paper  asserts: 

"  We  as  a  nation  are  ruled  by  the  black  power.  It  is  composed  of 
tyrants.  See,  then,  how  the  North  is  always  beaten.  The  black  power 
is  a  unit.  It  is  a  steady,  never-failing  force.  It  is  a  real  power. 
Thus  far  it  has  been  the  only  unvarying  power  of  the  country,  for  it 
never  surrenders  and  never  wavers.  It  has  always  governed,  and 
now  governs  more  than  ever." 

In  the  issue  of  May  24,  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Greeley 
hints  strongly  of  the  necessity  of  a  bloody  contest.     He 

says : 

"The  revolution  is  accomplished  and  slavery  is  king!  How  long 
shall  this  monarch  reign?  This  is  now  the  question  for  the  Northern 
people  to  answer.  Their  representatives  have  crowned  the  new  poten- 
tate, and  the  people  alone  can  depose  him.  If  we  were  only  a  few 
steps  further  advanced  in  the  drama  of  reaction,  he  could  only  be 
hurled  from  his  seat  through  a  bloody  contest." 

Subsequently,  after  the  passage  of  the  famous  Douglas 

bill,  in  the  issue  of  June  24,  1854,  Mr.  Greeley  says: 

"The  territory  which  one  short  year  ago  was  unanimously  con- 
sidered by  all.  North  and  South,  as  sacredly  secured  by  irrepealable 
law  to  freedom  forever,  has  been  foully  betrayed  by  traitor  hearts 
and  traitor  voices,  and  surrendered  to  slavery." 


94  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

Mr.  Theodore  Parker,  in  one  of  his  most  striking  ad- 
dresses, asserted  with  a  sort  of  despair  that  — 

"  There  is  not  one  spot  of  free  soil  from  Nootka  Sound  to 
Key  West.  In  no  part  of  the  country  is  there  freedom.  The  Supreme 
Court  is  a  slave  court,  the  Senate  is  a  slave  Senate,  the  Senators  are 
overseers,  Mr.  Dou<?las  is  a  great  overseer,  and  Mr.  Everett  a  little 
overseer.    The  press  is  generally  the  friend  of  slavery." 

Such  were  the  cries  of  defeat,  of  humiliation,  such  tlie 
gloomy  forebodings  that  came  from  the  leaders  of  liberty. 
People  of  the  ISTorth  were  oppressed  with  indigiiation  and 
gloom.  But  few  rays  of  light  were  observable  anywhere 
on  the  whole  horizon.  |  There  was  a  sentiment  arising 
favoring  the  settlement  of  Kansas  with  antislavery  people 
who  should  build  up  a  free  State?,  Mr.  Sumner  had  re- 
marked at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  bill:  "Thus  it 
puts  freedom  and  slavery  face  to  face  and  bids  them  grap- 
ple.    "Who  can  doubt  the  result  ?  " 

Out  of  the  general  despair  of  Seward's  speech  came  one 

saving  clause : 

"  Come  on,  then,  gentlemen  of  the  slave  States:  since  there  is  no 
escaping  your  challenge,  I  accept  it  in  behalf  of  freedom.  We  will 
engage  in  competition  for  the  virgin  soil  of  Kansas,  and  trod  give 
the  victory  to  the  side  that  is  stronger  in  numbers  as  it  is  in  right." 

Mr.  Seward,  however,  had  no  idea  as  yet  of  the  sudden- 
ness with  which  war  would  be  inaugurated  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  great  question.  He  could  not  free  himself 
from  his  sense  of  oppression  at  the  defeat  which  the  party 
of  freedom  had  just  suffered.  Mr.  Sumner,  at  the  time  of 
the  passage  of  the  Douglas  Bill,  expresses  a  ray  of  hope : 

"  In  a  Christian  land  and  in  an  age  of  civilization,  a  time-honored 
statute  of  freedom  is  struck  down;  opening  the  way  to  all  the  count- 
less woes  and  wrongs  of  human  bondage.    Among  the  crimes  of  history 


THE   WAGEK   OF   BATTLE  95 

another  is  about  to  be  recorded,  which  no  tears  can  blot  out,  and 
which,  in  better  days,  will  be  read  with  universal  shame.  .  .  . 
Standing  at  the  very  grave  of  freedom  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  I 
lift  myself  to  the  vision  of  that  happy  resurrection  by  which  freedom 
will  be  secured  hereafter,  not  only  in  these  Territories  but  every- 
where under  the  National  Government.*' 

Evidently  Mr.  Sumner  was  thinking-  of  the  long,  slow 
constitutional  struggle  which  in  the  course  of  human  events 
^vould  cause  freedom  and  justice  to  triumph.  He  evidently 
had  no  conception  of  the  sharp  physical  struggle,  the  civil 
war  that  was  so  soon  to  follow. 

The  leaders  of  the  antislavery  forces  in  Congress  had 
only  to  look  to  the  rising  storm  in  the  North  to  receive 
encouragement  and  support.  Had  they  been  observant  the 
country  would  have  been  spared  their  fears  for  the  future ; 
though  it  would,  to  be  sure,  have  been  deprived  of  much  of 
their  eloquence.  It  was  but  natural  for  them  to  feel  that, 
having  lost  the  battle  in  Congress,  they  had  lost  it  to  the 
whole  country  forever,  and  that  the  slave-powder  had  won 
and  was  to  remain  dominant.  But  quick  recovery  from  the 
humiliation  of  defeat  brought  them  more  hopeful  views  of 
the  situation.  Throughout  the  entire  North  agitation  had 
begun  vigorously,  even  before  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  and  was  continued  with  increased  vigor 
after  its  passage.  The  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  be- 
gan to  disintegrate ;  old  traditions  were  giving  way  to  new 
views  of  liberty,  and  public  sentiment  was  rapidly  crystal- 
lizing around  a  new  force,  a  common  sentiment  of  freedom. 

It  would  seem  that  the  "Appeal  of  the  Independent 
Democrats  in  Congress  to  the  People  of  the  United  States  " 
against  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  responded  to  with 
an  unexpected  zeal  by  the  people.     This  ably  written  ad- 


96  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

dress  is  strong  in  the  bitterness  of  the  occasion.  It  ar- 
raigns the  bill  "  as  a  gross  violation  of  a  sacred  pledge ; 
as  a  criminal  betrayal  of  precious  rights ;  as  part  and  par- 
cel of  one  atrocious  plot  to  exclude  from  a  vast  unoccupied 
region,  immigrants  from  the  Old  World  and  free  laborers 
from  our  own  States,  and  convert  it  into  a  dreary  region  of 
despotism  inhabited  by  masters  and  servants."  Referring 
then  to  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  an  acknowledged  part 
of  the  law  of  the  land,  the  address  expresses  its  disapproval 
of  the  proposal  to  annul  the  law.  "  Language  fails  to  ex- 
press the  sentiments  of  indignation  and  abhorrence,"  which 
are  aroused  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  "  Shall  a  plot," 
reads  the  address,  ''  against  humanity  and  decency  so  mon- 
strous and  so  dangerous  to  the  interests  of  liberty  through- 
out the  world  be  permitted  to  succeed  ?  We  appeal  to  the 
people.  .  .  .  Let  all  protest  earnestly  and  emphatically, 
by  correspondence,  through  the  press,  by  memorials,  by 
resolutions  of  public  meetings  and  legislative  bodies,  and 
in  whatever  other  mode  may  seem  expedient  against  this 
enormous  crime."  This  important  document  was  only  ex- 
ceeded in  brilliancy  and  strength  by  the  speech  of  Douglas, 
"  The  Little  Giant,"  in  favor  of  the  bill.  While  the  latter 
carried  with  it  the  majority  vote  of  Congress,  the  response 
to  the  former  in  the  voice  of  the  people  triumphed  in  the 
end,  and  forever  settled  the  slavei^  question  in  the  United 
States. 

The  people  spoke  through  the  press,  ably  led  by  Greeley 
of  the  New  YorJc  Tribune;  Bryant  and  Bigelow  of  the 
Evening  Post;  Raymond  of  the  Times;  Webb  of  tbe 
Courier  and  Enquirer;  Bowles  of  the  Springfield  Republi- 
can; Thurlow  Weed  of  the  Albany  Journal;   Schouler  of 


THE   WAGEK  OF  BATTLE  97 

the  Cmcinnati  Gazeite;  and  followed  by  the  Whig  press 
of  the  country  and  many  Democratic  papers  in  the  North. 

Following  immediately  were  public  meetings  of  protest, 
])eginning  at  l^ew  York  and  extending  to  nearly  every  city 
and  town  throughout  the  jSTorthern  States.  The  Legisla- 
tures of  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  ISTew  York 
and  Wisconsin,  then  in  session,  each  passed  resolutions  pro- 
testing against  the  bill.  Seward  began  to  be  hopeful,  and 
wrote:  '"The  storm  that  is  rising  is  such  a  one  as  this 
country  has  never  seen."  But  in  the  face  of  the  storm  the 
bill  was  passed,  and  signed  by  the  President  May  30,  1854. 

The  battle  of  the  giants  in  Congress  was  over,  and 
Douglas  had  won,  but  in  winning,  as  Rhodes  says,  "  it  must 
-be  adjudged  that  Douglas  hastened  the  struggle;  he  pre- 
cipitated the  Civil  AVar."  It  was  stated  by  Mr.  Greeley 
in  tlie  Tribune  of  May  17,  that  "  Pierce  and  Douglas  have 
made  more  abolitionists  in  three  months  than  Garrison  and 
Phillips  could  have  made  in  a  half-century."  But  the 
agitation  went  on ;  the  bill  was  denounced  by  the  press, 
from  the  pulpit,  by  legislatures,  and  from  the  platforms  of 
public  meetings.  ]Srot  only  was  the  Kansas-!N"ebraska  Act 
condemned,  but  all  of  its  supporters  with  it,  including 
Douglas,  Pierce,  and  the  administration.  Douglas  stated 
subsequently  that  he  could  travel  ''  from  Boston  to  Chicago 
by  the  light  of  his  own  effigies."  From  this  time  on  the 
influence  of  Douglas  began  to  decline,  although  his  genius 
and  intellect  were  not  the  less  bright. 

The  North  continued  to  protest  in  every  way  against  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  acts.  Not  only 
by  the  expressions  of  public  sentiment  from  the  platform, 
press  and  pulpit,  but  in  legislative  halls  was  the  opposition 


98  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

manifest.  In  many  of  these  last,  resolntions  for  liberty 
were  passed.  The  elections  in  the  l^orth  showed  very 
clearly  how  the  people  were  thinking-,  as  nearly  all  the  leg- 
islators chosen  were  antislavery  in  sentiment.  The  "  un- 
dergTOimd  railroad "  was  also  a  protest  against  the  en- 
croachments of  slavery  and  the  domination  of  the  Southern 
States,  which  with  others  demonstrated  the  fearful  earnest- 
ness of  the  people  of  the  !N'orth. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  people  of  the  South  rejoiced  at 
the  passage  of  the  bill,  and  at  what  they  seemed  to  under- 
stand as  the  complete  triumph  of  their  cause.  Alexander 
Stephens,  writing  in  1860,  said  that  "  ISTever  was  an  act 
of  Congress  so  generally  and  so  unanimously  hailed  with 
delight  at  the  South."  With  few  exceptions,  those  who 
were  advocates  of  this  measure  little  dreamed  that  its  pas- 
sage would  be  the  herald  of  the  death  of  slavery.  A  few, 
however,  with  prophetic  eye,  were  not  sanguine  as  to  the 
future  results  of  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-!N^ebraska  Act. 

If  there  had  been  any  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 
Compromise  Act  of  1850,  there  could  be  no  misunder- 
standing as  to  the  significance  of  the  Kansas-l^ebraska  Act. 
The  question  as  to  whether  slavery  should  exist  within  a 
given  Territory  was  to  be  left  to  the  people  of  that  Terri- 
tory. The  national  powers  having  failed  to  deal  with  the 
real  question,  it  was  henceforth  to  be  left  for  decision  to  a 
local  struggle  of  the  people.  That  was  the  program,  and 
the  people  of  both  sections  were  quick  to  see  and  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  situation.  "  It  was  at  once  urged  by  the 
press  and  by  the  platform,"  says  Rhodes,  "that  an  effort 
should  be  made  to  have  Kansas  enter  the  Union  as  a  free 
State,  and  a  systematic  movement  was  begun  with  this  end 


THE   WAGER  OF  BATTLE  99 

in  view."  Everywhere  there  was  a  feelim^  among  anti- 
slavery  people  that  the  cause  of  freedom  was  at  stake,  and 
that  an  effort  must  be  made  to  save  Kansas  from  the  blight 
of  slavery.  Everywhere  in  the  South  there  was  a  feeling 
that  efforts  must  be  put  forth  to  establish  and  perpetuate 
slavery  in  Kansas.  Thus  it  was  that  two  hostile  powers 
within  the  nation  directed  their  eyes  toward  a  single  point, 
— a  bit  of  uninhabited  and  rolling  prairie, — and  sent  their 
cohorts  forward  to  the  national  dueling-ground  where  a 
duel  to  settle  national  honors  was  to  take  place, —  a  duel 
without  rules  or  code  of  arms, —  a  duel  without  pretense  of 
fairness  in  choice  of  place,  occasion,  weapons,  or  methods 
of  warfare.  The  people  of  Missouri  and  the  South  had 
resolved  that  the  Yankees  could  settle  in  K'ebraska,  but 
should  not  enter  Kansas,  as  it  by  its  position  was  their 
rightful  possession.  Many  people  in  the  Xorth,  although 
they  recognized  that  the  odds  were  greatly  against  such  an 
outcome,  nevertheless  believed  that  Kansas  would  event- 
ually be  settled  by  a  sufficient  number  of  free  people  to 
make  it  a  free  State.  This  was  a  faint  ray  of  hope  shining 
through  the  gloom  of  despair,  and  people  saw  it  and  cher- 
ished it. 

The  people  of  Xew  England  and  the  Xorth  were  thor- 
oughly aroused,  and  started  emigration  to  Kansas  even  be- 
fore the  final  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  in- 
tending, as  was  hinted  by  Mr.  Seward,  to  defeat  slavery 
by  numbers ;  but  the  accomplishment  of  this  end  was  beset 
with  difficulties  not  contemplated  by  the  law-abiding  people 
of  the  older  States.  They  knew  not  the  deeds  that  would 
be  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  the  rights  of  citizens  for  or 
against  liberty.     WTiile  there  was  a  general  movement 


100  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    EOBINSON 

toward  Kansas,  tlie  special  agency  for  peoplinc;  the  Terri- 
tory with  Free-State  men,  and  one  which  was  the  center 
of  the  organized  effort  of  the  North,  was  the  New  England 
Emigrant  Aid  Company. 

While  many  people  were  aronsed  to  the  need  of  peopling 
Kansas  hy  Northern  immigration,  Mr.  Eli  Thayer  may  he 
said  to  have  heen  the  originator  of  the  idea  of  organization 
for  the  pnrpose  of  huriTing  on  emigrants  to  settle  in  Kan- 
sas and  estahlish  a  free  State  hy  actual  possession  of  the 
soil.  After  a  careful  consideration  of  the  question,  and 
the  manner  in  which  Northern  people  were  to  settle  in 
Kansas,  he  expresses  himself  as  follows : 

"  After  much  and  very  careful  study,  I  concluded  that  if  this  work 
could  be  done  at  all,  it  must  be  done  by  an  entirely  new  organiza- 
tion, depending  for  success  upon  methods  never  before  applied.  This 
was  an  organized  emigration,  guided  and  guarded  by  a  responsible 
business  company,  whose  capital  should  precede  the  emigrants,  and 
prepare  the  way  for  them  by  such  investments  as  should  be  best 
calculated  to  secure  their  comfort  and  protection.  This  emigration 
must  also  be  of  a  kind  before  unknown,  since  it  must  in  this  ease 
be  self-sacrificing  and  voluntary,  whereas  all  historical  migrations 
had  been  either  forced  or  self-seeking.  To  present  this  new  method 
of  bringing  two  hostile  civilizations  face  to  face  upon  the  disputed 
prairies  of  Kansas  in  such  a  way  as  to  unite  in  its  support  the  entire 
Northern  people  of  whatever  parties,  was  the  work  next  to  be  done. 
On  this  appeal  must  depend  the  future  of  our  country.  Then  arose 
the  important  question,  'Was  it  possible  to  create  such  an  agency 
to  save  Kansas?'  I  believed  the  time  for  such  a  noble  and  heroic 
development  had  come;  but  could  hope  be  inspired,  and  the  pulsations 
of  life  be  started  beneath  the  ribs  of  death?  The  projected  plan 
would  call  upon  men  to  risk  life  and  property  in  establishing  freedom 
in  Kansas.  They  would  be  called  to  pass  over  millions  of  acres  of 
better  land  than  any  in  the  disputed  Territory  was  supposed  to  be, 
land  in  communities  where  peace  and  plenty  were  assured,  to  meet 
the  revolver  and  the  bowie-knife  defending  slavery  and  assailing 
freedom.    Could  such  men  be  found,  they  would  certainly  prove  them- 


THE   WAGEK   OF   BATTLE  101 

selves  to  be  the  very  highest  types  of  Christian  manhood,  much  above 
all  other  emigrants.     Could  such  men  be  found?  "^ 

In  an  address  before  a  large  assembly  in  the  city  hall  at 
Worcester  on  the  13th  of  March,  1854,  to  protest  against 
the  passage  of  the  Douglas  bill,  Mr.  Thayer  heralded  his 
plan  of  organization.     In  concluding  his  speech  he  stated : 

"  It  is  now  time  to  think  of  what  is  to  be  done  in  the  event  of  the 
passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  Now  is  the  time  to  organize 
an  opposition  that  will  utterly  defeat  the  schemes  of  the  selfish  men 
who  misrepresent  the  nation  at  Washington.  Let  every  effort  be 
made,  let  every  appliance  be  brought  to  bear,  to  fill  up  that  vast  and 
fertile  Territory  with  free  men — with  men  who  hate  slavery,  and  who 
will  drive  the  hideous  thing  from  the  broad  and  beautiful  plains  where 
they  go  to  raise  their  free  homes.    [Loud  cheers.] 

"  I  for  one  am  willing  to  be  taxed  one-fourth  of  my  time,  of  my 
.earnings,  until  this  be  done — until  a  barrier  of  free  hearts  and  strong 
hands  shall  be  built  around  the  land  our  fathers  consecrated  to  free- 
dom, to  be  her  heritage  forever."    [Loud  cheers.]  - 

Mr.  Thayer  at  once  proceeded  to  draw  up  a  charter  of 
the  Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Company.  By  persistent 
work  before  a  committee  and  the  Legislature  he  succeeded 
in  having  a  bill  passed  granting  the  charter,  which  was 
signed  by  the  Governor  on  the  26th  of  April.  Soon  after- 
ward the  incorporators  held  a  meeting  to  prepare  for  a 
plan  of  work.  '^.JThe  object  of  the  company  was  to  aid  emi- 
grants in  their  journey  to  Kansas  and  settlement  therein. 
The  enterprise  also  had  a  commercial  side,  for  it  was 
thought  that  through  investment  in  lands,  the  building  of 
hotels,  and  the  carrying-on  of  business,  returns  might 
eventually  be  obtained  for  those  interested.  But  the 
dominant  idea  was  that  of  advancing  settlement  in  the 
new  Territory.     The  original  capital  stock  was  fixed  at 

'  The  Kansas  Crusade,  p.  24. 
*Idem,  p.  2.5. 


102  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

five  millions.  The  books  for  stock  subscriptions  were 
opened,  and  tlie  undertaking  fairly  started.  For  the  op- 
erations of  1854  it  was  decided  to  collect  an  assessment 
of  four  per  cent,  as  soon  as  one  million  had  been  subscribed. 
The  whole  object  of  this  company  organization  was  to 
save  Kansas  to  freedom  by  actually  doing  it.  As  Eli 
Thayer  says,  "  Our  work  was  not  to  make  women  and  chil- 
dren cry  in  antislavery  conventions  by  sentimental  ap- 
peals, but  to  go  out  and  put  an  end  to  slavery." 

Two  great  difficulties  were  in  the  way.  One  was  the 
opposition  of  the  Abolitionists,  who  held  that  the  coloni- 
zation scheme  was  unpatriotic  and  false  in  principle.  The 
Abolitionists  were  uncompromising  in  everything;  they 
would  behead  the  slave  power  with  the  sword,  for  in  no 
other  way  could  slavery  be  suppressed.  The  report  that 
organized  efforts  were  being  made  in  the  ]S!^orth  to  forward 
emigrants  to  colonize  Kansas,  stirred  up  all  western 
Missouri  to  prevent  the  success  of  any  such  movement. 
To  overcome,  then,  the  influences  of  the  Abolitionists  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  hostility  of  the  Missourians  on  the 
other,  were  the  chief  difficulties  to  be  encountered.  But 
a  great  work  of  arousing  public  sentiment  was  carried  on, 
and  the  efforts  of  Eli  Thayer  insured  the  success  of  the  en- 
terprise. Speeches  and  addresses  were  made  throughout 
the  North  to  arouse  enthusiasm,  and  subscriptions  to  stock 
were  secured  to  carry  on  the  financial  side. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  first  charter  saddled  objec- 
tionable liabilities  upon  individuals  who  might  associate 
under  it,  it  was  abandoned.  "  The  w^hole  business  was 
passed  into  the  hands  of  Thayer,  Lawrence,  and  J.  M.  S. 
Williams,   who  were   constituted  trustees,    and  managed 


THE   WAGER  OF  BATTLE  103 

affairs  in  a  half-personal  fashion  until  February,  1855, 
when  a  second  charter  was  obtained,  and  an  association 
formed  with  a  slightly  rephrased  title  — '  The  'New  Eng- 
land Emigrant  Aid  Company' — and  with  John  Carter 
Brown,  of  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  as  president.  In 
the  conduct  of  the  company,  the  trustees,  who  bridged 
the  interval  between  the  first  and  second  charters,  con- 
tinued to  be  a  chief  directive  and  inspirational  force.  Mr. 
Thayer  preached  the  gospel  of  organized  emigration 
with  tireless  and  successful  enthusiasm,  while  Mr.  Law- 
rence discharged  the  burdensome  but  all-important  duties 
of  treasurer."  Thus  came  into  being  the  organization 
known  as  the  l^ew  England  Emigrant  Aid  Company; 
an  organization  somewhat  more  restricted  in  its  nature 
than  the  earlier  one  had  been,  having  all  the  objectiona- 
ble features  of  the  latter  removed,  and  devoting  itscilf  to 
a  single  purpose,  that  of  colonizing  Kansas. 

It  is  at  this  juncture  that  Charles  Robinson  appears 
on  the  scene  of  the  Kansas  conflict.  He  was  chosen  as 
financial  agent  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company,  with  his 
field  of  operations  in  Kansas.  As  before  stated,^  at  one 
of  the  Chapman  Hall  meetings,  Eli  Thayer  saw  for  the 
first  time  Charles  Robinson,  and  engaged  him  to  act  as  the 
agent  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company.  Speaking  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  choice,  Mr.  Thayer  says : 

"  A  wiser  and  more  sagacious  man  for  this  work  could  not  liave 
been  found  within  the  borders  of  the  nation.  By  nature  and  by  train- 
ing he  was  perfectly  well  equipped  for  the  arduous  work  before  him. 
A  true  democrat  and  a  lover  of  the  rights  of  man,  he  had  risked  his 
life  in  California  while  defending  the  poor  and  weak  against  the 
cruel  oppression  of  the  rich  and  powerful.     He  was  willing  at  any 

1  See  Chapter  I. 


104  LIFE    OF    CIIAKLES    KOIUNSON 

time,  if  tlicrp  were  noed.  to  die  for  his  principles.  In  addition  to  such 
brave  devotion  to  his  duty,  he  had  the  clearest  foresight,  and  the 
coolest,  calmest  judgment  in  determining;  the  course  of  action  best 
adapted  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  Free-State  settlers.  No  one  in 
Kansas  was  so  mucli  as  he  the  man  for  the  place  and  time.  He  was  a 
deeper  thinker  than  Atchison,  and  triumphed  over  the  border  ruflians 
and  the  more  annoying  and  more  dangerous  self-seekers  of  his  own 
party.  The  man  who  'paints  the  lily  and  gilds  refined  gold'  is  just  the 
one  to  tell  us  how  Charles  Eobinson  might  have  been  better  qualified 
for  his  Kansas  work.  But  his  character,  so  clearly  defined  in  free- 
dom's greatest  struggle,  superior  to  the  help  or  harm  of  criti(;isni, 
reveals  these  salient  points  of  excellence:  majesty  of  mind  and  hu- 
mility of  heart,  stern  justice  and  tender  sympathy,  heroic  will  and 
sensitive  conscience,  masculine  strength  and  maidenly  modesty,  leonine 
courage  and  Avomanly  gentleness,  with  power  to  govern  based  on  self- 
restraint,  and  love  of  freedom  deeper  than  love  of  life."  ^ 

Subsequent  events  are  sufficient  to  justify  this  liigh 
tribute  to  Governor  Robinson's  cliaracter  and  his  fitness 
for  the  place  given  him  by  the  recommendation  of  Mr. 
Thayer.  He  was  large  enough  and  broad  enough  in  con- 
ception, and  sufficiently  careful  and  judicious  to  be  in- 
trusted with  the  management  of  affairs  of  a  great  Terri- 
tory. Nature  had  given  him  a  peculiar  insight  into 
affairs,  and  endowed  him  with  a  shrewdness  and  sagacity 
which  enabled  him  to  compete  successfully  with  opposing 
forces.  The  actual  services  of  Dr.  Robinson  in  the  build- 
ing of  Kansas  are  more  and  more  apparent  to  the  people 
and  to  the  historian  as  years  of  reflection  disclose  the  real 
situation  of  the  case.  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  of  Bos- 
ton, who  was  the  strong  support  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Com- 
pany, and  who  watched  with  care  every  movement  in 
Kansas  during  the  period  of  struggle,  speaking  before  the 

1  The  Kansas  Crusade,  p.  34. 


THE   WAGEK  OF  BATTLE  105 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society  in  May,  1884,  paid  this 

remarkable  tribute  to  Charles  Robinson : 

"  He  was  cool,  judicious,  and  entirely  void  of  fear,  and  in  every 
respect  worthy  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the  settlers  and 
the  society.  He  was  obliged  to  submit  to  great  hardships  and  in- 
justice, chiefly  through  the  imbecility  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment's agents.  He  was  imprisoned,  his  house  was  burned,  and  his 
life  was  often  threatened.  Yet  he  never  bore  arms  or  omitted  to  do 
whatever  he  thought  to  be  his  duty.  He  sternly  held  the  people  to 
loyalty  to  the  Government  against  the  arguments  and  example  of  the 
'  higher-law '  men,  who  were  always  armed,  who  were  not  real  set- 
tlers, and  who  were  combined  in  bringing  about  the  border  war,  which 
they  hoped  would  extend  to  the  other  States.  The  policy  of  the  New 
England  Society  carried  out  by  Robinson  and  those  who  acted  with 
him  in  Kansas  was  finally  successful  and  triumphant." 

It  was  through  identification  with  his  work  as  agent  of 
the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  that  Dr.  Robinson  began  his 
career  in  Kansas.  In  this  as  in  other  matters  he  acted  ac- 
cording to  his  earnest  convictions.  He  opposed  slavery ; 
he  believed  in  the  settlement  of  Kansas  and  the  conquest 
of  the  slave-power  by  building  up  homes  of  freemen  on 
a  free  soil.  Once  committed  to  this  proposition,  he 
brought  his  varied  experience  and  his  excessive  energy 
to  the  support  of  the  work.  In  this  he  was  greatly  aided 
by  his  wife,  Mrs.  Sara  T.  D.  Robinson,  who  was  admira- 
bly qualified  for  her  responsible  position  as  a  support  for 
her  husband  in  his  arduous  work.  She  had  a  keen  insight 
into  affairs,  a  quick  perception  and  ready  judgment,  as 
well  as  a  fearless  and  active  nature  which  brought  her 
services  more  than  once  into  demand  in  times  of  critical 
moment.  Mr.  Thayer,  speaking  of  lier  adaptibility  and 
eminent  services,  says : 

"  Entirely  devoted  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  Mrs.  Robinson  brought 
to  her  work  a  well-disciplined  mind,  high  courage,  and  an  unconquera- 


106  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

ble  faith.  She  was  an  inspiration  to  all  the  women  in  the  Territory, 
whona  she  influenced  by  her  ardent  words  and  her  graceful  though 
vigorous  pen.  Nor  did  her  influence  stop  at  the  confines  of  the  field 
of  conflict  between  the  two  hostile  civilizations,  but  extended  through- 
out the  free  States.  In  1856  she  published  a  most  entertaining  book, 
replete  with  charming  pictures  of  the  daily  life  of  our  brave  pioneers, 
and  of  thrilling  incidents  of  that  most  exciting  period.  This  had 
wide  circulation,  and  was  a  very  efficient  aid  in  our  great  work." ' 

The  book  referred  to  written  by  Mrs.  Robinson  was  en- 
titled "  Kansas ;  Its  Interior  and  Exterior  Life."  Of  all 
the  books  that  the  author  has  consulted  in  connection  with 
the  subjects  treated  in  this  little  volume,  no  other  one 
possesses  the  peculiar  charm  of  this  book  of  Mrs.  Robin- 
son's. Written  upon  the  spot,  while  the  scenes  and  inci- 
dents described  were  fresh  in  her  mind,  her  graphic  pen- 
pictures  give  the  reader  such  a  representation  of  the  ac- 
tual condition  of  affairs  as  is  not  to  be  found  anywhere 
else  in  print.  The  book  is  not  written  with  any  desire  to 
establish  a  theory  or  to  defend  a  partisan  measure,  as  un- 
fortunately so  many  books  about  Kansas  are  written,  but 
it  aims  to  tell  just  what  is  seen,  is  happening,  or  transpir- 
ing, before  the  observation  of  those  active  in  the  Territory. 
How  fortunate  it  would  be  had  many  of  those  active  in 
the  Kansas  struggle  written  at  the  time,  as  Mrs.  Robinson 
did,  their  record  of  events  as  seen  from  their  ot\ti  stand- 
point, rather  than  waited  until  later  years,  as  so  many  of 
them  did,  t^  tell  the  story  from  reflective  memory.  In 
attempting  to  tell  things  just  as  they  are  without  any 
especial  embellishment,  Mrs.  Robinson  has  lent  a  peculiar 
charm  to  her  work,  which  will  be  a  source  of  perennial 
delight  t^  the  investigator  of  Kansas  history  and  to  the 

1  The  Kansas  Cr«sR<lp,  p.  35. 


THE  WAGEE  OF  BATTLE  107 

peruser  of  Kansas  books.    It  goes  into  history  as  a  classic ; 
it  is  both  literature  and  history. 

The  actual  services  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  are 
hard  to  estimate.  It  would  be  as  easy  to  overestimate  as 
to  underestimate  what  it  really  accomplished.  Perhaps 
its  best  services  are  to  be  found  in  the  work  of  the  Boston 
agency  in  forwarding  emigrants  at  reduced  fares  and  di- 
recting them  into  the  new  Territory;  in  the  perpetual 
agitation  kept  up  by  Eli  Thayer  and  other  members  of  the 
company,  by  which  many  were  induced  to  go  to  Kansas  on 
their  own  account ;  in  its  provision  of  an  agency  at  Kansas 
City  and  Lawrence  for  the  aid  of  all  immigrants ;  in  the 
encouragement  it  gave  to  the  founding  of  schools  and 
churches;  and,  lastly,  in  building  hotels  and  sawmills. 
While  the  company  was  instrumental  in  forwarding  many 
citizens  directly  to  Kansas,  the  first  immigrants,  so  aided, 
found  other  Eree-State  people  already  in  the  Territory 
on  their  arrival.  But  the  Eree-State  men  in  and  about 
Lawrence,  where  the  headquarters  of  the  Company  were 
located,  met  a  variety  of  interests  and  many  difficulties. 
Lawrence  became  the  storm-center  of  the  Eree-State  cause, 
as  well  as  the  Aid  Company's  base  of  operation.  It  be- 
came the  rallying-point  of  the  Eree-State  men  as  well  as 
the  object  of  attack  and  especial  hatred  of  the  Proslavery 
party.  The  services  of  the  Company  cannot  be  measured 
by  the  actual  numbers  of  voting  settlers  which  it  placed  in 
the  Territory,  for  its  general  services  were  quite  as  impor- 
tant as  its  special,  i^oreover,  while  many  other  agencies 
were  at  work  in  helping  Kansas,  the  whole  ISTorth  felt  the 
impulse  of  the  agitation  aroused  by  the  operations  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Companyi     On  the  other  hand,  by  vigor- 


108  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

onslj  defending  its  own  it  aroused  the  special  hatred  of  the 
Proslavery  people  of  the  South  and  increased  the  intensity 
of  tlie  strife. 

What  would  have  been  the  result  in  Kansas  if  this  Com- 
pany had  never  existed,  no  one  can  determine ;  but  as  the 
Avhole  question  as  to  whether  Kansas  should  be  admitted 
as  a  free  or  slave  State  finally  hinged  on  the  number  of 
voters  in  the  Territory,  and  as  the  Free-State  people 
needed  protection  and  defense  in  order  that  they  might 
come  to  Kansas  and  remain,  it  does  not  seem  likely  that 
the  results  actually  achieved  could  have  been  entirely  at- 
tained without  the  services  of  the  Company.  But  it  must 
be  remembered  that  Kansas  was  not  admitted,  although 
the  local  battle  was  really  w^on,  until  the  cause  for  freedom 
had  taken  national  proportions ;  until  the  movement 
against  slavery  had  become  a  national  one.  Hence  the 
services  of  the  Company  in  focusing  the  sentiments  of  the 
ISTorth  on  Kansas  were  not  greater  than  in  uniting  the 
!N^orth  in  its  preparation  for  a  great  national  struggle. 

While  !N^ew  England  and  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company 
were  powerful  in  agitation  and  action,  much  credit  is  due 
to  the  hardy  and  courageous  pioneers  who  came  from  the 
other  States, — particularly  those  of  the  ISTorthwest  and  of 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  Iowa.  Early  in  1854  these  peo- 
ple came  to  Kansas  to  settle,  to  make  homes,  to  subdue  the 
soil,  and,  if  necessary,  to  fight  as  well  as  to  vote  for  free  in- 
stitutions. A  careful  examination  into  the  historical  rec- 
ords will  reveal  the  names  of  many  from  these  States  who 
bore  a  manly  and  active  part  in  the  Kansas  struggle. 
Thus  did  the  Northern  States  contribute  to  Kansas  their 
several  quotas  of  emigrants  who  were  to  become  defenders 
of  the  soil  against  the  encroachments  of  the  slave-power. 


THE  WAGEK  OF  BATTLE  109 

It  was  an  interesting  spectacle  to  see  the  hosts  of  freedom 
hurrying  forward  from  all  parts  of  the  ]S3"orth  and  West 
to  meet  the  slavery  hordes  of  the  South ;  especially  inter- 
esting as  this  movement  meant  the  settlement  by  physical 
force  of  what  statesmen  oould  not  settle  in  the  halls  of 
Congress.  The  North  had  accepted  the  challenge  of  the 
South  to  meet  and  settle  the  difficulty  hy  votes,  and  this 
really  meant  nothing  else  than  the  settling  of  the  account 
hy  a  passage  at  arms,  if  it  appeared  necessary.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  jSTorth  understood  the  case,  and  met  the  demands 
of  the  emergency.  But  there  were  grave  fears  on  the  part 
of  the  opponents  of  slavery  that  the  ISTorth  would  not  be 
able  to  send  sufficient  numbers  to  outvote  the  proslavery 
element,  and  great  anxiety  prevailed  lest  the  Territory 
should  be  captured  by  the  advocates  of  slavery  before  the 
Northern  emigration  was  thoroughly  set  in  motion.  The 
Proslavery  party  realized  the  importance  of  an  early  con- 
quest, and  did  all  in  their  power  to  retard  immigration 
from  the  North,  to  harass  the  Free-State  settlers,  and  to 
obtain  and  keep  control  of  the  Territorial  Government. 

But  the  lines  of  battle  w^ere  soon  closely  drawn.  On  the 
one  side  was  the  Proslavery  party  of  the  South,  aided  by 
many  Northern  Democrats,  and  having  the  entire  sym- 
pathy of  the  Federal  Government ;  and  on  the  other  was 
the  Antislavery  party  of  the  North.  Each  sent  forward 
its  representatives  to  the  field  of  battle,  to  settle,  by  mortal 
combat  if  need  be,  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  grievous 
questions  that  ever  troubled  a  nation.  The  war  of  words, 
the  struggle  of  laws  in  Congress,  was  shifted  to  the  plains 
of  Kansas,  and  was  there  turned  into  bloody  strife.  But 
this  little  cloud  of  war  which  arose  out  of  the  West  was 
presently  to  envelop  the  whole  nation. 


110  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


CHAPTEK  IV. 

EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AND  THE  LAWRENCE  WAR. 

In  June,  1854,  Dr.  Charles  Robinson,  of  Fitcbburg, 
and  Mr.  Charles  II.  Branscomb,  of  Holyoke,  Massachu- 
setts, M'ere  sent  to  explore  the  Territory  of  Kansas  and 
select  a  site  for  the  location  of  the  emigrants  sent  out  un- 
der the  protection  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company.  As 
before  related.  Dr.  Robinson  had  passed  from  Kansas  City 
to  the  present  site  of  Lawrence  and  over  the  California 
road  to  the  Pacific  slope.  The  road  which  he  traversed 
started  at  Westport,  crossed  the  Wakarusa  near  what  was 
once  the  town  of  Eranklin,  and  wound  over  the  low  hill 
southeast  of  where  now  stands  the  State  University.  At 
this  time  Robinson  and  his  party  climbed  the  hill  on  which 
the  University  is  now  situated,  and  from  the  top  of  Mount 
Oread  obtained  magnificent  views  of  the  surrounding  coun- 
try. When  chosen  as  agent  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Com- 
pany and  directed  to  explore  the  country  for  a  suitable  place 
for  settlement,  the  magnificent  country  around  Mount 
Oread  must  have  been  prominent  in  the  mind  of  Dr.  Rob- 
inson. 

On  arriving  in  Kansas  Dr.  Robinson  passed  up  the 
Missouri  as  far  as  Leavenworth,  taking  note  of  the  natural 
advantages  of  the  country;  while  Branscomb  passed  di- 
rectly to  the  present  site  of  Lawrence,  where  subsequently 
Dr.  Robinson  met  him.  While  the  exploration  of  these 
advance  agents  was  taking  place,  a  company  was  being 
formed  in  ISTew  England  to  establish  a  colony  in  Kansas. 


I 


EARLY    SETTLEMENT  111 

Twenty-nine  emigrants  formed  this  first  party,  who  started 
off  on  their  long  journey  with  the  great  enthusiasm  char- 
acteristic of  initial  movements.     They  received  ovations 
at  Worcester  and  Albany,   and  were  cheered  at  all  the 
principal  stations  on  their  westward  journey.     The  colony 
traversed  Lake  Erie  in  the  steamer  "Plymouth  Eock," 
and  passing  through  Chicago,  came  to  St.  Louis,  where 
they  were  met  by  Dr.  Robinson.      The  Doctor  at  once 
looked  after  general  needs,  and  secured  transportation  on 
the  steamer  "  Polar  Star,"  which  left  St.  Louis  July  24th, 
for  Kansas  City.     Leaving  Kansas  City  on  July  28th, 
1854,  they  traveled  on  foot  to  Lawrence,  having  an  ox  team 
to  carry  their  baggage,  and  arrived  at  their  destination 
July  31st.     Twenty-five  tents  were  pitched  on  the  north 
side  of  Mount  Oread,  and  the  emigrants  ate  their  first  meal 
near  where  the  old  University  building  now  stands.     On 
the  2d  day  of  August  they  went  to  work  laying  out  claims, 
driving  stakes  and  preparing  for  permanent  settlement. 
After  the  Xew  England  custom,  they  soon  held  a  town 
meeting  for  organization,  and  discussed  the  feasibility  of 
locating  at  this  place.     Aft-er  due  consideration,  it  was 
decided  by  the  majority  to  remain  and  form  a  t^^vn  in  this 
locality,  on  the  supposition  that  the  Massachusetts  Aid 
Company  would  make  this  the  basis  of  their  operations  in 
the  Territory.     In  a  day  or  two  they  moved  off  the  hill, 
v.'hieh    they    named   Mount    Oread,    after   Mr.    Thayer's 
Castle  home  and  the  Young  Ladies'  Institute  on  Mt.  Oread 
in  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  and  camped  near  the  Kaw 
river.     After  spending  some  time  in  claim-hunting,  quite 
a  number  of  the  emigrants  returned  East  for  the  purpose 
of  brinsrins:  their  families. 


112  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

In  the  mean  time  Dr.  Robinson  had  returned  to  St. 
Tvonis  to  condnct  to  Kansas  the  second  party  of  emigrants, 
which  left  Boston  the  last  of  An^ist.  This  party  was 
much  larger  than  the  first,  containinc^  sixty-seven  members 
in  the  beginning,  and  receiving  accessions  on  the  way  nntil 
the  number  was  one  hundred  and  fourteen,  several  ladies 
and  several  children  being  numbered  in  the  company. 
They  arrived  at  Lawrence,  or  Wakarusa  as  it  was  then 
called,  September  9,  when  they  joined  the  first  party,  and 
soon  agreed  with  them  upon  plans  for  the  union  of  the  two 
companies  and  for  the  laying-out  of  the  town.  Among 
these  early  emigrants  were  many  who  were  to  take  promi- 
nent part  in  the  settlement  of  the  future  State, — pioneers 
in  a  new  country  who  were  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  new 
commonwealth  and  to  build  their  structure  upon  it.  The 
chara(*ter  of  this  ])eople  was  of  old  New  England  quality. 
They  were  anxious  to  transplant  New  England  institu- 
tions into  the  fertile  soil  of  the  New  West,  but  were  not 
wanting  in  that  practical  thrift  which  ever  characterized 
the  early  New  England  settlers ;  for  they  were  interested 
in  the  fertile  lands  of  Kansas  as  well  as  in  the  institu- 
tions of  New  England.  "  Truly,  they  sought  to  establish 
civil  and  religious  lil>erty  in  Kansas  and  at  the  same  time 
to  enter  and  possess  the  promised  land.  The  process  was 
to  establish  homes,  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  country, 
that  free  institutions  might  flourish."  The  Emigrant  Aid 
Company  was  sending  out  free  men  to  make  Kansas  a 
free  State,  but  in  order  to  do  this  these  men  must  first  be- 
come bona  fide  settlers,  tilling  the  soil,  building  towns, 
improving  the  country,  and  organizing  government. 
Thus,  while  interested  in  their  own  welfare,  they  sought 


EAELY  SETTLEMENT  113 

the  freedom  of  others ;  for,  as  Col.  S.  N.  Wood,  in  an  ad- 
dress delivered  at  the  quarter-centeimial  celebration  at 
Topeka,  said :  "'  The  pioneers  who  became  trusted  leaders 
among  the  Free-State  hosts  were  men  who  could  not  rest 
in  their  old,  comfortable  homes  when  the  demon  of  human 
slavery  was  clutching  at  freedom's  rightful  heritage. 
Many  of  them  were  the  sons  of  the  old  antislavery  agita- 
tors, and  had  learned  from  childhood  to  hate  slavery  and 
to  love  freedom,  and  to  claim  it  as  the  right  of  all  men, 
races,  and  conditions." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  effect  of  the  transmission  of 
puritanical  ideas  from  ISTew  England  to  the  plains  of  Kan- 
sas. The  local  institutions  of  Old  England  which,  were 
developed  in  ~S&w  England  have  been  repeated  and  per- 
petuated in  the  far  West.  Yet  more  remarkable  than 
these  is  the  philosophy  of  right  and  wrong,  of  duty  and  of 
service,  which  actuated  these  people.  While  after  the 
manner  of  ISTew  England  people  they  were  strict  in  the  ob- 
servance of  the  law  and  provincial  in  their  notions  of  right 
and  wrong,  a  supreme  consciousness  of  the  right  regard- 
less of  conventionalities  was  ever  ready  to  make  tiem 
break  forth  in  denunciation  of  any  opposition  to  what  their 
conscience  told  them  was  right.  These  sterling  qualities 
made  them  fit  for  pioneers,  fit  to  stand  in  a  great  struggle 
for  the  right  against  fearful  opposition.  They  must  be 
not  alone  the  architects  of  their  own  fortunes,  but  also 
the  builders  of  their  own  commonwealth  and  the  preservers 
of  the  liberties  of  the  people. 

They  brought  with  them  the  Bible  and  their  ideas  of 
public  schools.  They  brought  with  them  ideas  of  New 
England  culture  and  refinement.     They  were  not  forced 


114  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

to  leave  their  homes  on  account  of  personal  oppression  as 
were  the  Puritans  and  Pilgrims  of  old,  but  like  those  early- 
emigrants  they  sought  to  better  their  economic  condition 
and  at  tlie  same  time  to  build  up  civil  and  religious  free- 
dom in  a  new  land.  While  in  the  railroad  station  at  Bos- 
ton tlie  second  party  of  emigrants  sang  Whittier's  well- 
known  hymn,  which  voiced  the  sentiments  of  the  party: 

"  We  cross  the  piaii'ies  as  of  old 
Our  fathers  crossed  the  sea. 
To  make  the  West,  as  they  the  East, 
The  homestead  of  the  free. 

"  We  go  to  rear   a   wall  of  men 
On  Freedoms  southern  line. 
And  plant  beside  the  cotton  tree 
The  rugged  northern  pine. 

"  We  're  flowing  from  our  native  hills 
As  our  free  rivers  flow; 
The  blessing  of  our  mother  land 
Is  on  us  as  we  go. 

"  We  go  to  plant  the  common  school 
On  distant  prairie  swells. 
And  give  the  Sabbaths  of  the  wilds 
The  music  of  her  bells. 

"  Upbearing,  like  the  ark  of  God, 
The  Bible  in  our  van, 
We  go  to  test  the  truth  of  God 
Against  the  fraud  of  man." 

They  further  voiced  their  sentiments  in  a  hymn  written 
for  the  occasion,  as  follows : 

"  We  '11  seek  the  rolling  prairies. 
The  regions  yet  urseen^ 
Nor  stay  our  feet  unweary 
By  Kansas'  flowing  stream. 


EAKLY  SETTLEMENT  115 

"And  then  with  hands  unfettered 
Our  altars  we  will  raise; 
With  voices  uplifted 

We  'II  sing  our  Maker's  praise." 

Many  of  the  emigrant-s  were  opposed  to  slavery  from 
principle,  and  they  were  now  to  take  peaceful  possession 
of  a  new  land,  to  stand  for  principles  which  had  been  in- 
culcated in  their  education.  It  is  an  easy  matter  to  make 
professions  and  speeches  and  to  agitate,  but  to  enter  a 
field  of  operation  and  actually  to  demonstrate  by  service 
what  the  conscience  dictates  is  very  far  from  easy.  To 
establish  a  free  State  by  living  was  the  object  of  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Company.  Mr.  Eli  Thayer,  the  founder  of  this 
Company,  states  this  object  as  follows : 

"  The  present  crisis  was  to  decide  whether  freedom  or  slavery 
should  rule  our  country  for  centuries  to  come.  That  slavery  was  a 
great  national  curse;  that  it  practically  ruined  one  half  of  the  nation 
and  greatly  impeded  the  progress  of  the  other  half.  That  it  was  a 
curse  to  the  negro,  but  a  much  greater  curse  to  the  white  man.  It 
made  the  slaveholders  petty  tyrants,  who  had  no  correct  idea  of  them- 
selves or  of  anybody  else.  It  made  the  poor  whites  of  the  South  more 
abject  and  degraded  than  the  slaves  themselves.  It  was  an  insur- 
mountable obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  nation's  progress  and  prosperity. 
That  it  must  be  overcome  and  extirpated.  That  the  way  to  do  this 
was  to  go  to  the  prairies  of  Kansas  and  show  the  superiority  of  free- 
labor  civilization;  to  go  with  all  our  free-labor  trophies:  churches 
and  schools,  printing-presses,  steam-engines,  and  mills;  and  in  a 
peaceful  contest  convince  every  poor  man  from  the  South  of  the 
superiority  of  free  labor.  That  it  was  much  better  to  go  and  do 
something  for  free  labor  than  to  stay  at  home  and  talk  of  manacles 
and  auction- blocks  and  bloodhounds,  while  deploring  the  never-ending 
aggressions  of  slavery.  That  in  this  contest  the  South  had  not  one 
element  of  success.  We  had  much  greater  numbers,  much  greater 
wealth,  greater  readiness  of  organization,  and  better  facilities  of 
migration.  That  we  should  put  a  cordon  of  free  States  from  Minne- 
.sota  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  stop  the  forming  of  slave  States. 


116  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    BOBINSON 

After  that  we  i^hould  colonize  the  Bcrthern  border  slave  States  and 
exterminate  slavery.  That  our  work  was  not  to  make  women  and 
children  cry  in  antislavery  conventions  by  sentimental  appeals,  but 

TO  GO  AND  PX;T  AN  END   TO   SLAVERY."  ^ 

Sncli  was  the  philosophy  behind  the  emigration  move- 
ment from  ISTew  England.  Bnt  the  carrying  out  of  this 
philosophy  is  what  concenis  ns  now,  for  it  is  in  this  Dr. 
Robinson  appears  prominent. 

Other  emigrants  were  pouring  in  from  different  parts 
of  the  North  and  Northwest.  But  it  is  the  province  of  this 
book  to  follow  more  especially  the  work  of  the  Emigrant 
Aid  Company  and  the  connection  of  that  Company  with 
the  settlements  of  eastern  Kansas  about  Lawrence,  because 
it  is  wnth  this  phase  of  the  work  that  Dr.  Robinson  had 
most  to  do  in  the  early  period.  But  Lawrence  from  the 
earliest  period  of  its  existence  was  the  storm-center  of  the 
struggle.  Primarily  because  of  its  connection  with  the 
company  which  sought  to  establish  freedom  in  Kansas,  it 
was  an  object  of  especial  hatred  to  the  hordes  of  Missou- 
rians  who  sought  to  fasten  the  shackles  of  slavery  upon  the 
new  Territory.  In  and  around  this  center  took  place 
nearly  all  of  those  bitter  struggles  which  characterized  the 
early  settlement  of  the  State.  Difficulties  arose  in  very 
many  directions.  The  first  trouble  was  due  to  contests 
over  disputed  claims.  Soon  after  the  passage  of  the 
Douglas  bill,  which  it  will  be  remembered  provided  for 
squatter  sovereignty  in  Kansas,  the  citizens  of  Missouri 
who  were  determined  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State  rushed 
across  the  border  and  staked  out  claims  on  much  of  the 
desirable  land,  in  order  to  preoccupy  it  and  prevent  the 

'  The  EaneaR  Crueade,  p.  31. 


EAELY    SETTLEMENT  117 

N'orthern  immi^Taiits  from  establishing  their  claims. 
Nearly  all  of  these  people  returned  to  their  own  homes  after 
their  claims  were  registered  in  an  office  in  Missouri,  The 
manner  of  occupation  was  merely  to  drive  in  a  few  stakes 
or  throw  a  few  logs  across  one  another  and  call  the  struc- 
ture a  cabin,  or  to  put  up  a  notice  saying  that  certain  ter- 
ritory was  preempted.  This  was  all  that  was  usually  done 
towards  settlement.  With  these  pretension  and  the  reg- 
istration of  claims,  the  Missourians  hoped  to  keep  the 
"Yankees"  off  the  soil.  Prior  to  the  establishment  of 
the  town-site  of  Lawrence,  several  of  these  claims  had 
been  taken  on  the  ground  later  occupied  by  the  town. 
When  the  emigrants  arrived  and  laid  out  the  town,  only 
two  of  these  "squatter  sovereigns"  were  on  the  ground; 
but  subsequently  other  "  sovereigns  "  returned,  and  a  strife 
arose  out  of  the  attempt  to  settle  claims.  The  claim  of 
one  of  the  two  "  squatter  sovereigns,"  just  mentioned,  was 
purchased  and  paid  for,  but  the  other  claimant,  a  John 
Baldwin,  refused  to  sell.  Mr.  Stearns  had  improved  a 
quarter-section,  but  Mr.  Branscomb  paid  him  five  hundred 
dollars  out  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  treasury  for  his  claim, 
and  he  relinquished  all  rights  and  title.  John  Baldwin 
established  himself  within  a  few  rods  of  the  Steams  cabin, 
and  asserted  his  right  to  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of 
the  land.  The  managers  of  the  town  company  desired  to 
leave  the  question  to  the  courts,  but  Baldwin  was  not  so 
inclined,  and  employed  a  young  man  by  the  name  of  C. 
W.  Babcock  as  his  attorney.  Dr.  Robinson  advocated  the 
defense  by  the  Free-State  settlers  of  all  claims  until  the 
courts  should  settle  the  difficulty.  Baldwin,  however,  as- 
sociated with  himself  Stone  and  Freeman,  men  of  some 


118  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    HOBINSON 

means  and  influence,  together  with  the  attorney  Babcock, 

and  placed  the  entire  business  in  the  hands  of  a  specu- 

hitor  named    Starr,   who   immediately   proceeded   to  lay 

out  a  rival  city  on  the  same  territory,  which  he  named 

Excelsior. 

As  the  public  survey  had  not  yet  been  made  and  mapped, 

the  titles  to  lands  were  not  clearly  defined,  and  things 

were  in  a  very  confused  state.      The  strife  over  claims 

grew  very  bitter,  contentions  arising  between  Free-State 

as  well  as  Proslavery  men.     But  the  struggle  which  arose 

out  of  the  question  of  property  rights  finally  was  reduced 

to  a  strife  between  the  antislavery  and  proslavery  elements. 

An  attempt  was  made  by  the  Baldwin  party  to  remove  the 

tent  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company's  property,  but  the 

representatives  of  the  latter  were  vigilant  and  came  to  the 

rescue.     The  following  day,  Baldwin  and  the  Missourians 

began  to  assemble  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  tent,  and 

about  four  o'clock  the  following  message  was  sent  to  Dr. 

Robinson : 

"  Kansas  Territory,  October  6th. 

Dk.  Robinson:  Yourself  and  friends  are  hereby  notified  that 
you  will  have  one-half  hour  to  move  the  tent  which  you  have  on  my 
disputed  claim,  and  from  this  date  desist  from  surveying  on  said 
claim.  If  the  tent  is  not  moved  within  one-half  hour,  we  shall  take 
the  trouble  to  move  the  same. 

(Signed)  John  Baldwin  and  Friends." 

The  following  pointed  reply  was  instantly  returned : 

"  To  John  Baldwin  and  Friends  :  If  you  molest  our  property 
you  do  it  at  your  peril.  C.  Robinson  and  Friends." 

The  Missourians  to  the  number  of  eighteen,  fully 
equipped  and  armed,  rallied  aroimd  their  tent.  Fully 
thirty  of  the  settlers  rallied  around  their  own  tent,  and 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  119 

prepared  for  war.  After  the  notice  had  been  sent,  a  con- 
sultation was  held  between  Dr.  Robinson  and  a  delegate 
from  the  enemy's  post.  Dr.  Robinson  proposed  to  leave 
the  case  to  the  settlement  by  arbitration  of  disinterested 
and  unbiased  men,  or  to  settlement  by  the  squatter  courts 
then  existing,  or  to  the  United  States  court.  But  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  Baldwin  party  insisted  that  at  the  end 
of  the  half-hour  they  should  proceed  to  remove  the  tent, 
and  if  they  failed  in  the  attempt,  three  thousand  Missou- 
rians,  or  if  necessary  thirty  thousand,  would  be  raised 
in  Missouri  to  sweep  the  settlers  from  the  earth.  The 
half-hou"  passed,  however,  and  no  demonstration  was 
made;  and  another  quarter  of  an  hour  passed  and  the 
Baldwin  party  were  still  consulting  in  sight  of  the  Robin- 
son party.  A  little  incident  perhaps  had  much  to  do  with 
the  settlement  of  the  question.  During  the  suspense,  John 
Hutchinson,  one  of  the  Robinson  party,  asked  Dr.  Rob- 
inson what  he  would  do  if  they  attempted  to  remove  the 
tent :  "  Would  he  fire  io  hit  them,  or  would  he  fire  over 
them?"  Dr.  Robinson  promptly  replied  that  he  would 
be  ashamed  to  fire  at  a  man  and  not  hit  him.  It  appears 
that  a  man  who  had  been  with  the  Free-State  men  now 
went  over  to  the  Proslavery  men.  The  latter  soon  after- 
ward dispersed,  and  this  ended  the  struggle  for  the  claim. 
A  report  of  the  strife  and  its  results  was  circulated  far 
and  wide  among  the  Proslavery  settlers,  who  now  sent  out 
a  call  for  a  meeting,  sigTied  by  many  citizens.  The  sover- 
eign people  of  Kansas  Territory  were  requested  to  meet 
in  Lawrence,  January  11th,  at  eleven  o'clock,  to  adopt 
measures  to  protect  themselves  against  moneyed  associa- 
tions and  influence,  and  against  the  tyrannical  encroach- 


120  LIFK    OV    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

ments  daily  made  by  the  Lawrence  association.  As  tlie 
Lawrence  association  was  composed  of  Free-State  men 
backed  by  the  Emii^rant  Aid  Company,  whose  purpose  was 
known,  the  efforts  of  the  Proslavery  men  were  therefore 
to  be  directed  against  the  association.  The  meeting  was 
rather  mob-like  in  its  character,  and  during  it  an  attempt 
was  made  to  shoot  Dr.  Robinson.  There  was  much  bitter- 
ness manifested  in  the  meeting  against  the  Lawrence  asso- 
ciation, the  Emigrant  Aid  Company,  and  Dr.  Robinson  in 
particular.  Believing  that  the  resolutions  of  this  meet- 
ing were  not  expressive  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people  at 
large,  another  meeting  was  called,  by  those  who  were  not 
members  of  the  Lawrence  association  but  were  in  sympathy 
with  it.  This  meeting  was  held  in  the  church,  on  the  16th, 
and  was  composed  of  both  members  and  non-members  of 
the  association,  who  proceeded  to  denounce  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  meeting  of  the  11th.  Stirring  resolutions 
were  also  adopted  commending  the  great  work  of  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Company,  and  cordially  inviting  the  members 
of  the  Lawrence  association  to  remain  and  cooperate  in 
the  settlement  of  the  country.  At  the  same  meeting  a 
committee  of  the  Lawrence  association  passed  resolutions 
discountenancing  any  acts  of  violence,  trespass,  or  injus- 
tice; upholding  the  protection  of  the  home  and  the  per- 
son ;  denying  that  the  Lawrence  association  had  committed 
any  violation  of  justice,  and  refuting  the  accusations  of 
their  enemies.  "  Dr.  Robinson,  toward  the  close  of  the 
meeting,  made  a  short  and  sensible  speech,  refuting  some 
of  the  charges  made  against  him,  counseling  his  hearers 
of  the  danger  of  quarrels  among  themselves,  and  impress- 
ing upon  them  the  duty  and  necessity  of  union ;  but  they 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  121 

miglit,  with  voice  and  hand  and  means  combined,  defend 
these  hills  and  valleys,  these  rivers  and  broad  prairies 
from  the  curse  of  human  bondage  and  chains  of  slavery." 
Some  time  after  this  meeting  an  attempt  was  made  to 
cut  down  the  house  of  Dr.  Robinson,  and  it  was  only  on  the 
approach  of  Free-Stat«  men  that  the  cutting  was  given  up 
and  the  vandals  slunk  away.  Disturbances  and  annoy- 
ances and  the  strife  for  property  were  continued  for  some 
time.  But  while  Dr.  Robinson  was  in  the  East,  having 
gone  thither  to  conduct  a  party  of  emigrants  westward 
in  the  spring  of  1855,  a  compromise  was  made  between 
the  land-jumpers  and  the  settlers  of  Lawrence.  The  area 
of  the  town  was  limited  to  six  hundred  and  forty  acres, 
and  four  or  five  men  were  given  one  hundred  shares  out  of 
a  total  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  into  which  the  site  was 
divided,  leaving  one  hundred  and  ten  shares  for  the  origi- 
nal Free-State  town  company,  two  shares  in  trust  for  the 
endowment  of  a  school,  and  eight  shares  for  the  Emigrant 
Aid  Company.  This  compromise  was  a  great  detriment 
to  the  town,  and  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  reason  why  it 
should  have  been  made,  as  the  town-site  jumpers  had  no 
right  whatever  to  the  territory.  When  the  town-site  was 
selected  the  territory  included  within  the  corporate  limits 
was  excepted  from  individual  preemption.  As  Lawrence 
was  selected  as  the  town-site  the  last  of  July,  1854,  and 
these  lands  were  not  open  to  settlement,  according  to  the 
statement  of  the  Land  Commissioner,  until  September  28th 
of  that  year,  no  individual  claimant  could  have  any 
right  to  the  territory  either  prior  to  the  28th  or  afterward, 
as  the  land  was  covered  by  the  town-site.  But  this  com- 
promise did  not  settle  the  difficulties  in  regard  to  claims, 


122  L11.B    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

wliicli  were  eventually  adjusted  by  Government  officials. 
It  was  very  unfortunate  for  the  town  of  Lawrence  that  Dr. 
Kobinson  was  absent  at  this  time,  because  his  clear  head 
and  shrewd  manaoement  would  not  have  allowed  any  such 
compromise.  He  would  have  held  out  to  the  last  for  what 
was  just  and  ri^^ht,  and  without  doubt  Government  officials 
would  have  eventually  settled  everything  in  favor  of  the 
hona  fide  settlers  of  Lawrence.  This  would  have  been 
much  better  for  the  town  in  very  many  ways. 

But  the  settlement  of  claims  and  town-sites  was  a  small 
part  of  the  trouble  of  these  early  immigrants.  While  the 
North  was  being  aroused  for  the  purpose  of  sending  in 
Free-State  men  for  the  settlement  of  Kansas,  Missouri  and 
the  South  were  wide  awake  to  the  situation,  and  determined 
if  possible  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State,  The  newspapers 
of  Missouri  all  along  the  border  denounced  the  "  abolition- 
ists" and  "Yankees"  in  the  vilest  terms,  and  public 
speakers  proclaimed  the  determination  to  blot  them  from 
the  face  of  the  earth.  A  meeting  of  Proslavery  men  at 
Salt  Creek  Valley  resolved :  "  That  we  recognize  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery  as  always  existing  in  this  Territory, 
and  recommend  slaveholders  to  introduce  their  property 
as  early  as  possible.  That  w^e  will  afford  protection  to 
no  abolitionists  as  settlers  of  Kansas  Territory."  At  Lib- 
erty, Missouri,  June  8,  1854,  the  Democratic  platform 
contained  the  following  clause: 

"  We  learn  from  a  gentleman  lately  from  the  Territory  of  Kan- 
sas that  a  great  many  Missourians  have  already  set  their  pegs 
in  that  country,  and  are  making  arrangements  to  '  darken  the  at- 
mosphere'  with  their  negroes.  This  is  right.  Let  every  man  that 
owns  a  negro  go  there  and  settle,  and  our  Northern  brethren  will 
be  compelled  to  hnnt  further  north   for  a  location." 


EAELY  SETTLEMENT  123 

The  division  of  j^ebraska  Territory  into  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  made  many  people  think  that  while  the  latter 
might  he  free,  the  former  was  necessarily  to  he  slave.  The 
Missourians  were  thoroughly  and  practically  committed 
to  the  latter  proposition. 

The  Platte  Argus  stated,  among  other  things,  the  fol- 
lowing in  an  address  to  Missourians : 

"Citizens  of  the  West,  of  the  South,  and  Illinois:  Stake  out 
your  claims;  woe  be  to  the  Abolitionist  or  Mormon  who  shall  intrude 
upon  it,  or  come  within  reach  of  your  long  and  true  rifles,  or  within 
point-blank  shot  of  your  revolvers.  Keep  a  sharp  lookout  lest  some 
dark  night  you  shall  see  the  flames  curling  from  your  houses  or  the 
midnight  philanthropist  hurrying  oflf  your  faithful  servant." 

Such  inflammatory  articles,  resolutions  and  speeches  as 
these  aroused  the  Missourians  to  the  point  of  desperation, 
until  they  were  ready  to  adopt  any  means  whatsoever  to 
make  Kansas  a  slave  State.  They  were  ready  to  intimi- 
dat-e,  oppress,  rob,  pillage,  burn,  shoot,  even  murder,  for 
the  sake  of  carrying  their  point.  Hence  it  was  that  the 
people  on  the  borders  of  Missouri  interfered  in  every  way 
possible  in  the  settlement  and  government  of  Kansas.  This 
interference  appeared  most  prominently  in  the  first  elec- 
tions in  Kansas. 

The  Federal  administration  at  Washington  was  in 
sympathy  with  the  proslavery  movement  in  Kansas ;  and 
while  it  endeavored  to  maintain  a  tone  of  respectability, 
it  also  endeavored  at  all  times  to  favor  the  Proslavery  men. 
Governor  Reeder  arrived  in  Lawrence  on  the  19th  of  Oc- 
t>ober.  This  first  Territorial  Governor  of  Kansas  had  ar- 
rived at  Leavenworth  on  October  7th.  He  was  received 
with  a  great  ovation,  the  Proslavery  element  predominat- 
ing in  the  reception.     They  intended  here  to  capture  the 


124  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

newly  appointed  Governor  and  win  liiin  over  to  their  way 
of  thinking'.  On  his  way  to  Fort  Kiley  he  visited  Law- 
rence, where  he  was  well  received.  The  whole  city  of 
two  hnndred  inhabitants  assembled  to  welcome  the  Grov- 
emor,  and  addresses,  toasts,  speeches,  a  dinner  and  general 
good  cheer  made  this  a  day  long  to  be  remembered  in  the 
annals  of  the  town.  A  bit  of  verse  contributed  by  Mrs. 
S.  ]S^.  Wood,  full  of  poetic  feeling  and  fine  thought,  of- 
fered to  Governor  Eeeder  a  most  hearty  welcome  to  the 
Territory.  Governor  Reeder  was  desirous  of  treating 
everybody  fairly  within  the  Territory.  This,  of  course, 
was  a  difficult  thing  to  do.  The  lines  between  Proslavery 
and  Antislavery  parties  were  being  drawn  more  closely 
every  day.  People  were  pouring  in  from  the  ISTorthem 
States  more  rapidly  than  they  could  be  well  cared  for, 
while  Missouri  and  the  South  sent  in  some  immigrants 
and  kept  up  a  constant  agitation  against  the  Free-State 
cause.  Two  newspapers  were  established  in  Lawrence, — 
the  Kansas  Pioneer,  a  Free-State  paper  edited  by  John 
and  J.  L.  Speer,  and  the  Herald  of  Freedom.,  edited  by 
G.  W.  Brown.  The  first  number  of  the  former  was 
printed  at  Medina,  Ohio,  and  the  first  number  of  the  latter 
at  Conneautville,  Pa.  Mr.  Speer  took  the  copy  for  the 
first  number  of  his  paper  to  the  office  of  the  Kansas  City 
Enterprise  to  have  it  printed,  but  when  it  was  ascertained 
to  be  a  Free-State  paper.  Judge  Story,  the  publisher  of 
the  Eiiterprise,  refused  to  print  it.  Mr.  Speer  met  with 
the  same  experience  in  the  office  of  the  Leavenworth  Her- 
ald, and  was  finally  obliged  to  print  his  paper  in  his  old 
home,  Medina,  Ohio,  where  freedom  of  the  press  and  free- 
dom of  speech  were  not  restricted. 


EAULY  SETTLEMENT  125 

As  progress  was  made  in  the  settlement  and  organization 
of  Kansas,  troubles  began  to  deepen,  clouds  began  to  ap- 
pear on  the  horizon,  and  these  hardy  pioneers  were  soon 
called  upon  to  test  their  strength  in  the  adherence  to  the 
purposes  for  which  they  had  come  to  Kansas.  Appar- 
ently the  odds  were  against  them,  for  the  few  Free-State 
men  were  under  the  shadow  of  the  populous  State  of  Mis- 
souri, whose  inhabitants  were  determined  to  make  Kansas 
a  slave  State  and  to  drive  the  abolitionists  and  Free-State 
men  from  the  country.  The  attempt  at  Territorial  or- 
ganization that  was  now  made  defined  the  situation  and 
precipitated  the  struggle.  Governor  Keeder  made  his 
first  election  proclamation  November  10th,  1854,  which 
defined  the  qualification  of  voters  and  gave  a  list  of  elec- 
tion districts  and  polling-places.  It  provided  that  any 
free  male  person  who  was  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  an 
actual  settler  was  entitled  to  vote.  This  election  was 
called  for  the  choosing  of  a  Delegate  to  Congress,  and  was 
held  on  the  29th  of  ]S3"ovember,  1854.  Before  the  day  of 
election,  armed  hordes  poured  over  the  IVOssouri  line 
into  the  Territory  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  the  elec- 
tions. These  people  visited  the  polls,  claimed  that  they 
were  residents  because  they  were  in  the  Territory,  and  had 
a  right  to  vote  because  they  were  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
and  cast  votes  for  the  Proslaverv  candidate,  General 
Whitfield,  who  was  thus  illegally  elected  to  Congress. 
Out  of  a  total  number  of  2,833  votes  which  were  cast  for 
Mr.  Whitfield,  1,724  were  fraudulent.  There  is  little 
doubt,  indeed,  that  Mr.  Whitfield  could  have  been  elected 
had  there  been  no  fraudulent  votes  cast,  for  at  this  time  the 
majority  of  the  citizens  of  the  Territory  were  Proslavery. 


126  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

Threats  were  made  by  tlie  Proslavery  people  that  If  any- 
one challenged  a  vote  he  would  be  killed.  The  eightli  dis- 
trict was  a  remote,  sparsely  settled  territory.  In  this 
district  584  illegal  votes  were  cast  and  only  20  legal  ones. 
At  Leavenworth  several  hundred  men  came  over  from 
Platte,  Clay  and  Ray  counties,  and  camped  around  the 
town  to  control  the  polls.  After  the  election  was  over  the 
men  from  Missouri  mounted  their  wagons  and  horses,  cry- 
ing out,  "All  aboard  for  Westport  and  Kansas  City !  "  and 
then  returned  to  their  homes  in  Missouri,  to  await  another 
opportunity  to  help  control  Kansas.  The  only  salvation  of 
the  Territory  seemed  to  be  the  multiplication  of  Free-State 
men  who  could  outvote  the  Missourians.  In  February, 
1855,  Governor  Eeeder  caused  the  census  to  be  taken, 
which  showed  the  whole  number  of  inhabitants  to  be 
8,501.  As  soon  as  the  census  was  completed  Governor 
Eeeder  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  an  election  for 
March  30,  1855,  to  choose  a  legislative  assembly.  The 
Missourians  were  preparing  to  control  this  election  after 
the  manner  of  the  preceding  one.  General  Atchison  had 
made  speeches  in  Missouri ;  so  had  one  Stringfellow,  who 
urged  a  firm  resistance  to  antislavery  men.  Secret  soci- 
eties, called  Blue  Lodges,  Friends'  Societies,  etc.,  were 
organized  in  western  Missouri  for  the  purpose  of  blotting 
out  abolitionism !  They  passed  fiery  resolutions  denounc- 
ing N'orthern  men,  offering  large  rewards  for  the  heads  of 
some,  and  asserting  that  they  would  drive  the  abolitionists 
from  the  country.  This  agitation  had  been  going  on  for 
nearly  a  year.  As  early  as  May,  1854,  one  of  the  princi- 
pal speakers  who  harangued  the  people  from  the  court- 
house steps  in  Westport  repeated  frequently  in  the  course 


EARLY    SETTLEMENT 


127 


of  his  &pee«li  a  favorite  threat:  "Ball  to  the  muzzle, 
knife  to  the  hilt.  Damn  the  abolitionists  —  we  '11  put  them 
all  in  the  Missouri  river."  Prior  to  the  election  of  March, 
1855,  Stringfellow,  in  addressing  a  crowd  at  St.  Joseph, 
Missouri,  said: 

"  I  tell  you  to  mark  every  scoundrel  among  you  that  is  the  least 
tainted  with  free-soilism  or  abolitionism,  and  exterminate  him. 
Neither  give  nor  take  quarter  from  the  damned  rascals.  I  propose 
to  mark  them  in  this  house  and  on  the  present  occasion,  so  that  you 
may  crush  them  out.  To  those  having  qualms  of  conscience  as  to 
violating  laws,  state  or  national,  the  time  has  come  when  such  impo- 
sitions must  be  disregarded,  as  your  lives  and  property  are  in  danger, 
and  I  advise  you  one  and  all  to  enter  every  election  district  in 
Kansas,  in  defiance  of  Reeder  and  his  vile  myrmidons,  and  vote  at 
the  point  of  the  bowie-knife  and  the  revolver.  Neither  give  nor  take 
quarter  as  our  cause  demands  it.  It  is  enough  that  the  slaveholding 
interest  wills  it,  from  which  there  is  no  appeal.  Wliat  right  has 
Governor  Reeder  to  rule  Missourians  in  Kansas?  His  proclamation 
and  prescribed  oath  must  be  disregarded;  it  is  to  your  interest  to  do 
so.     Mind,  that  slavery  is  established  where  it  is  not  prohibited." 

This  was  the  attitude  of  the  Missourians  towards  the 
Free-State  cause  in  Kansas.  All  laws,  state  and  national, 
were  to  he  disregarded  when  necessary.  As  stated  by  Mrs. 
Robinson,  the  people  of  Missouri  had  been  excited  by  the 
inflammatory  rumoi-s  put  in  circulation  among  them  by 
their  leaders  regarding  the  design  and  character  of  Eastern 
immigration.  Aided  by  the  oaths  of  the  secret  societies 
to  which  many  of  their  people  belonged,  the  leaders  worked 
upon  the  prejudices  and  baser  nature  of  these  people  to 
such  a  degree  that  they  were  fully  equal  to  any  deed  of 
violence.  Hundreds  of  ruffians  poured  out  of  Missouri 
into  Kansas  to  be  present  on  the  election  day,  and  when 
that  day  came  they  voted  as  often  as  they  wished  and  in 
a   manner   suiting  themselves,    intimidating  judges  and 


128  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    BOBINSON 

stuffing  ballot-boxes  until  a  majority  of  votes  was  rolled 
up  in  favor  of  the  Proslavery  candidates  for  Legislature. 
The  returns  of  the  election  were  carefully  canvassed  by 
Governor  Eeeder,  who  ordered  a  new  election  declared  in 
the  districts  Avhere  illegal  voting  had  occurred.  To  illus- 
trate their  method,  it  may  be  said  that  in  the  Lawrence 
district  one  thousand  men  came  in  wagons  and  on  horse- 
back on  the  evening  preceding  the  election  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  Finding  that  they  had  more  voters  than 
they  needed,  they  dispatched  part  of  their  forces  to  other 
districts.  They  openly  asserted  that  they  had  come  to 
the  Territory  to  elect  a  Legislature  to  suit  themselves, 
and  afterwards  boasted  that  they  had  done  so.  By  the 
census  recently  taken  the  Lawrence  district  at  this  time 
possessed  369  voters,  but  1,034  votes  were  cast  at  the 
election,  781  for  the  Proslavery  candidates  and  253  for  the 
Pree-Soil  candidates.  At  the  new  election  ordered  by 
Governor  Reeder,  to  be  held  May  25th,  in  those  districts 
where  frauds  were  evident,  the  results  of  the  former  elec- 
tion were  reversed  in  every  district  but  one.  After  the 
first  election  the  Missouri  and  Kansas  Proslavery  papers 
boasted  of  the  great  victories  their  party  had  won.  The 
Leavenw^orth  Herald  of  April   6th  headed  a  column  as 

follows : 

All  Hail! 

The  Pbo-Slaveby  Party  Victorious. 

We  Have  Met  the  Enemy  and  They  Are  Ours. 

Veni,  Vidi,  Vici. 

Free  White  State  Party  Used  Up. 

The  triumph  of  the  Proslavery  party  is  complete  and  overvyhelm- 

ing.     Come  on,  Southern  men!      Bring  your  slaves  and  fill  up  the 

Territory.     Kansas  is  saved!     Abolitionism  is  rebuked,  her  fortress 

stormed,  her  flag  dragged  in  the  dust,  ete. 


EAELY  SETTLEMENT  129 

From  this  time  on,  the  great  issue  in  Kansas  was  slav- 
ery. The  people  of  Kansas  henceforth  needed  the  most 
careful  guidance  in  order  not  to  wreck  the  prospects  of  the 
Territory.  The  Free- State  men  Avere  to  he  fought  to  the 
bitter  end  by  the  Proslavery  people  of  Missouri  and  Kan- 
sas. The  FreeState  men  were  opposed  by  the  Abolitionists 
at  home  and  abroad,  because  the  latter  did  not  believe  in 
the  methods  employed  by  the  former.  They  must  fight 
unjust  laws  and  oppression  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  en- 
danger the  safety  of  their  cause.  They  must  be  careful 
not  to  array  themselves  against  the  Federal  Government 
on  the  one  hand,  nor  on  the  other  to  submit  tamely  to 
local  authority  when  that  local  authority  was  fraudulent, 
deceptive,  a  robber  and  oppressor  of  their  rights. 

The  people  of  Kansas  were  at  this  time  always  called 
Abolitionists,  but  they  were  different  from  the  Abolition- 
ists in  spirit  and  in  opinion.  They  were  in  Kansas  to  build 
up  a  free  State ;  they  were  there  to  maintain  their  rights. 
These  duties  were  imperative.  Wendell  Phillips,  a  leading 
Abolitionist  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  had  said: 

"  Why  is  Kansas  a  failure  as  a  free  State  ?  I  will  tell  you.  You 
sent  out  there  some  thousand  or  two  thousand  men  —  for  what? 
To  make  a  living,  to  cultivate  the  160  acres,  to  build  houses;  to  send 
for  their  wives  and  their  children;  to  raise  wheat;  to  make  money; 
to  build  sawmills;  to  plant  towns.  You  meant  to  take  jjossession  of 
the  country,  as  a  Yankee  race  always  takes  possession  of  a  country, — 
by  industry,  by  civilization,  by  roads,  by  houses,  by  mills,  by  churches. 
But  it  will  take  a  long  time;  it  takes  two  centuries  to  do  it." 

Yet,  it  took  less  than  ten  years  to  accomplish  this  great 
feat !  It  is  as  a  counselor  and  guide  to  the  Free-State  men 
in  their  arduous  struggle  in  building  up  a  great  common- 
wealth that  Dr.  Robinson  appears  to  the  best  advantage. 

—  9 


130  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON" 

After  the  election  of  March,  1855,  which  was  well  known 
to  be  fraudnlent  on  account  of  the  Missouri  invasion,  he 
advocated  what  at  first  appeared  to  be  a  very  strange  doc- 
trine.    He  held  that  the  Free-State  men  ought  not  in  any 
way  recognize  the  bogiis  Legislature  just  elected.     This 
idea  was  not  at  first  received  with  much  favor,  but  the  lead- 
ers as  well  as  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Free-State  men  soon 
came  to  regard  the  course  it  suggested  as,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, the  only  one  to  follow.    Dr.  Robinson  took  the 
view  that  the  Federal  Government  of  the  United  States 
was  established  on  the  principles  of  justice  and  right ;  that 
it  had  dominion  over  all  parts  of  the  nation ;   that  every 
citizen,  far  and  wide,  owed  an  allegiance  to  it;  and  that 
no  person  should  ever  oppose  the  Federal  authorities,  not 
only  because  of  the  right  of  the  Government  to  rule,  but 
because  of  the  duty  of  law-abiding  citizens  to  obey.    More- 
over, it  was  certain  that  anyone  who  attempted  to  oppose 
Federal  authority  would  be  beaten  in  the  contest.     ]^ot  so 
the  Territorial  Government.     Here  were  people  of  differ- 
ent shades  of  political  belief  and  belonging  to  different 
parties,  seeking  to  build  a  new  commonwealth  in  a  given 
territory.     In  the  building  of  this  government  it  was  right 
and  just  to  repudiate  fraud  in  every  form,  that  justice 
might  be  securely  established.    He  held  that,  as  Missouri- 
ans  had  obviously  no  right  to  elect  a  legislature  for  Kansas, 
any  legislature  so  elected  should  rightly  be  termed  a  bogus 
legislature,  whose  authority  should  not  be  acknowledged 
by  bona  fide  citizens  of  the  Territory. 

The  following  letter  by  Dr.  Robinson  to  Eli  Thayer,  soon 
after  the  fraudulent  electicn  of  the  "  bogus  legislature," 
is  a  clear  exposition  of  the  situation.     It  is  also  evidence 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  131 

that  Dr.  Robinson  fullv  comprehended  the  situation,  and 
imderst<X)d  the  nature  of  the  foe  the  settlers  of  Kansas  had 
to  fight.  In  this  letter  he  prophetically  alludes  to  the  great 
struggle  that  is  to  come  between  freedom  and  slavery,  and 
the  request  for  arms  is  also  an  indication  that  he  knew  that 
a  conflict  was  inevitable: 

[Fob  E.  Thayer.     This  is  sent  to  Mr.  Rice,  to  avoid  opening  and 

delay  on  the  way.] 

Lawbence,  April  2,  1855. 

Deab  Sie:  Another  election  in  Kansas  Territory  has  passed,  and, 
like  the  first,  was  controlled  entirely  by  Missourians.  A  few  days  be- 
fore the  election,  I  was  traveling  in  the  southern  and  eastern  part  of 
the  Territory,  and  met  hundreds  of  people  from  Missouri  on  their 
way  to  the  different  voting  precincts  in  the  Territory.  Encamp- 
ments were  formed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  polls,  varying  in  size  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  voters  required  in  the  several  districts  to  secure 
their  end.  The  grand  rendezvous  was  at  Lawrence,  where  they  had 
reinforcements  stationed  for  all  parts. 

At  Tecumseh  two  of  the  judges  of  election  refused  to  take  the  oath 
prescribed  by  the  Governor,  and  the  third  refused  to  proceed,  when 
the  mob,  after  snapping  pistols  at  the  antislavery  judge  and  threat- 
ening to  destroy  all  the  judges  if  they  did  not  leave,  proceeded  to 
choose  judges  of  their  own  and  go  on  with  the  election.  The  Free- 
State  men  accordingly  abandoned  the  polls,  and  did  not  vote. 

At  Douglas  the  judges  attempted  to  conform  to  the  law  and  in- 
structions of  the  Governor,  when  they  were  mobbed  and  driven  off. 
Consequently,  no  antislavery  voting  was  done  at  that  place. 

At  Lawrence  about  a  thousand  Missourians  took  possession  of 
the  polls,  and  threatened  to  hang  one  of  the  judges  —  who  was 
formerly  from  Missouri,  but  antislavery  —  if  he  refused  to  take  their 
votes,  and  he  refused  to  serve  at  all.  A  Proslavery  man  was  put  in 
his  place,  leaving  but  one  of  the  Free-Soil.  He  was  overruled,  and 
refused  to  serve,  leaving  the  field  to  our  enemies,  and  they  all  voted 
who  chose.  No  Free-Soil  man  could  get  near  the  polls  till  late  in 
the  day,  when  a  few  of  our  men  voted. 

I  arrived  at  Lawrence  about  3  o'clock  P.  M.,  and  found  the  town  an 
encampment  of  Missourians,  who  had  given  out  that  they  intended  in 
the  night  to  destroy  Lawrence,  root  and  branch.    We  immediately  pre- 


132  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

pared  to  give  thpm  a  good  time  in  doing  it,  and  kept  one  hundred 
naen  sleeping  on  their  arms  all  night,  with  a  good  watch  in  all  parts 
of  the  city.  The  Missouri  spies  were  out  during  the  whole  time,  and 
nothing  but  their  finding  a  large  guard  patrolling  the  city  saved  us 
from  destruction. 

At  the  polls  they  assailed  Mr.  Bond  and  friend  Stearns,  who  were 
obliged  to  leave,  as  it  was  in  the  early  part  of  the  day  and  but  few  of 
our  people  were  on  the  ground.  Bond  was  fired  at,  but  not  wounded. 
They  attempted  to  frighten  Mr.  Pomeroy  and  make  him  leave  the 
polls,  but  failed  to  do  so.  Some  of  their  leaders  told  him  confiden- 
tially that  he  was  in  danger;  that  the  people  were  infuriated,  and 
they  could  not  control  them  nor  keep  them  off  from  him.  He  told 
them  they  need  not  trouble  themselves  about  him,  but  let  them  come 
on  if  they  wanted  to,  for  if  they  could  not  keep  them  off  he  could  — 
so  Mr.  P.  told  me  himself  he  talked  to  them.    He  was  not  molested. 

I  was  told  that  frequent  inquiries  were  made  for  me  in  the  fore- 
noon, and  it  was  asserted  that  I  would  not  be  allowed  to  vote.  When 
I  learned  their  desire  to  see  me  I  went  over  to  the  polls  and  voted, 
and  then  passed  through  their  camp  arm-in-arm  with  Mr.  Brown, 
Avho  also  had  been  threatened.  Neither  of  us  was  disturbed  or  in- 
sulted, although  all  eyes  were  turned  iipon  us. 

It  is  said  they  had  two  cannon  with  them.  Col.  Doniphan  also  was 
said  to  be  here,  and  said  that  next  fall  they  should  be  on  hand  again. 
It  is  also  said  that  Atchison  talks  of  running  for  Delegate  to  Con- 
gress, and  bring  his  voters  with  him;  and  a  man  from  Missouri,  a 
Bentonite,  says  the  plan  is  if  he  does  so,  for  "  Old  Bullion  "  to  take 
the  field  against  him,  and  his  friends  also  will  see  that  fair  play 
is  had. 

Our  people  have  now  formed  themselves  into  four  military  com- 
panies, and  will  meet  to  drill  till  they  have  perfected  themselves  in 
the  art.  Also,  companies  are  being  formed  in  other  places,  and  we 
want  arms.  Give  us  the  weapons  and  every  man  from  the  North 
will  be  a  soldier  and  die  in  his  tracks  if  necessary,  to  protect  and 
defend  our  rights. 

It  looks  very  much  like  war,  and  I  am  ready  for  it  and  so  are  our 
people.  If  they  give  us  occasion  to  settle  the  question  of  Slavery  in 
this  country  with  the  bayonet,  let  us  improve  it.  What  way  can  bring 
the  slaves  redemption  more  speedily?  Wouldn't  it  be  rich  to  march 
an  army  through  the  slaveholding  States  and  roll  up  a  hlaclc  cloud 
that  should  spread  dismay  and  terror  to  the  ranks  of  the  oppressors? 


EAKLY  SETTLEMENT  133 

But  I  muist  close,  for  want  of  time. 

Cannot  your  secret  society  send  us  200  Sharps  rifles  as  a  loan  till 
this  question  is  settled?  Also  a  couple  of  field-pieces?  If  they  will 
do  that,  I  think  they  will  be  well  used,  and  preserved.  I  have  given 
our  people  encouragement  to  expect  something  of  the  kind,  and  hope 
we  shall  not  be  disappointed.  Please  inform  me  what  the  prospect 
is  in  this  direction. 

If  the  Governor  sets  this  election  aside,  we  of  course  must  have 
another,  and  shall  need  to  be  up  and  dressed. 

In  great  haste, 

Very  respectfully, 

C.  Robinson. 

To  Hon.  Eli  Thayer,  Worcester,  Mass. 

Following  this  idea,  the  people  of  the  Territory  began 
to  form  themselves  into  organizations  and  to  hold  conven- 
tions, in  preparation  for  a  great  struggle  for  constitutional 
liberty.  From  June  8th  to  August  15th,  no  less  than  seven 
conventions  were  held  in  the  city  of  Lawrence,  all  but  one 
favoring  the  repudiation  of  the  bogus  Legislature,  But 
what  tended  more  than  anything  else  at  this  juncture  to 
arouse  enthusiasm  and  to  shape  the  policy  of  the  Free-State 
men,  was  the  first  Fourth  of  July  celebration  held  in  the 
Territory  of  Kansas,  The  people  of  Lawrence  and  the  sur- 
rounding territory  met  in  an  enthusiastic  gathering  about 
a  mile  from  Lawrence,  in  a  beautiful  grove.  Two  com- 
panies of  militia  armed  with  Sharps  rifles  appeared  iu 
their  uniforms.  They  were  presented  with  a  magnificent 
silk  flag  by  the  ladies  of  Lawrence,  The  "  Star-Spangled 
Banner"  was  sung,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
read,  and  an  oration  delivered  by  Dr.  Robinson.  Then 
followed  a  dinner,  after  which  the  day  was  devoted  to 
toasts,  speeches,  and  music.  It  is  interesting  to  note  some 
of  the  toasts  proposed.  Important  among  them  were  the 
following:   "Young  Kansas  —  The  rights  of  her  citizens. 


134  LIFE    OF   CHARLES    EOBINSON 

trodden  down  for  a  brief  period,  have  but  aroused  ber  to  an 
appreciation  of  freedom  and  inspired  her  sons  with  spirit 
and  victor  which  will  bid  defiance  to  her  enemies."  "  Law- 
rence—  Its  course  is  onward."  "The  Pioneers  of  Kan- 
sas." "  The  Laborers  of  Kansas."  "  Universal  Educa- 
tion." "  Kansas  —  May  its  fertile  soil  never  be  cursed 
with  slavery."  "The  Kansas  Legislature — A  body  alien 
to  our  soil,  elected  by  fraud  —  we  are  not  responsible  for 
its  acts  and  ask  no  favors  at  its  hands."  We  are  told  that 
great  enthusiasm  prevailed  in  these  first  patriotic  exercises, 
and  that  toasts  were  responded  to  ably  by  educated  men ; 
for  nearly  all  the  immigrants  from  the  I*Torth  and  East 
in  the  early  period  of  Kansas  were  educated  men,  many  of 
them  college  graduates. 

But  the  most  striking  feature  of  the  day  was  the  oration 
of  Dr.  Robinson.  This  remarkable  document  was  pro- 
duced in  full  in  The  Kansas  Daily  Tribune^  J^^lj  14th, 
1855.  It  is  worthy  of  permanent  record,  not  only  because 
of  its  importance  in  the  Kansas  conflict,  but  because  it  pre- 
sents the  position  and  sentiments  of  Dr.  Robinson.^ 

The  oration  gave  a  historical  review  of  the  progress  of 
slavery,  and  a  careful  diagnosis  of  the  present  conditions. 
It  was  a  bold  and  fearless  address,  appealing  to  the  reason 
and  stirring  the  emotions.  Considering  the  situation,  it 
appears  to  be  the  most  remarkable  of  all  of  the  addresses 
by  tJie  heroes  and  statesmen  of  the  early  part  of  the  Kansas 
straggle,  ISTear  the  close  of  the  oration  the  orator  appealed 
to  the  people  as  follows : 

"What  are  we?  Subjects,  slaves  of  MisRonri!  We  come  to  the 
celebration  of  this  anniversary  with  oxir  chains  clanking  upon  our 

'  See  Appendix  for  fuU  copy. 


EAELY  SETTLEMENT  135 

limbs.  We  lift  to  heaven  o\ir  manacled  arras  in  supplication.  Pro- 
scribed, denounced,  we  cannot  so  much  as  speak  the  name  of  liberty, 
except  with  prison-walls  and  halters  looking  us  in  the  face.  We  must 
not  only  see  black  slavery,  a  blight  and  curse  to  any  people,  planted 
in  our  midst,  and  against  our  wishes,  but  we  must  become  slaves  our- 
selves." 

In  closing  he  said: 

"  Fellow-citizens,  in  conclusion,  it  is  for  us  to  choose  for  our- 
selves, and  for  those  who  shall  come  after  us,  what  institutions  shall 
bless  or  curse  our  beautiful  Kansas.  Shall  we  have  freedom  for 
all  her  people,  and  consequent  prospprity.  or  slavery  for  a  part, 
with  the  blight  and  mildew  inseparable  from  it?  Choose  ye  this  day 
which  ye  will  serve,  slavery  or  freedom,  and  then  be  true  to  your 
choice.  If  slavery  is  best  for  Kansas,  then  choose  it,  but  if  Liberty, 
then  choose  that.  Let  every  man  stand  in  his  place  and  acquit  him- 
self like  a  man  who  knows  his  rights,  and,  knowing,  dares  main- 
tain them.  Let  us  repudiate  all  laws  enacted  by  foreign  legislative 
bodies,  or  dictated  by  Judge  Lynch  over  the  way.  Tyrants  are 
tyrants,  and  tyranny  is  tyranny,  whether  under  the  garb  of  law  or  in 
opposition  to  it.  So  thought  and  so  acted  our  ancestors,  and  so  let 
us  think  and  act.  We  are  not  alone  in  this  contest.  The  entire  na- 
tion is  agitated  upon  the  question  of  our  rights:  the  spirit  of  '76 
is  breathing  upon  some,  the  handwriting  upon  the  wall  is  being  dis- 
cerned by  others,  while  the  remainder  the  gods  are  evidently  prepar- 
ing for  destruction.  Every  pulsation  in  Kansas  vibrates  to  the  remot- 
est part  of  the  body  politic;  and  I  seem  to  hear  the  millions  of  free 
men  and  the  millions  of  bondmen  in  our  land,  the  millions  of  op- 
pressed in  other  lands,  the  patriots  and  philanthropists  in  all  coun- 
tries, the  spirits  of  the  Revolutionary  heroes  and  the  voice  of  God, 
all  saying  to  the  people  of  Kansas,  '  Do  your  duty !  ' " 

Tlins,  in  the  face  of  the  hordes  of  Missouri  under  Atchi- 
son, Stringf ellow,  and  others,  who  sought  by  fraud  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  State,  and  before  the  eyes  of  a  hostile  and 
opposing  Federal  Administration,  Doctor  Robinson  threw 
down  the  gauntlet.  It  was  the  expression  of  the  minority 
to  rightful  revolution  in  asserting  its  rights  and  demanding 
justice.    It  was  a  call  to  all  free  men  to  stand  for  the  right 


136  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  ROBINSON 

and  to  give  their  lives  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  the 
principles  and  practice  of  right  government.  As  Law- 
rence, the  storm-center  of  the  struggle  that  now  ensued, 
was  a  Free-State  stronghold,  it  was  subjected  to  the  bitter 
hatred  of  the  unprincipled  persons  in  the  Territory  and 
on  the  Missouri  border,  who  sought  by  any  means,  fair  or 
foul,  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State.  The  men  who  settled 
the  town  were  peaceable,  law-abiding  citizens,  who  desired 
to  settle  the  question  of  slavery  at  the  ballot-box  rather 
than  by  force  of  arms,  but  who  were  ready  to  protect  their 
interests  by  the  latter  method  if  necessity  required. 

The  threats  and  demonstrations  made  by  the  Proslavery 
leaders,  residing  chiefly  in  Missouri,  and  the  lawless  inter- 
ference in  Territorial  elections,  made  it  appear  desirable  if 
not  necessary  that  the  Free-State  men  should  organize  for 
defense.  Several  companies  were  formed,  but  they  Avere 
without  arms.  It  was  quite  natural  that  they  should  look 
toward  'New  England  for  aid  and  support.  They  there- 
fore asked  their  New  England  friends  to  send  them  Sharps 
rifles  for  their  protection.  These  were  sent,  packed  in 
boxes  labeled  "  books,"  or  anything  except  "  arms."  They 
were  of  immense  service  in  gaining  bloodless  victories  for 
the  Free-State  men,  for  the  Proslavery  men  had  a  whole- 
some fear  of  these  repeating  rifles.  The  following  letter, 
written  to  Mr.  Thayer  by  Dr.  Robinson,  shows  the  latter's 

attitude  in  the  matter: 

Lawrence,  July  26,  1855. 
Mr.  Thayer  —  Dear  Sir:  The  bearer,  .J.  B.  Abbott,  is  a  resident 
of  this  district,  on  the  Wakarusa,  about  four  miles  from  Lawrence. 
There  is  a  military  company  formed  in  his  neif^hborhood,  and  they  are 
anxious  to  procure  arms.  Mr.  Abbott  is  a  gentleman  in  whom  you 
can  place  implicit  confidence,  and  is  true  as  steel  to  the  cause  of  Free- 
dom in  Kansas.    In  my  judgment  the  rifles  in  Lawrence  hav^e  had  a 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  137 

very  good  effect,  and  I  think  the  same  kind  of  instruments  in  other 
places  would  do  more  to  save  Kansas  than  almost  anything  else. 
Anything  you  can  do  for  Mr.  A.  will  be  gratefully  appreciated  by  the 
people  of  Kansas.  We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution,  as  you  will 
see  by  the  papers.  How  we  shall  come  out  of  the  furnace,  Grod  only 
knows.  That  we  have  got  to  enter  it,  some  of  us,  there  is  no  doubt; 
but  we  are  ready  to  be  offered. 

In  haste,  very  respectfully  yours, 

For  Freedom  for  a  World, 

C.  Robinson. 

Excitement  was  running  high,  on  account  of  the  struggle 
between  the  Free-State  and  Proslavery  parties.  In  Mis- 
souri the  notorious  secret  societies  called  Blue  Lodges  were 
established  for  the  extension  of  the  Proslavery  cause  and 
for  the  purpose  of  fighting  "Abolitionists  "  wherever  thev 
could  be  found.  They  had  their  spies  and  tools  throughout 
Kansas  Territory.  In  addition  to  this,  after  the  arrival  of 
Wilson  Shannon,  the  second  Territorial  Governor,  there 
was  organized  at  Leavenworth,  on  November  14th,  1855,  a 
"  Law  and  Order  Party,"  which,  it  was  pretended,  was 
formed  as  a  vigilance  committee  to  suppress  lawlessness, 
but  which  was  in  reality  an  instrument  desigTied  by  the 
Proslavery  party  to  crush  free-soiKsm  and  abolitionism, 
and  to  sustain  the  laws  and  government  of  the  "  bogus  Leg- 
islature." For  their  own  protection,  the  Free-State  men 
oi'ganized  "  The  Kansas  Legion,"  a  seeret  society  for  de- 
fense against  the  outrages  of  the  border  ruffians;  but  this 
society  did  not  interfere  with  the  Missouri  i>eople  within 
their  own  territory.  This  organization  tended  to  draw 
more  closely  the  lines  of  battle  between  the  Proslavery  and 
the  Free-State  people. 

Several  events  occurred  which  made  the  strife  between 
the  two  parties  more  bitter.    For  example,  one  Pat  Laugh- 


138  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

lin  joined  the  Kansas  Legion,  and  subsequently  betrayed 
their  secrets.  Wlien  brought  to  account  for  thi&  by  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Legion  named  Collins,  he  shot  Collins,  on  Octo- 
ber 25th,  1855,  and  fled  to  Atchison,  where  he  was  protected 
by  the  Proslavery  people.  Another  very  important  event, 
and  one  tliat  exasperated  the  Free-State  party,  was  the 
murder  of  Dow,  a  Free-State  man,  by  a  Proslavery  man 
named  Coleman,  who  shot  Dow  in  cold  blood  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a  difficulty  over  a  claim ;  although  the  real  cause 
of  the  difficulty  was  that  Dow  was  a  Free-State  man,  or  a 
so-called  ^'Abolitionist."  This  event,  which  occurred  on 
November  21st,  1855,  was  the  beginning  of  a  series  of 
difficulties  which  led  to  the  Wakarusa  War,  and  is  of  suffi- 
cient importance  to  demand  a  recital  of  the  more  important 
facts  connected  with  it. 

Dow  was  a  young  man  of  excellent  character  and  inoffen- 
sive nature,  who  boarded  with  a  man  named  Branson,  on 
a  claim  at  Hickory  Point,  a  place  eight  or  nine  miles 
south  of  Lawrence.  Hickory  Point  was  a  timbered  district, 
over  the  possession  of  which  there  was  considerable  conten- 
tion by  rival  claimants.  Charles  Dow  had  taken  up  a 
claim  adjoining  that  of  Mr.  Coleman,  a  Proslavery  man, 
who  had  as  neighbors  Buckley  and  Hargous,  both  also 
ardent  Proslavery  men.  There  was  considerable  trouble 
and  hard  feeling  between  the  Proslavery  and  Free-State 
men,  which  reached  a  climax  in  a  contention  between  Dow 
and  Coleman.  It  came  about  in  this  way:  A  new  survey 
changed  the  provisional  lines  between  Coleman's  and  Dow's 
claims,  extending  the  boundary  of  Dow's  claim  into  Cole- 
man's territory,  whereupon  Coleman  began  to  cut  timber 
on  the  land  which  was  formerly  supposed  to  be  covered  by 


EABLY  SETTLEMENT  139 

hie  claim,  but  now  belonged  to  Doav.  Dow  bade  him  de- 
sist; this  be  refused  to  do.  Returning  to  Branson,  Dow 
asked  tbe  latter  to  go  over  with  bim  to  see  Coleman  and 
stop  bis  cutting  tbe  timber.  Branson  did  so,  taking  bis 
gun  witb  bim  and  advising  Dow  to  do  tbe  same,  but  Dow 
declined  to  do  tbis. 

As  tbey  approacbed  Coleman  be  went  away ;  wbereupon 
Branson  returned  borne  and  Dow  went  to  tbe  blacksmitb 
shop,  where  be  was  having  a  wagon-skein  repaired.  Soon 
afterward  Buckley  came  in  with  his  shotgun,  loaded,  and 
began  to  accuse  Dow  of  using  language  against  him,  and 
threatened  to  kill  him,  even  going  so  far  as  to  cock  his  gun 
and  to  aim  it  at  him.  Dow  said,  '"'  Mr.  Buckley,  you  would 
not  shoot  me,  would  you  ? "  and  the  blacksmith  interfered 
and  told  Buckley  that  he  would  not  allow  such  language  in 
his  shop.  When  the  repairs  were  completed,  Dow  started 
for  his  home  at  Branson's.  On  tbe  way  he  passed  by 
Coleman,  who,  when  Dow  bad  got  beyond  him  about  thirty 
yards,  shot  the  young  man,  instantly  killing  him;  or  so 
it  is  supposed,  for  be  had  not  moved  from  where  he  fell, 
when  be  was  carried  away  by  bis  friend  Branson  some 
hours  later,  life  being  extinct. 

It  will  never  be  known  whether  words  were  passed  be- 
tween Coleman  and  Dow  at  that  time,  but  this  is  immate- 
rial, for  it  is  known  that  an  unanned  man  was  killed  in 
cold  blood  by  one  bearing  a  double-barreled  shotgun  loaded 
witb  slugs.  Tbe  crime  caused  great  excitement,  and  was 
denounced  alike  by  Free-State  and  Proslavery  settlers 
of  the  neighborhood.  Coleman,  the  murderer,  fled  to 
the  protection  of  Jones,  tbe  postmaster  of  Westport,  Mis- 
souri, who  was  also  the  sheriff  of  Douglas  county  by  ap- 


140  I^IFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

pointmcnt  of  the  ''  bogus  Legislature."  Buckley  and  Har- 
gous  also  left  the  country.  The  crime  was  committed  on 
^November  21st,  and  on  the  26th,  Monday,  a  meeting  was 
held  at  the  scene  of  the  murder,  in  which  about  a  hundred 
men  passed  resolutions  of  condolence  with  the  family  of 
Dow,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  bring  the  murderer  to 
justice.  The  intense  indignation  against  Coleman  caused 
an  attempt  to  burn  his  house,  which  stood  near  where  the 
meeting  was  held.  Four  men  broke  down  the  door,  rushed 
in,  turned  over  some  straw  on  the  floor  and  set  it  on  fire. 
Others,  among  whom  were  S.  C.  Smith  and  S.  N.  Wood, 
put  out  the  flames,  and  Wood  mounted  a  fence  to  urge 
against  such  action,  saying :  "  Murder,  pillage  and  arson 
are  peculiarly  the  avocation  of  our  enemies ;  houses  are  too 
scarce  to  be  burned,  and  this  meeting  must  not  be  disgraced 
in  this  way."  He  proposed,  as  the  "  sense  of  the  meeting, 
that  the  house  be  not  burned."  This  was  caried  unani- 
mously, and  the  people  quietly  dispersed.  However,  subse- 
quently, Coleman's  house,  as  well  as  Buckley's,  was  burned. 
Major  Abbott  lived  on  a  claim  about  half  a  mile  south 
of  Blanton's  bridge,  and  on  the  road  to  Hickory  Point. 
S.  C.  Smith  had  a  claim  on  Coal  creek,  about  two  miles 
from  Mr.  Branson's,  while  Col.  S.  F.  Tappan  and  Col. 
S.  ]Sr.  Wood  lived  in  Lawrence.  At  the  time  of  the  killing 
of  Dow,  S.  C.  Smith  was  in  Lawrence,  engaged  with  S.  F. 
Tappan  in  making  a  copy  of  the  Topeka  Constitution. 
Wood,  Tappan  and  Smith  all  attended  the  meeting  at 
Hickory  Point,  Wood  and  Tappan  being  tlie  only  two  from 
Lawrence  out  of  the  hundred  present.  After  the  meeting, 
Tappan  left  Wood  and  Smith  at  Abbott's,  and  started  to 
Lawrence.     At  Blanton's  bridge  he  saw  fifteen  or  twenty 


EABLY  SETTLEMENT  141 

horsemen  around  Blanton's  place,  and  soon  the  door  opened, 
the  men  poured  out,  and,  mounting  their  horses,  rode  off. 
Tappan  stayed  with  tiem  long  enough  to  find  out  their 
purpose,  and  then  returned  to  Abbott's.^ 

It  seems  that,  at  the  instance  of  Buckley,  a  warrant  had 
been  issued  by  a  justice  of  the  peace  named  Hugh  Cam- 
eron 2  for  the  arrest  of  Branson,  and  that  the  warrant  was 
in  the  hands  of  Shtriff  Jones,  who  with  his  posse  was  start- 
ing out  to  meet  Branson. 

Whether  Branson  had  made  any  threats  to  kill  Buckley 
and  Coleman,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain,  although  it  would 
seem  to  be  the  most  natural  thing  that  he  should  desire  to 
see  Buckley  and  Coleman  brought  to  justice,  and  it  would 
not  be  too  much  to  suppose  that,  in  the  height  of  his  in- 
dignation, he  may  have  threatened  to  kill  them  if  a  good 
opportunity  presented,  although  there  is  no  evidence  that 
he  was  planning  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand,  Buckley  and 
Coleman  probably  knew  that  they  deserved  to  be  shot, 
whether  anyone  attempted  to  do  it  or  not.  Jones  appears 
to  have  been  glad  to  have  an  opportunity  to  arrest  a  Free- 
State  man,  as  he  was  certainly  a  Proslavery  sympathizer 
who  had  helped  in  the  elections  against  the  Free-State 
cause,  and  was  especially  bitter  against  the  town  of  Law- 
rence.    At  least,  he  protected  Coleman  and  Buckley  and 

1  The  correct  account  of  the  rescue  of  Branson  is  very  difficult  to  obtain,  because, 
while  the  accounts  of  the  principal  actors  apree  in  general,  they  differ  considerably  in 
details.  The  accounts  of  S.  C.  Smith,  S.  N.  Wood.  J.  B.  Abbott,  Jonathan  Kennedy,  the 
reports  in  the  newspapers  and  the  account  In  Andreas'  History  all  differ  In  the  particu- 
lars. Because  the  accounts  of  Smith  and  Wood  agrSe  more  exactly  than  any  others,  I 
have  relied  especially  upon  the.se.  It  seems,  however,  that  Wood  and  Abbott,  according 
to  Wood's  statement,  left  the  meeting  and  st«rtpd  for  Blanton's  bridge,  and  also  fell  in 
with  this  same  group  of  horsemen  which  S.  F.  Tappan  had  discovered,  and  reported  to 
Wood  and  Abbott  at  Abbott's  house.  Major  Abbott's  account  of  the  affair  agrees  in  all 
the  essentials  with  Smith's  and  Wood's,  except  as  regards  leadership  of  the  rescuing 
party,  which  is  entirely  immaterial  so  far  as  this  history  is  concerned. 

^No  one  seems  to  know  quite  how  Cameron  received  his  commission,  although  It  is 
thought  by  some  that  U  was  improvised  for  the  occasion,  and  granted  by  the  bogus  Leg- 
ielatnre. 


142  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

their  sympathizers,  and  seemed  to  desire  that  Dow  l>e  got 
out  of  tlie  way. 

The  neighborhood  was  aroused,  and  messengers  sent  out 
to  notify  Free-State  settlers  to  meet  near  Branson's,  and 
Abbott  and  Wood  started  for  Hickory  Point.  While  Wood 
and  Abbott  were  on  their  way  to  Hickory  Point,  riding 
silently  along,  Wood  turned  to  Abbott  and  asked,  "  What 
will  you  do  if  you  find  the  rascals  at  Branson's  ?  "  Abbott 
replied,  "You  are  the  leader;   just  what  you  say."* 

When  they  arrived  at  Branson's  door  and  asked  for 
Branson,  they  were  told  by  his  wife  that  twenty  horsemen 
had  taken  Branson  and  gone,  with  threats  that  they  would 
kill  him.  For  two  hours  they  rode  over  the  prairie,  search- 
ing for  the  posse  with  Branson,  but  were  unable  to  find 
them.  Finally  Abbott  started  for  Hickory  Point,  and 
Wood  set  out  to  notify  various  settlers  and  to  go  to  Abbott's 
house.  Smith  and  Tappan  were  also  riding  up  and  down 
the  country,  notifying  the  settlers  what  had  happened 
and  what  was  in  prospect;  Philip  Hupp  and  others  were 
doing  similar  duty.  Wood  arrived  at  Abbott's  house  just 
in  time  to  prevent  the  departure  of  a  dozen  Free-State 
men  who  were  there;  and  soon  after,  Abbott  came.  While 
they  were  consulting  what  to  do,  along  came  Jones  and  his 
party  with  Branson,  and  the  Free-State  men  rushed  out  of 
Abbott's  house,  confronting  the  sheriff  and  his  posse  in  the 
road.    After  each  party  had  inquired  of  the  other  what  was 

1  There  has  been  considerable  dispute  as  to  the  leadership  in  the  rescue.  There 
was  no  regularly  elected  leader  until  the  rescuing  party  started  for  Lawrence  :  then  S. 
N.  Wood  was  chosen  captain,  Major  Abbott  beat  the  drum,  and  S.  C.  Smith  was  lieu- 
tenant. Prior  to  that,  the  honors  of  leadership  seem  to  have  been  divided  between  S. 
N.  Wood  and  Major  Abbott.  Wood,  by  reason  of  his  strong  nature,  was  a  natural  leader 
and  exceedingly  aggressive.  Abbott  was  brave  and  true  and  ready  for  substantial  ac- 
tion. Wood  was  prominent  in  the  meeting  at  Hickory  Point,  active  in  sending  messen- 
gers, aggressive  in  moving  with  Abbott  at  Hickory  Point,  and  was  the  chief  spokesmau 
in  the  parley  between  Jones  and  the  rescuing  party.  Abbott  was  the  first  to  speak 
when  the  demand  was  made  of  Jones  for  the  delivery  of  the  prisoner,  Branson. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  143 

up,  xlbbott  asked,  '"  Is  Branson  there  ?  "  Branson  replied, 
"■  Yes,  I  am  here,  a  prisoner."  Wood  said,  ''  If  von  want 
to  be  among  friends,  come  over  here,"  and  although  Jones 
threatened  to  shoot  him  if  he  did  so,  Branson  dismounted 
from  the  mule  he  was  riding,  walked  over  to  the  Free- State 
men  and  went  into  Abbott's  house.  Just  at  this  time,  Smith 
and  Tappan  came  up  and  saw  the  Free-State  men  lined  up 
across  the  road,  with  Wood  in  front,  engaged  in  a  sharp 
altercation  with  Jones  and  his  party.  Bitter  langiiage  was 
used  in  the  altercation,  and  on  both  sides  guns  were  drawn 
and  cocked.  After  an  hour's  parley,  Jones  and  his  party 
rode  off,  the  leader  threatening  dire  vengeance  on  the  Free- 
State  men. 

With  a  posse  of  armed  men  of  his  own  selection,  Jones 
had  gone  to  the  house  of  a  man  who  had  committed  no 
crime,  had  savagely  taken  him  from  his  bed,  without  show- 
ing any  warrant,  and  had  forced  the  prisoner  to  ride  half- 
clad  about  the  country,  while  his  own  fellows  were  a  part 
of  the  time  in  a  drunken  carousal.  While  Jones  was  dis- 
appointed at  the  loss  of  his  prisoner  in  this  ignominious 
way,  he  doubtless  would  have  been  glad  had  such  a  rescue 
occurred  in  Lawrence,  so  that  he  might  have  had  an  excuse 
for  the  destruction  of  the  town.  As  it  was,  he  made  the 
best  of  it,  and  subsequently  aroused  the  Proslavery  forces 
against  the  town. 

After  the  rescue  the  Free-State  people  organized,  with 
S.  ]Sr.  Wood  as  captain,  S.  C.  Smith  lieutenant,  and  Major 
Abbott  at  the  drum,  and  immediately  started  for  Lawrence. 
About  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  arrived  at  the  house 
of  Dr.  Robinson,  aroused  him,  and  asked  his  advice.  "  The 
slight  form  of  the  leader  stood  a  little  nearer  the  door,  and 


144  1.IFE    OF    CHAELES    EOBINSON 

when  his  peculiar  dry  niamier  of  speech  fell  upon  the  ear 
in  his  brief  inquiry,  '  Ta  Dr.  U.  in?'  his  identity  was 
known.  Dr.  "Robinson  opened  the  door  and  invited  them 
in."  With  his  keen  insight  and  native  shrewdness  the 
Doctor  at  once  took  in  the  whole  situation.  He  saw  that 
this  would  probably  furnish  the  long-wished-for  pretext  for 
calling  out  the  forces  against  Lawrence,  and  he  advised 
the  rescuers  to  report  in  town.  A  meeting  was  soon  called 
for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  mode  of  procedure.  It 
was  a  very  important  occasion,  for  the  policy  adopted  here 
would  determine  the  rree-State  course  in  the  coming  con- 
flict. "  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  the  drum-beat 
calling  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  together  was  heard  in  the 
little  town  of  Lawrence.  The  noise  of  the  hammer  was 
still,  but,  in  the  firm  tread  and  thoughtful  countenances 
of  the  men,  as  they  walked  up  the  stairway  to  the  hall 
where  the  meeting  for  consultation  was  to  be  held,  the 
spirit  of  'TO  was  visible,  and  a  determination  if  they  must 
fight  against  oppression  as  our  fathers  did,  that  a  new  Lex- 
ington or  Concord  on  Kansas  plains  should  go  down  to  pos- 
terity Avith  the  unsullied  honor  of  her  defenders."  ^ 

When  the  citizens  assembled.  Captain  S.  !N".  Wood  was 
made  chairman.  He  addressed  the  meeting,  telling  of  the 
events  of  the  night  before  in  the  rescue  of  Branson.  Mr. 
Branson  also  arose,  telling  of  the  killing  of  Dow,  and  of 
his  own  arrest.  Others  spoke,  and  Mr.  G.  P.  Tx>wry  pro- 
posed that  a  committee  of  safety  c/)mposed  of  ten  should  be 
appointed.  Dr.  Eobinson  advised  that  "  as  Lawrence  had 
no  connection  with  the  matter,  any  formal  action  or  in- 
dorsement by  her  citizens  would  be  impolitic."^  Subse- 
quently, about  nine  o'clock.  Dr.  Eobinson  made  a  second 

1  Kansas  ;  Its  Interior  and  Exterior  LLte,  p.  109. 
^  K.in8a8  Conflict,  p.  188. 


EAELT  SETTLEMENT  145 

visit  "to  the  town,  found  the  citizens'  meeting  in  progress, 
and  learned  that  a  committee  of  safety  had  been  appointed, 
of  which  he  was  a  member.  "  The  committee  was  at  once 
convened,  and  decided  that  Lawrence  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  affair,  and  should  assume  no  responsibility  for  it 
as  a  town,  although  no  person  censured  the  rescuers  for 
their  action."  ^  For,  notwithstanding  this  formal  action, 
it  was  understood  that  the  Free- State  men  were  in  full 
sympathy  with  Branson,  and  indignant  at  the  murder  of 
Dow,  as  well  as  the  conduct  of  Buckley,  the  instigator 
of  the  arrest,  that  of  Hugh  Cameron,  who  had  issued  the 
warrant,  and  that  of  Sheriff  Jones  and  his  posse,  who  had 
arrested  Branson.  Yet,  as  the  arrest  of  Branson  had  oc- 
curred some  ten  miles  from  Lawrence  and  the  rescue  about 
three,  it  could  be  truly  affirmed  that  Lawrence  had  not 
planned,  ordered,  or  executed  the  rescue,  and  therefore 
was  not  responsible  for  it.  Branson  had  committed  no 
crime,  even  though  it  is  true  that  he  stated  that  if  he 
could  "  draw  a  bead  on  Coleman,"  the  murderer  of  a  mem- 
ber of  his  family,  "  he  [Coleman]  would  not  breathe  the 
pure  air  of  this  planet  another  minute."  It  was  far  dif- 
ferent with  the  rescuers  of  Branson,  however,  for  they 
had  resisted  an  officer  of  the  law^  and  forcibly  taken  a 
prisoner  from  him.  This  could  be  used  against  the  Free- 
State  men  as  the  basis  for  a  charge  of  treason  and  rebel- 
lion, and  a  pretext  for  calling  out  the  militia  to  suppress 
this  rebellion.  Dr.  Eobinson  advised  Wood,  Smith  and 
Tappan  to  absent  themselves  for  a  time  from  the  tovsm. 
Wood  was  therefore  sent  to  Ohio  j^s  an  agent  of  the  com- 
mittee of  safety,  and  Tappan  and  Smith  stayed  outside 
of  the  town. 

'  Kansas  Conflict,  p.  189. 
—  10 


140  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

Jouos  started  for  Franklin  witli  his  posse,  and  immedi- 
ately sent  a  dispatcli  to  his  father-in-law,  Col.  Boone,  at 
Westport,  Missouri,  askinig;-  for  aid;  and  at  Col.  Boone's 
suggestion  he  also  sent  to  Governor  Shannon,  at  Shawnee 
Mission,  for  3,000  men  to  put  down  the  rebellion  at  Law- 
rence. Jones  was  not  slow  to  appreciate  the  situation; 
indeed,  there  are  those  who  believe  that  the  wdiole  affair 
was  planned  as  a  trap  to  catch  the  Free-State  men,  that 
Jones  might  have  an  excuse  for  the  destruction  of  the  town 
of  Lawrence.  Whether  this  is  true  or  not,  it  was  at  least 
used  as  a  pretext  for  this  purpose,  and  the  Free-State  men 
of  La-wi-ence,  observing  the  situation,  sought  to  avoid,  in 
the  manner  indicated,  giving  any  excuse  for  the  destruction 
of  the  town  and  the  putting  into  peril  of  the  Free-State 
cause.  Had  the  Governor  been  a  far-seeing  man,  had  he 
been  thoroughly  versed  in  the  affairs  of  the  Territory,  or 
even  had  his  steps  been  ordered  Vvdth  a  view  to  securing 
justice  to  all  citizens  of  the  Territory  instead  of  following 
blindly  the  dictates  of  the  Federal  Administration  and  the 
Proslavery  party  in  Kansas,  he  could  not  have  done  such 
a  foolish  thing  as  to  call  out  the  militia.  But  without  even 
trying  to  ascertain  the  actual  condition  of  affairs,  he  issued 
a  proclamation  calling  out  the  militia  of  Kansas,  which 
really  meant  the  calling  of  the  ruffians  of  Missouri  for  the 
destruction  of  Lawrence.  The  plan  worked  well,  for  the 
Missourians  were  ready  to  do  their  part.  All  along  the 
border  the  following  order  was  sent  out  by  the  Proslavery 

party : 

TO  arms!    to  arms! 

It  is  expected  that  every  lover  of  Law  and  Order  will  rally  at 
Leavenworth  on  Saturday,  December  1,  1855,  prepared  to  march  at 
once  to  the  scene  of  the  rebellion,  to  put  down  the  outlaws  of  Douglas 


EARLY  SETTLEME^TT  147 

County  who  are  committing  depredations  upon  persons  and  property, 
burning  down  houses,  and  declaring  open  hostility  to  the  laws,  and 
have  forcibly  rescued  a  prisoner  from  the  sheriff.  Cone  one,  come  all. 
The  laws  must  be  executed.  The  outlaws,  it  is  said  are  armed  to  the 
teeth,  and  number  1,000  men.  Every  man  should  bring  his  rifle  and 
ammunition,  and  it  would  be  well  to  bring  two  or  three  days'  pro- 
visions.    Every  man  to  his  post  and  to  his  duty. 

Many  Citizens. 

The  people  from  tlie  border  rushed  forward,  and  soon 
there  were  1,500  men  confronting  Lawrence.  The  people 
of  Lawrence,  both  men  and  women,  were  preparing  the 
town  for  defense.  Dr.  Robinson  was  made  Commander, 
and  General  Lane  his  able  Lieutenant.  The  Sharps 
rifles  that  had  been  shipped  to  Lawrence  from  New  Eng- 
land were  of  immense  value  on  this  occasion,  for  fear  of 
them  kept  the  enemy  from  sudden  attack.  It  was  a 
strange  spectacle,  almost  a  comedy  had  it  not  been  so  near 
a  tragedy,  and  in  any  case  it  was  certainly  a  travesty  on 
free  government,  for  United  States  Senator  Atchison  to 
be  commanding  this  singular  horde,  while  Governor  Shan- 
non was  hurrying  other  commands  to  the  scene  of  war. 

There  was  not  a  grain  of  excuse  for  it  all.  The  rescuers 
of  Branson  had  left  the  town,  and  there  was  not  a  day  in 
which  Jones  might  not  go  through  Lawrence  unmolested 
in  doing  his  duty.  He  actually  did  go  to  the  tovm  and  re- 
turn without  being  disturbed.  Governor  Shannon  became 
alarmed  first  for  the  safety  of  the  attacking  Missourians, 
and  second  for  the  safety  of  Lawrence.  He  sent  to  Colonel 
Sumner  at  Leavenworth  for  TJ.  S.  troops,  but  Sumner 
would  not  come  without  orders  from  Washington. 

In  the  mean  time,  Lawrence  was  continually  being  rein- 
forced by  Free-State  men  from  the  surrounding  towns. 
Finally  the  Lawrence  citizens  appealed  to  the  Governor, 


148  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

sending  two  men  to  acquaint  him  with  the  situation.  In- 
credulous, he  was  persuaded  to  go  to  Lawrence  and  see  for 
himself.  Governor  Shannon  was  amazed  at  the  situation. 
He  saw  Avhat  his  hand  had  wrought  by  his  foolishly  com- 
plying with  the  request  of  a  foolhardy  and  designing 
sheriff,  without  ascertaining  the  exact  condition  of  affairs. 
Failing  to  get  Colonel  Sumner  to  bring  the  United  States 
troops,  he  brought  the  leaders  of  the  besiegers  into  confer- 
ence with  the  leaders  of  the  besieged.  Governor  Shannon 
of  Kansas  Territory,  Colonel  Boone  of  Westport,  Mo.,  Colo- 
nel Kearney  of  Independence,  Mo.,  and  General  Strickler 
of  Kant^as,  came  to  Lawrence  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
and  consulted  for  an  hour  with  Robinson  and  Lane,  the 
representatives  of  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

After  Shannon  had  heard  the  whole  story  he  suggested 
that  a  treaty  be  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the  leaders.  This 
was  accordingly  done.  It  was  an  excellent  way  out  of  the 
dilemma,  but  here  was  another  scene  in  the  drama  of 
spectacular  government:  the  town  of  Lawrence,  in  rebel- 
lion, treating  with  the  Kansas  militia,  the  latter  com- 
manded by  officers  living  in  Missourf!  The  document 
is  as  follows,  and  was  drawn  up  by  James  M.  Winchell : 

TREATY  OF  PEACE. 

Whereas,  there  is  a  misunderstanding  between  the  people  of 
Kansas,  or  a  portion  of  them,  and  the  Governor  thereof,  arising  out 
of  the  rescue  near  Hickory  Point  of  a  citizen  under  arrest,  and  some 
other  matters ;  and 

Whereas,  a  strong  apprehension  exists  that  said  misunderstanding 
may  lead  to  civil  strife  and  bloodshed ;  and 

Whereas,  it  is  desired,  by  both  Governor  Shannon  and  the  people 
of  Lawrence  and  vicinity,  to  avert  a  calamity  so  disastrous  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  Territory  and  the  Union,  and  to  place  all  parties  in  a 
correct  position  before  the  world; — 

Now,  therefore,  it  is  agreed  by  the  said  Governor  Shannon  and 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  149 

the  undersigned  people  of  Lawrence,  that  the  matter  in  dispute  be 
settled  as  follows,  to  wit: 

We,  the  said  citizens  of  said  Territory,  protest  that  the  said 
rescue  was  made  without  our  knowledge  or  consent,  but,  if  any  of  our 
citizens  were  engaged,  we  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  in  the  execution  of 
any  legal  process  against  them;  that  we  have  no  knowledge  of  the 
previous,  present,  or  prospective  existence  of  any  organization  in  the 
said  Territory  for  the  resistance  of  the  laws,  and  that  we  have  not 
designed,  and  do  not  design,  to  resist  the  legal  service  of  any  crim- 
inal process  therein,  but  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  in  the  execution  of 
the  laws,  when  called  on  by  proper  authority,  in  the  town  or  vicinity 
of  Lawrence,  and  that  we  will  use  all  our  influence  in  preserving 
order  therein ;  and  we  declare  that  we  are  now,  as  we  ever  have  been, 
ready  at  any  time  to  aid  the  Governor  in  securing  a  posse  for  the 
execution  of  such  process:  Provided,  That  any  person  thus  arrested 
in  Lawrence  or  vicinity,  while  a  foreign  force  shall  remain  in  the 
Territory,  shall  be  duly  examined  before  a  United  States  district 
judge  of  said  Territory  in  said  town,  and  admitted  to  bail :  And  pro- 
vided further,  That  Governor  Shannon  agrees  to  use  his  influence  to 
secure  to  the  citizens  of  Kansas  Territory  remuneration  for  any 
damages  sustained,  or  unlawful  depredations,  if  any  such  have  been 
committed  by  a  sherifT's  posse  in  Douglas  county;  and  further,  that 
Governor  Shannon  states  that  he  has  not  called  upon  persons  resi- 
dents of  any  other  State  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  such 
as  are  here  in  this  Territory  are  here  of  their  own  choice;  and  that 
he  has  not  any  authority  or  legal  power  to  do  so,  nor  will  he  exer- 
cise any  such  power,  and  that  he  will  not  call  on  any  citizen  of  an- 
other State  who  may  be  here.  That  we  wish  it  understood  that  we 
do  not  herein  express  any  opinion  as  to  the  validity  of  the  enact- 
ments of  the  Territorial  Legislature/ 

Done  at  Lawrence,  Kansas,  December  8,  1855. 

(Signed)  Wilson  Shannon. 

C.  Robinson. 

J.  H.  Lane. 

This  treaty  sliowed  the  good  faith  of  the  people  of 
Lawrence  and  their  genuine  desire  to  settle  the  war, 
but  it  left  them  unpledged  to  support  the  "  bogus "  Ter- 
ritorial laws.    Soon  after  the  treaty  had  been  signed,  Lane 

>  Kansas  :  Mrs.  BobiasoD,  p.  150. 


150  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

and  Robinson  accompanied  Governor  Shannon  to  the  camp 
of  the  besiegers  to  persuade  them  to  accept  the  terms  and 
withdraw.  It  was  not  easy  to  do  so,  but  they  finally  pre- 
vailed, and  the  Missourians  started  for  home. 

What  interests  us  most  at  the  present  moment  is  the 
service  of  Dr.  Robinson  in  command ;  for  his  wisdom  and 
cool  counsel  saved  the  town  from  destruction.  The  ser- 
vices of  General  Lane  were  invaluable  in  the  defense.  His 
lM>ld  impetuosity  was  excellent  to  excite  a  struggle,  but 
not  safe  Avhen  one  was  to  be  avoided.  It  is  said  that  had 
it  not  been  for  the  proper  presentation  of  the  subject  to 
the  leaders  of  the  attack,  they  Avould  not  have  consented 
to  withdraw  without  a  fight.  The  address  of  Lane  aroused 
their  antagonism,  while  the  cool,  compromising  tone  of 
Robinson  caused  them  to  submit  to  reason.  More  than 
once  was  Dr.  Robinson  compelled  to  quiet  the  citizens  and 
soldiers  who  had  assembled  for  the  defense  of  Lawrence, 
in  order  to  keep  them  from  attacking  the  opposing  camp. 
The  policies  of  the  two  were  widely  different.  Robinson 
held  to  the  peace  and  defense  policy,  Lane  to  war  and  at- 
tack ;  and  Robinson  won.  Both  were  of  immense  service 
to  the  cause,  and  could  they  have  gone  through  the  entire 
Kansas  struggle  working  together  they  would  have  been 
strong  allies  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  After  the  "  war  " 
was  over.  Dr.  Robinson  said  when  called  on  to  address  the 
citizen  soldiers  of  Lawrence: 

"  Selected  as  your  commander,  it  becomes  ray  cheerful  duty  to 
tender  to  you,  fellow-soldiers,  the  meed  of  praise  so  justly  your  due. 
Never  did  true  men  unite  in  a  holier  cause,  and  never  did  true  bravery 
appear  more  conspicuous  than  in  the  ranks  of  our  little  army. 
Death  before  dislionor  was  visible  in  every  countenance,  and  filled 
every  heart.     Bloodless  though  the  contest  has  been,  there  are  not 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  151 

wanting  instances  of  heroism  worthy  of  a  more  chivalric  age.  To  the 
experience,  skill  and  perseverance  of  gallant  General  Lane  all  credit 
is  due  for  the  thorough  discipline  of  our  forces  and  the  complete  and 
extensive  preparations  for  defense.  His  services  cannot  be  overrated, 
and  long  may  he  live  to  wear  the  laurels  so  bravely  won.  Others  are 
worthy  of  special  praise  for  distinguished  services,  and  all,  both  offi- 
cers and  privates,  are  entitled  to  the  deepest  gratitude  of  the  people." 

In  the  course  of  the  remarks  made  by  Lane  he  returned 
the  compliment  of  Robinson  by  sayin<>- :  "  From  Major- 
General  Robinson  I  received  the  counsel  and  advice  which 
characterize  liim  as  a  clear-lieaded,  cool  and  trustworthy 
commander,  who  is  entitled  to  your  confidence  and  es- 
teem." 

In  the  bloodless  strife  called  the  Wakarusa  War,  and 
in  all  the  other  tryinpj  scenes  the  pioneers  of  Kansas 
went  through,  Dr.  Robinson  was  ever  a  "clear-headed, 
cool,  trustworthy  commander,"  and  people  found  him 
worthy  their  "confidence  and  esteem,"  His  relations 
with  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  gave  him  a  position  to 
bestow  favors  and  wield  power.  He  managed  the  details 
of  the  Company's  affairs  judiciously,  and  placed  its  serv- 
ices to  the  best  advantages  of  the  emigrants.  It  is  un- 
fortunate that  this  union  of  Lane's  impetuosity  and 
Robinson's  cool  counsel  could  not  have  continued  through- 
out the  entire  Kansas  struggle.  This  would  have  made 
the  victory  of  the  Free-State  cause  easier.  The  records 
of  the  leaders  in  that  struggle  would  then  have  been  more 
consistent  than  they  are  now,  and,  what  is  of  greater  im- 
portance, the  rank  and  file  of  the  people,  who  by  their 
numbers  and  their  votes  made  Kansas  free,  would  have 
had  less  to  suffer. 


152  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

At  tliG  defense  of  Lawrence,  John  Brown  made  his  first 
formal  entry  into  the  affairs  of  the  Territory.  He  had 
been  in  Kansas  only  a  short  time,  arrivinsj  October  6th, 
1855,  about  two  months  before  he  came  to  Lawrence.  His 
sons  had  written  him  of  the  border  troubles  in  Franklin 
county,  and  he  had  come  with  arms  and  ammunition  to 
help  them,  and,  as  he  stated,  to  get  a  blow  at  slavery.  He 
arrived  at  noon  on  December  Tth,  with  four  of  his  sons, 
in  a  wagon,  all  armed  and  well  equipped  for  battle,  just 
as  the  peace  negotiations  between  Kobinson  and  Lane  and 
Shannon  were  taking  place.  He  was  very  much  disap- 
pointed at  the  prospect  of  peace,  for  he  had  come  prepared 
to  fight,  and  wanted  to  have  an  opportunity  to  do  so.  A 
company  was  formed  in  the  fifth  regiment  of  the  Kansas 
Volunteers,  commanded  by  Col.  G.  W.  Smith,  and  Brown 
was  placed  in  command.  There  was  little  to  do  but  con- 
tinue to  fortify  Lawrence  and  arrange  the  men  for  defense, 
for  soon  the  peace  negotiations  were  signed,  the  "  war  "  de- 
clared at  an  end,  and  the  "  militia  "  that  beset  the  beleag- 
ured  town  dispersed.  Brown's  time  of  service  was  short, 
as  he  arrived  on  December  7th  and  his  company  was  mus- 
tered out  of  service  on  the  12th  of  the  same  month.  But 
he  had  remained  long  enough  to  reveal  his  personality,  and 
courageous  desire  to  fight,  and  to  show  his  willingness  even 
to  die,  if  necessary,  for  freedom.  He  desired  to  come  into 
conflict  with  the  opposing  forces — just  what  the  Free-State 
men  were  seeking  to  avoid.  ISTor  was  he  slow  in  attempt- 
ing to  disseminate  dissension  in  the  Free-State  party  re- 
garding the  terms  of  the  peace,  for  he  held  that  to  make 
such  a  peace  was  compromising  and  putting  off  the  strug- 
gle that  must  eventually  come.     Compromising  measures 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  153 

were  unknown  in  the  realm  in  wliicli  dwelt  the  spirit  of 
old  John  Brown.  After  the  bloodless  victory  at  Lawrence 
he  returned  to  his  home,  to  await  his  own  time  and  op- 
portunity to  strike  a  blow  against  the  Proslavery  people 
in  his  own  way. 

The  saddest  event  of  the  Wakarusa  War  was  the 
murder  of  Barber.  Barber  lived  at  Bloomington,  seven 
miles  southwest  of  Lawrence,  and  when  the  Free-State  men 
from  Bloomington  came  to  the  defense  of  Lawrence  he 
came  with  them.  It  was  on  Thursday  noon,  E'ovember 
6th,  that  he  left  Lawrence  to  visit  home  in  company  with 
his  brother  Eobert  and  his  brother-in-law,  Thomas  M. 
Pearson,  who  lived  near  him.  When  about  three  miles 
out  of  Lawrence,  having  left  the  main  road,  he  and  his 
companions  were  met  by  two  horsemen,  James  Bums,  of 
Westport,  Missouri,  and  George  W.  Clark,  Indian  Govern- 
ment agent  in  the  Pottawatomie  territory,  who  rode  from 
the  ranks  of  a  party  of  ten  or  twelve  traveling  on  the 
California  road.  The  party  was  a  detachment  of  Proslav- 
ery men  passing  from  the  Lecompton  camp  to  the  Waka- 
rusa camp.  Barber  and  his  companions  were  ordered  to 
turn  back,  and  on  their  refusing  to  do  so  pistols  were  drawn 
on  both  sides  and  shots  fired.  In  the  controversy  that  pre- 
ceded the  firing.  Barber  had  replied  that  he  was  unarmed, 
and  that  he  had  been  to  Lawrence  and  was  returning  home. 
He  put  spurs  to  his  horse  and  rode  on,  but  George  W. 
Clark  of  the  attacking  party  instantly  fired,  and  his  bullet 
killed  poor  Barber,  the  only  unarmed  man  in  the  group. 
Barber's  death  was  not  instantaneous,  but  soon  after  he 
had  been  wounded  his  companions  found  themselves  un- 
able to  support  him,  and  he  slipped  from  his  saddle  and 


154  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    EOBINSON 

died  in  tlic  road.  This  deed  so  aroused  the  Free-State 
men  that  it  came  very  near  upsetting  all  of  tlie  peace  plans 
of  their  leaders.  On  the  other  hand,  as  Governor  Shannon 
looked  upon  the  silent  form  of  the  murdered  Barber  he 
began  to  realize  more  closely  the  position  he  was  in,  and 
what  it  meant  to  call  the  "  militia  "  of  Kansas  to  help  a 
sheriff  arrest  people  who  were  not  anywhere  near  Law- 
rence. 

The  news  of  the  murder  spread  throughout  the  nation, 
arousing  the  I^orth  to  renewed  efforts.  Grief,  patriotism 
or  sympathy  brought  forth  the  whole  community  to  the  fu- 
neral. One  who  was  present  said :  "  The  love  we  had  al- 
ways borne  to  freedom  is  tenfold  increased,  while  the 
hatred  of  oppression  is  intensified  and  strengthened.  A 
new  consecration  of  our  energies,  in  this  unequal  fight  for 
freedom,  is  made  over  the  new-made  grave."  At  the  fvi- 
neral,  after  the  minister  had  finished  the  more  than  ordi- 
nary ceremony,  short  speeches  were  made  by  Generals 
Lane  and  Tvobinson.  The  address  of  the  latter,  though 
})rief,  was  full  of  pathos  and  stirring  in  its  appeals  to  man- 
hood and  patriotism.  Perhaps  of  the  great  variety  of 
Robinson's  addresses  and  writings,  the  oration  at  the  fu- 
neral of  Barber  is  the  gem.^ 

The  National  Era  of  March-  1st,  1856,  published  the 
well-known  poem  of  John  G.  Whittier  on  the  burial  of 
Barber,  which  was  read  far  and  wide,  arousing  public  sen- 
timent and  causing  hundreds  to  reconsecrate  themselves 
to  freedom's  cause.  Its  dominant  note  was  conquest 
through  suffering,  endurance,  and  patience : 

'  See  Appendix  B. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  155 

"  Will  to  suffer  as  you 
Pass  the  watchword  along  the  line, 

Pass  the  countersign:    Endure. 
Not  to  him  who  rashly  dares, 
But  to  him  who  nobly  bears, 

Is  the  victor's  garland  sure." 

But  the  Wakarusa  War,  closing-  witli  a  compromise,  was 
far  from  being  the  end  of  the  great  strnggle.  Indeed, 
its  treachery  and  wickedness  had  scarcely  begun.  The 
severe  winter  that  followed  checked  the  invasions  from 
Missouri,  and  prevented  the  marauding  bands  from  enter- 
ing Kansas.  All  were  struggling  to  protect  themselves 
from  cold,  and  to  satisfy  the  most  common  needs.  Over 
in  Missouri,  however,  the  agents  of  the  Blue  Lodge  were 
wide  awake,  preparing  for  new  invasions  in  the  spring, 
and  the  cold  cruel  winter  was  to  open  upon  a  summer 
more  ter^-ible  by  far  with  its  cruelties  of  war,  plunder  and 
murder.  /^The  Free-State  men  attempted  to  carry  out  the 
policy  whicli_they  had  adopted  at  the  beginning,  and  it 
seems  that  they  would  have  succeeded  had  not  a  certain 
series  of  events  caused  the  invaders  to  appeal  to  the  courts 
and  driven  jdie  Free-State  men  to  retaliation  in  the  field. 

The  policy  of  the  Free-State  men  involved  two  things : 
first,  the  re^iudiation  of  the  ''  bogus  Legislature,"  and 
avoiding  a  conflict  with  the  United  States  forces.  ^  This 
latter  was,  indeed,  a  difficult  thing  to  do,  for  the  United 
States  forces,  representing  the  United  States  Government, 
were  backing  up  the  ''  bogus  Legislature.."  The  position 
was  untenable  except  in  theory,  for  when  put  to  the  real 
test  the  Free-State  men,  so  long  as  they  were  in  the  minor- 
ity, must  submit  to  the  power  of  a  Territorial  government, 
backed  up  as  it  was  by  the  Federal  Government.     Second, 


156  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

tlie  Free-State  policy  involved  a  positive  course,  which  was 
to  frame  and  adopt  a  constitution  and  organize  a  State  gov- 
ernment, with  a  possibility  of  admission  into  the  Union 
under  the  constitution.  This  positive  feature  of  their 
policy  was  put  vigorously  into  operation.  It,  too,  had  its 
own  dangers,  for  it  went  far  enough  to  establish  a  separate 
legislature  and  elect  a  complete  set  of  officers  before  ad- 
mission into  the  Union. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  P^li^  of  the  Proslavery  party 
was^mucETsinipTerr"  Tt  was,  first,  to  force  the  people  of  the 
Territory  of  Kansas  into  submission  to  the  laws  of  the 
"  bogus  Legislature "  and  to  the  Territorial  Government. 
In  this  they  were  aided  by  the  United  States  Government, 
which  favored  the  Proslavery  party  in  the  struggle.  Here 
was  the  great  disadvantage  of  the  Free-State  party;  for 
whateyex-ihe  PjLQslaYeryjgarty  _djxi,^  they  had  behind  them 
a  Je£ijla±iu:e,_j^^ovemor,  a  judiciary,  and  indeed  a  com- 
.^j-lete  Territorial  organization,  with  a  code  of  laws  sanc- 
tioned and  supported  by  the  Federal  Government.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Free-State  men  acted  without  the  law 
and  outside  the  pale  of  recognized  government.  It  is  of 
great  advantage  in  a  struggle  to  have  the  law  on  your  side, 
even  though  it  be  "bogus,"  or  to  have  the  government 
back  of  you  even  though  it  be  elected  by  fraudulent  votes, 
—  and  especially  so  when  the  Federal  Government,  legiti- 
mate in  every  respect,  supports  the  law  and  enforces  its 
decisions  with  its  standing  army.  .'^Again,  the  purpose  of 
the  Pjcoslavery  party  was  to  exterminate  all  free-soilers 
as  a  method  of  assuring  a  Proslavery  government.  It 
seemed  to  be  the  only  way  they  could  dispose  of  those  quiet, 
persistent,  courageous  people  who  were  coming  in  such. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  157 

numbers  into  the  Territory  to  build  homes,  develop  the 
country  and  vote  for  freedom.  (iThe  Proslavery  party  also 
sought  to  bring  the  Free-State  party  into  conflict  with  the 
Federal  authorities.  Had  they  succeeded,  the  cause  of 
freedom  would  soon  have  been  lost  in  Kansas. 

One  cannot  turn  to  the  history  of  these  hardy  pioneers, 
who  met  all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  new  country,  who  subdued 
the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  soil,  who  endured  the  biting 
of  the  cold  as  they  gazed  through  the  open  chinks  in  their 
log  cabins,  who  lived  upon  the  plainest  fare,  and,  defense- 
less, were  in  constant  terror  of  their  lives,  without  feeling 
the  most  profound  admiration  for  their  devotion  and  forti- 
tude. This  struggling  against  nature  and  fighting  against 
niffians,viJ[is  establishing  of  a  government  and  building 
of  a  commonwealth,  showed  these  people  to  be  of  the  hardy 
vigor  of  the  old  Puritans  who  wrought  their  character  into 
the  state  that  they  builded.  \  What  a  meager  life  it  was  in 
some  ways,  vet  how  grand  and  full  of  meaning  in  others ! — 
for  out  of  those  humble  conditions  was  being  brought  to 
light  the  power  which  would  eventually  crush,  out  slavery 
everywhere  and  proclaim  freedom  throughout  the  land. 
It  was  only  a  step  from  the  cracking  of  the  rifles  upon 
the  plains  of  Kansas  to  the  booming  of  the  guns  at  Sum- 
ter; then  a  few  longer  and  more  awful  steps  and  we  see 
the  final  climax  of  it  all  in  Appomattox  and  the  fifteenth 
amendment. 

A  goodly  number  of  the  eye-witnesses  of  the  events  just 
recorded  have  written  descriptions  of  the  conditions  that 
prevailed  in  the  Territory  at  that  time,  and  accounts  of  all 
the  incidents  in  the  struggle  for  freedom. 

As  illustrating  the  primitive  condition  of  affairs  in  the 


158  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON" 

first  jear  in  Kansas,  a  few  brief  quotations  from  Mrs.  Ilol>- 
inson's  diary  will  not  be  ont  of  place: 

April  20th,  1855. —  How  lovely  nature  has  made  this  Kansas  val- 
ley; and  yet  it  seems  as  if,  from  a  full  lap  of  treasured  gems,  she  has 
poured  out  the  fairest  here. 

April  21. —  The  floor  in  the  dining-room  is  laid.  The  windows 
are  in.  The  door  between  the  rooms  is  taken  away  and  the  stove  is 
set,  with  the  pipe  out  of  the  window  in  pure  pioneer  fashion.  The 
stove,  however,  will  put  one's  ingenuity  to  work  in  using,  it  being 
second-hand.  Having  been  used  six  months  in  a  boarding-house,  not 
most  carefully,  the  furniture  is  minus;  and  what  there  is,  is  of  un- 
known use  to  me.  There  is  one  large  iron  boiler,  which  would  cover 
the  whole  front  of  the  stove,  one  broken  gridiron,  one  large  dripping- 
pan,  two  tin  boilers  holding  six  or  eight  quarts,  one  of  which,  near 
the  top,  has  a  nose;  the  other,  close  to  the  bottom,  has  a  spout.  The 
furniture  which  is  the  minus  quantity,  is:  iron  kettles,  tea-kettles, 
spider,  shovel  and  tongs.  However,  we  get  supper,  stew  apples, — 
brought  from  Massachusetts, —  and  have  biscuits  without  butter.  It 
is  a  real  Graham  supper  with  cold  water.    Provisions  are  scarce.' 

April  24. — We  can  get  no  butter,  no  syrup,  no  milk,  no  potatoes. 
There  is  an  abundance  of  nothing  save  cheese,  beef,  ham,  and  sugar. 
We  made  doughnuts,  and  after  a  consultation,  fried  them  in  a  two- 
quart  tin  upon  the  top  of  the  stove. 

April  26. — A  most  delightful  day.  It  seemed  wicked  not  to  gather 
new  life  and  cull  enjoyment  from  the  bright  skies  and  flowing  prairies. 
Soon  had  the  horse  put  into  harness  and  was  bounding  over  them. 

April  29. — We  attended  church.  How  strange  everything  ap- 
peared! The  hall  where  the  meetings  are  held  is  in  a  two-story  build- 
ing. It  is  simply  boarded  with  cottonwood,  and  that  to  a  person  in 
this  country  is  explanation  sufficient  of  its  whole  appearance;  for  the 
sun  here  soon  curls  the  boards,  every  one  shrinlving  from  every  other, 
leaving  large  cracks  between.  For  a  desk  to  support  the  gilded 
morocco-covered  Bible,  sent  to  the  Plymouth  Church,  a  rough  box 
turned  endwise  and  standing  near  one  end  of  the  hall  was  used.  The 
singers,  with  seraphine,  were  seated  upon  one  side  of  the  preacher, 
while  upon  the  other  side,  also  fronting  the  desk,  were  other  seats. — 
rough  boards,  used  until  the  settees  are  finished.     All  of  this  seemed 

1  Kansas  ;  Its  Interior  and  Esterior  Life,  p.  38. 


SARA   T.    D     ROBINSON,    1857. 


I 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  159 

rough  and  uncouth,  and  at  first  moment  we  felt  that  two  thousand 
miles  lay  between  us  and  the  pleasant  sanctuaries  of  our  fathers, 
where  they  tread  the  aisles  on  soft  carpets,  listen  to  the  Word  read 
from  its  resting-place  of  richest  velvet,  and  to  the  pealing  organ's 
deep  rich  tones.  But  when  we  looked  upon  the  pleasant  faces  around 
us,  so  familiar  all  in  look,  in  manner,  in  attire,  and  the  services  com- 
menced with  the  singing  of  hymns  learned  long  ago,  and  we  heard  in 
the  persuasive,  winning  tones  of  the  preacher,  the  same  heavenly 
truths  which  will  render  one's  life  here  as  holy  as  elsewhere,  let  us 
so  will  it,  we  felt  that  New  England  was  in  our  midst.  We  realized 
more  fully  the  truth  which  has  been  pervading  our  thoughts  for  many 
days,  that  "A  man's  life  consisteth  not  in  the  abundance  of  the 
things  which  he  possesseth."  Happiness  does  not  consist  in  the  fur- 
nishings of  the  upholsterer.  It  may  be  as  pure  and  unalloyed  in 
"  gypsy  hut  as  palace  hall."  Most  of  us  have  come  to  this  far-away 
land  with  a  mission  in  our  hearts,  a  mission  to  the  dark-browed 
race,  and  hoping  here  to  stay  the  surging  tide  of  slavery,  to  place  lliat 
barrier  which  utters  in  unmistakable  language,  "  Thus  far  shalt  thou 
go  and  no  farther."  This  unlocks  our  hearts  to  each  other,  and  at 
once  we  recognize  a  friend  actuated  by  sympathies  and  hopes.  ^ 

Suck  are  pictures  of  tlie  life  to  which  the  women  of  the 

East  came  to  support  their  husbands  and  brothers  in  a 

struggle  to  subdue  the  wilds  of  nature  and  secure  freedom 

to  mankind.     These  women  cheerfully  adapted  themselves 

to  the  rude  domestic  life,  giving  courage  and  persistency 

to  the  men  in  the  larger  struggle  to  make  Kansas  free. 

They  met  the  trying  difficulties  of  those  years  in  the  bold 

and  faithful  spirit  represented  in  the  following  lines  from 

Mrs.  Eobinson: 

"  We  have  fallen  upon  evil  times  in  our  country's  history,  when 
it  is  treason  to  think,  to  speak  a  word  against  the  evil  of  slavery, 
or  in  favor  of  free  labor.-  In  Kansas,  prisons  or  instant  death  by 
barbarians  are  the  reward;  and  in  the  Senate,  wielders  of  bludgeons 
are  honored  by  the  State  which  has  sent  ruffians  to  desolate  Kansas. 

1  Kansaa,  p.  41.        -  Kansas,  p.  34T. 


160  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

But  in  this  reign  of  misrule  the  President  and  his  advisers  have 
failed  to  note  the  true  effect  of  such  oppression.  The  fires  of  liberty 
have  been  rekindled  in  the  hearts  of  our  people,  and  burn  in  yet 
brighter  flame  under  midnight  skies  illumined  by  their  own  burning 
dwellings.  The  sight  of  lawless,  ruthless  invaders,  acting  under  the 
United  States  Government,  has  filled  them  with  that  '  deep,  dark, 
sullen,  teeth-clenched  silence,  bespeaking  their  hatred  of  tyranny, 
which  armed  a  William  Tell  and  Charlotte  Corday.'  The  best,  the 
boldest  utterance  of  man's  spirit  for  freedom  will  not  be  withheld. 
The  administration,  with  the  most  insane  malignity,  has  prepared  the 
way  for  a  civil  war,  and  the  extermination  of  freemen  in  Kansas. 
With  untiring  malice,  it  has  endeavored  to  effect  this  by  the  aid  of 
a  corrupt  jiidiciary,  packed  juries,  and  reckless  officials.  In  violation 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  no  regard  was  paid  to  the 
sacred  rights  of  freemen  in  their  persons  and  property.  Against  the 
known  sentiment  and  conviction  of  half  the  nation  these  deeds  of 
infamy  have  been  plotted,  and  have  been  diligently  carried  on.  That 
a  people  are  down-trodden  is  not  evidence  that  they  are  subdued. 
The  crushed  energies  are  gathering  strength;  and,  like  a  strong  man 
resting  from  the  heats  and  toils  of  the  day,  the  people  of  Kansas  will 
arise  to  do  battle  for  liberty:  and  when  their  mighty  shouts  for  free- 
dom shall  ascend  over  her  hills  and  prairies,  slavery  will  shrink  back 
abashed.  Life,  without  liberty,  is  valueless,  and  there  are  times 
which  demand  the  noble  sacrifice  of  life.  The  people  of  Kansas  are 
in  the  midst  of  such  times;  and  amid  discomfiture  and  defeat  men 
will  be  found  who  for  the  right  will  stand  with  sterner  purpose  and 
bolder  front.  Kansas  will  never  be  surrendered  to  the  slave-power. 
God  has  willed  it!  Lawrence,  the  city  where  the  plunderer  feasted 
at  the  hospitable  table,  and,  Judas-like,  went  out  to  betray  it,  will 
come  forth  from  its  early  burial  clothed  with  yet  more  exceeding 
beauty.  Out  of  its  charred  and  blood-stained  ruins,  where  the  fiag  of 
rapine  floated,  will  spring  the  high  walls  and  strong  parapets  of 
freedom.  The  sad  tragedies  in  Kansas  will  be  avenged,  when  freedom 
of  speech,  of  the  press,  and  of  the  person,  are  made  sure  by  the  down- 
fall of  those  now  in  power,  and  when  the  song  of  the  reaper  is  heard 
again  over  our  prairies,  and,  instead  of  the  clashing  of  arms,  we  see 
the  gleam  of  the  ploughshare  in  her  peaceful  valleys.  Men  of  the 
North,  shall  the  brave  hearts  in  Kansas  struggle  alone?" 

Soon  after  the  Wakanisa  War,  Dr.  Robinson  wrote  to 


\ 

EAKLT  SETTLEMENT  161 

John  C.  Fremont,  reminding  him  of  their  early  acquaint- 
ance in  California,  and  pointing  out  the  similarity  of 
situation  here  in  Kansas  to  that  of  California  at  that  time 
in  regard  to  the  slavery  question.  Fremont  was  then  con- 
sidering the  prohahility  of  his  nomination  for  President. 
While  it  may  not  be  that  he  was  seeking  the  place,  yet 
enough  had  been  said  about  the  possibility  of  his  being 
nominated  to  cause  anxiety  on  his  part  at  the  turn  affairs 
had  taken,  and  to  make  him  exceedingly  careful  in  the  ex- 
pression of  his  opinions  as  to  the  proper  solution  of  the 
Kansas  troubles.  Eobinson's  letter  would  prove  of  inter- 
est to  the  reader,  but  it  is  not  obtainable.  It  is  thought 
worth  while,  however,  to  publish  Fremont's  reply.  It 
shows  some  conception  on  Fremont's  part  of  the  national 
importance  of  the  situation  in  Kansas,  yet  one  cannot  but 
note  the  extreme  caution  of  the  writer  at  this  juncture  of 
national  politics: 

New  York,  170  Second  Avenue,  March  17,  1856. 
My  Dear  Sir:  Your  letter  of  February  reached  me  in  Washington 
some  time  since.  I  read  it  with  much  satisfaction.  It  was  a  great 
pleasure  to  find  that  you  retained  so  lively  a  recollection  of  our  inter- 
course in  California.  But  my  own  experience  is,  that  permanent  and 
valuable  friendships  are  most  often  formed  in  contests  and  struggles. 
If  a  man  has  good  points,  then  they  become  salient,  and  we  know 
each  other  suddenly. 

I  had  lx)th  been  thinking  and  speaking  of  you  latterly.  The  Banks 
balloting  in  the  House  and  your  movements  in  Kansas  had  naturally 
carried  my  mind  back  to  our  one  hundred  and  forty  ballots  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  your  letter  came  seasonably  and  fitly  to  complete  the 
connection.  We  were  defeated  then,  but  that  contest  was  only  an  in- 
cident in  a  great  struggle,  and  the  victory  was  deferred,  not  lost. 
You  have  carried  to  another  field  the  same  principle,  with  courage 
and  ability  to  maintain  it;  and  I  make  you  my  sincere  congratulations 
on  your  success, —  indistinct  so  far,  but  destined  in  the  end  to 
triumph  absolutely. 
—  11 


i 


162  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

I  had  been  waitin<]f  to  see  what  shape  the  Kansas  question  would 
take  in  Conoress,  that  I  might  be  enabled  to  give  you  some  views  in 
relation  to  the  probable  result.  Nothing  yet  has  been  accomplished ; 
but  I  am  satisfied  that  in  the  end  Congress  will  take  elTicient  meais- 
ures  to  lay  before  the  American  people  the  exact  truth  concerning 
your  affairs.  Neither  you  nor  I  can  have  any  doubt  what  verdict  the 
people  will  pronounce,  upon  a  truthful  exposition.  It  is  to  be  feared, 
from  the  Proclamation  of  the  President,  that  he  intends  to  recognize 
the  usurpation  in  Kansas  as  the  legitimate  government,  and  that  its 
sedition  law,  the  test  oath,  and  the  means  to  be  taken  to  expel  its 
people  as  aliens,  Avill  all  directly  or  indirectly  be  supported  by  the 
army  of  the  United  States.  Your  position  will  undoubtedly  be  diffi- 
cult, but  you  know  I  have  great  confidence  in  your  firmness  and 
prudence.  When  the  critical  moment  arrives,  you  must  act  for  your- 
self—  no  man  can  give  you  counsel.  A  true  man  will  always  find  his 
best  counsel  in  that  inspiration  which  a  good  cause  never  fails  to  give 
him  at  the  instant  of  trial.  All  history  teaches  us  that  gieat  results 
are  ruled  by  a  wise  Providence,  and  we  are  but  units  in  the  great 
plan.  Your  action  will  be  determined  by  events  as  they  present 
themselves,  and  at  this  distance  I  can  only  say  that  I  sympathize 
cordially  with  you ;  and  that  as  you  stood  by  me  firmly  and  generously 
when  we  were  defeated  by  the  NuUifiers  in  California,  I  have  every 
disposition  to  stand  by  you  in  the  same  waj^  in  your  battle  with 
them  in  Kansas. 

You  see  that  what  I  have  been  saying  is  more  in  reply  to  the  sug- 
gestions which  your  condition  makes  to  me,  than  any  answer  to  your 
letter,  which  more  particularly  regards  myself.  The  notice  which  you 
had  seen  of  me,  in  connection  with  the  Presidency,  came  from  the 
partial  disposition  of  friends,  who  think  of  me  more  flatteringly 
than  I  do  of  myself:  and  does  not,  therefore,  call  for  any  action 
from  us. 

Repeating  that  I  am  really  and  sincerely  gratified  in  the  renewal 
of  our  old  friendship,  or  rather  in  the  expression  of  it,  which  I  hope 
will  not  hereafter  have  so  long  an  interval,  I  am, 

Yours  very  truly, 

J.  C.  Fremont. 
Gov.  Charles  Robinson,  Lawrence,  Kansas. 

The  year  1855  closed  with  the  stirring  events  connected 
with  the  Wakarusa  War.     In  the  local  contests  the  Fre^ 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  163 

\  State  men  had  won  a  victory.  They  had  maintained  their 
^position  against  superior  numbers  without  an  open  con- 
flict with  the  Federal  authority.  They  had  demonstrated 
their  power  and  established  a  hope,  if  not  an  assurance, 
of  victory.  But  the  ensuing  year  was  to  bring  a  severer 
trial  of  their  strength  and  fortitude.  Their  enemies  were 
to  shift  their  plan  of  battle  and  to  employ  new  tactics  for 
their  destruction.  The  attempt  to  drive  the  friends  of  free- 
dom from  the  soil  had  failed,  and  other  means  must  be 
sought  if  Kansas  was  to  be  made  a  slave  State. 

While  the  local  struggles  were  going  on,  the  Free-State 
men  were  not  idle  in  other  directions,  for  they  were  work- 
ing their  way  toward  State  organization  and  admission 
into  the  Union.  They  were  holding  conventions,  resolv- 
ing, and  organizing.  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  make  a 
constitution,  elect  State  officers,  and  attempt  State  legis- 
lation. As  the  constitutional  development  was  the  central 
idea  of  the  struggle  from  this  on,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
follow  somewhat  in  detail  the  various  steps  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Free-State  forces  and  the  consequent  attacks 
of  the  Proslavery  advocates. 


1C4  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


CHAPTEK  V. 

THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE. 

Beginning  with  the  first  meeting  called  in  Lawrence, 
June  8th,  1855,  the  Free-State  men  of  Kansas  entered 
upon  a  constitutional  struggle  for  liberty.  This  first  con- 
vention was  held  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  pro- 
priety of  calling  a  Territorial  convention  of  Free-State 
men.  At  this  meeting,  M.  F.  Conway,  the  only  Free-State 
man  in  the  Legislature,^  who  resigned  his  position  as  soon 
as  the  Legislature  was  called,  made  some  able  and  spirited 
remarks  about  the  recent  election,  and  advised  that  the 
action  of  the  Legislature  thus  fraudulently  chosen  be  re- 
pudiated, and  that  Congress  be  memorialized  for  relief. 
The  meeting  was  presided  over  by  John  Speer,  and  ad- 
dresses were  listened  to  from  Speer,  Simpson,  Ladd, 
Hutchinson,  Elliott,  and  others.  It  was  proposed  to  call 
a  Territorial  convention  at  Lawrence  on  the  25th  of  June, 
1855,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  expression  to  the  views  of 
the  people  in  relation  to  the  recent  election  outrage,^  and 
of  taking  such  action  as  was  deemed  necessary  and  proper. 
Five  delegates  were  to  be  sent  from  each  Representative 
district:  Elliott,  Deitzler,  Speer,  Wood  and  Simpson 
were  chosen  to  represent  Lawrence.  A  committee  com- 
posed of  Pratt,  Elliott  and  Abbott  were  to  inform  the  Free- 

'  Con-way  did  not  receive  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  but  one  fraudulent  precinct 
was  thrown  out ;  this  gave  Conway  a  majority.  S.  D.  Honeton  was  the  only  member 
conceded  to  be  elected  from  the  Free-State  party.  He  resigned.  John  Hutchinson 
was  elected  at  the  new  election  called  by  the  Governor  to  correct  fraud,  but  he  was  not 
allowed  to  take  his  seat. 

2  See  Chapter  IV. 


I  THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  165 

/' 

l^tate  men  of  other  districts.  The  convention  assembled 
according  to  the  call,  and  adopted  among  others  the  follow- 
ing resolutions: 

"Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  making  Kansas  a  free  Terri- 
tory, and,  as  a  consequence,  a  free  State. 

"Resolved,  That  we  urge  the  people  of  Kansas  to  throw  aside  all 
minor  differences,  and  make  the  freedom  of  Kansas  the  only  issue. 

"Resolved,  That  we  claim  no  right  to  meddle  with  the  affairs  of 
the  people  of  Missouri,  or  any  other  State,  and  we  do  claim  the  right 
to  regulate  our  own  domestic  affairs,  and,  with  the  help  of  God,  we 
will  do  it. 

"Resolved,  That  we  look  upon  the  conduct  of  a  portion  of  the 
people  of  Missouri,  in  the  late  Kansas  election,  as  an  outrage  on  the 
elective  franchise  of  our  rights  as  freemen;  and  inasmuch  as  many 
of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  owe  their  election  to  a  combined 
system  of  force  and  fraud,  we  do  not  feel  bound  to  obey  any  law  of 
their  enacting." 

A  mass  meeting  was  called  to  meet  at  Lawrence  July 
11,  1855,  to  take  active  measures  respecting  the  forming  of 
a  State  constitution.  While  the  determination  to  repu- 
diate the  acts  of  the  bogus  Legislature  was  pretty  well 
fixed,  it  was  difficult  to  get  the  Free-State  men  in  line  for 
the  formation  of  a  State  constitution  with  the  view  of  the 
speedy  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union.  The  poli- 
ticians, most  of  whom  were  seeking  opportunities  for  office, 
had  advised  this  course,  but  the  body  of  the  people  and  the 
leaders  of  the  Free-State  cause  were  not  fully  in  accord 
with  the  politicians.  But  if  the  people  repudiated  the 
acts  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  nothing  would  remain 
to  be  done  but  to  set  up  another  form  of  government  in 
opposition.  Hence  the  Free-State  sentiment  gradually 
crystallized  in  favor  of  a  constitutioii. 

It  was  on  August  14th  and  15th,  1855,  that  the  first 
general  convention  of  Free-State  men,  composed  of  all  po- 


166  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

litical  parties,  assembled  at  Lawrence.  Philip  Schuyler 
presided  at  the  meeting,  and  Lane,  Robinson  and  others 
were  active  in  the  deliberations  of  the  convention.  The 
following  resolutions  reported  by  Robinson  were  adopted : 

"Whereas,  The  people  of  Kansas  have  been,  since  its  settlement, 
and  are  now,  without  law-making  power;  therefore,  be  it 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  people  of  Kansas  Territory,  in  mass 
meeting  assembled,  irrespective  of  party  distinctions,  influenced  by 
common  necessity,  and  greatly  desirous  of  promoting  the  common 
good,  do  hereby  call  upon  and  request  all  bona  fide  citizens  of  Kansas 
Territory,  of  whatever  political  views  and  predilections,  to  consult 
together  in  their  several  election  districts,  and  in  mass  conventions 
or  otherwise,  elect  three  delegates  for  each  Representative  to  which 
said  election  district  is  entitled  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Legislative  Assembly,  by  proclamation  of  Governor  Reeder  of  date  of 
March  19,  1855;  said  convention  to  meet  in  the  town  of  Topeka,  on 
the  19th  day  of  September,  1855,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  de- 
termine upon  all  subjects  of  public  interest,  and  particularly  upon  i 
that  having  reference  to  the  speedy  formation  of  a  State  Constitution, 
with  the  intention  of  an  immediate  application  to  be  admitted  as  a 
State  into  the  Union  of  the  United  States  of  America." 

This  convention  showed  an  active  spirit  along  govern- 
mental lines,  for  if  the  Free-State  men  could  make  a  con- 
stitution, have  it  adopted  by  popular  vote,  and  have  Kansas 
admitted  into  the  Union  under  it,  the  victory  was  practi- 
cally won.  Although  the  meeting  at  Topeka  was  to  occur 
within  a  little  more  than  thirty  days,  another  convention 
was  called,  to  meet  at  Big  Springs  on  September  5,  1855. 
It  appears  from  the  sequel  that  this  convention  was  called 
for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  Free- State  party,  while  the 
convention  at  Lawrence  was  rather  general  in  its  nature. 
Before  adjournment  a  Free-State  executive  committee 
was  formed,  consisting  of  Charles  Robinson,  chairman, 
Joel  K.  Goodin,  secretary,  and  twenty-one  other  members. 


/  THE   CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  167 

/ 

The  object  of  this  committee  was  to  have  a  general  over- 
sight of  all  the  interests  pertaining  to  the  Free-State  party. 
The  permanent  organization  effected  at  Big  Springs,  by 
outlining  a  definite  policy  and  completing  an  organization 
for  specific  party  work,  lessened  the  labor  of  this  committee, 
although  its  members  continued  active  in  various  capacities. 
^Vhile  the  sentiments  of  the  Free-State  people  were  crys- 
tallizing about  lines  of  action,  the  ''bogus"  Legislature 
had  assembled  and  begun  its  work.  If  anyone  prior  to  its 
meeting  could  have  found  anything  to  say  in  defense  of 
this  Legislature,  he  could  have  found  nothing  to  say  in  its 
favor  after  it  had  done  its  work.  It  met  on  July  2,  1855, 
at  Pawnee,  but  in  four  days  —  July  6th  —  adjourned  to 
meet  at  Shawnee  Mission,  near  the  border  of  Missouri,  on 
August  16th.  The  first  action  it  took  at  Pawnee  before 
adjournment  was  to  declare  that  the  men  chosen  at  the 
second  election,  in  place  of  such  of  those  as  were  fraudu- 
lently elected  in  the  March  election,  should  be  excluded 
from  the  Legislature;  that  is,  the  members  who  were 
fraudulently  elected  in  March  were  seated  and  those  who 
were  elected  to  fill  their  places  by  order  of  the  second  elec- 
tion proclamation  of  Governor  Keeder  were  not  allowed 
to  take  their  places.  Governor  Reeder  vigorously  opposed 
the  movement  of  the  Legislature  from  Pavraee  to  Shawnee 
Mission,  and  although  he  could  not  openly  and  clearly 
adopt  the  policy  of  the  Free^-State  men  and  repudiate  the 
Legislature  which  was  elected  at  his  own  calling,  yet  he 
sympathized  with  the  Free-State  movement,  and  was,  from 
this  time  on,  a  strong  supporter  of  it.  The  Governor 
finally  refused  to  recognize  the  Legislature,  and  now  the 
Federal  administration  at  Washington  had  to  side  with 


168  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

either  the  Governor  or  the  Legislature.  The  whole  Pro- 
slavery  element  desired  to  have  Governor  Reeder  recalled. 
If  the  Government  should  decide  in  favor  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, there  could  be  no  other  alternative.  Accordingly, 
Governor  Reeder  was  finally  recalled,  the  Legislature  re- 
ceiving official  communication  to  this  effect  on  August 
16th,  1855. 

The  "  bogus "  Legislature  proceeded  at  once  to  make 
laws  for  the  Territory.  They  made  voluminous  statutes 
based  on  the  Missouri  code ;  in  fact,  most  of  their  legisla- 
tion was  a  mere  copy  of  the  laws  of  Missouri.  When 
it  became  known  what  the  Legislature  had  done,  and  what 
kind  of  laws  they  had  enacted,  a  great  wave  of  indignation 
passed  over  the  Territory,  which  was  m.ost  beneficial  to 
the  Free-State  cause.  The  laws  enacted  were  so  severe, 
inhuman,  and  extremely  partisan,  that  it  was  impossible 
for  anyone  with  liberal  views  to  feel  any  tolerance  for 
them.     Writing  of  these  laws,  Governor  Robinson  said : 

"  Not  only  was  the  worse  than  Draconian  code  enacted  against 
Free-State  men,  but  they  were  virtually  disfranchised.  Instead  of 
leaving  the  choice  of  county  officers  to  voters,  the  Legislature  itself 
appointed  them  for  a  term  of  years,  and  gave  them  full  control  of  all 
future  elections,  besides  requiring  a  test  oath  of  a  challenged  voter. 
Many  of  the  enactments  were  simply  infamous,  as  some  selected  speci- 
mens will  show."  ^ 

"  Section  4.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away 
out  of  the  Territory,  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to 
deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  or  with  the 
intent  to  effect  or  procure  the  freedom  of  such  slave,  he  shall  be 
adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof  shall 
suffer  death. 

"  Section  5.  If  any  person  shall  aid  or  assist  in  enticing,  de- 
coying or  persuading,  or  carrying  away  or  sending  out  of  this  Terri- 
tory any  slave  belonging  to  another,  with  intent  to  procure  or  effect 

1  Kansas  Coofllct,  p.  156. 


f 

/  THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  169 

the  freedom  of  such  slave,  or  with  intent  to  deprive  the  owner  thereof 
of  the  services  of  such  slave,  he  shall  be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand 
larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof,  suffer  death. 

"  Section  6.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away  out 
of  any  State  or  other  territory  of  the  United  States,  any  slave  belong- 
ing to  another,  with  the  intent  to  procure  or  effect  the  freedom  of  such 
slave,  or  deprive  the  owner  thereof  of  the  services  of  such  slave,  and 
shall  bring  such  slave  into  this  Territory,  he  shall  be  adjudged  guilty 
of  grand  larceny,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  such  slave  had  been  enticed, 
decoyed  or  carried  out  of  this  Territory;  and  in  such  case  the  larceny 
may  be  charged  to  have  been  committed  in  any  county  of  this  Terri- 
tory into  or  through  which  such  slave  shall  have  been  brought  by  such 
person;  and  on  conviction  thereof  the  person  offending  shall  suffer 
death." 

"  Section  11.  If  any  person  print,  write,  introduce  into,  publish  or 
circulate,  or  cause  to  be  brought  into,  printed,  written,  published  or 
circulated,  or  shall  knowingly  aid  or  assist  in  bringing  into,  printing, 
publishing  or  circulating  within  this  Territory,  any  book,  magazine, 
handbill,  or  circular  containing  any  statements,  arguments,  opinions, 
sentiments,  doctrine,  advice  or  innuendo,  calculated  to  promote  a  dis- 
orderly, dangerous,  or  rebellious  disaffection  among  the  slaves  in  this 
Territory,  or  to  induce  such  slaves  to  escape  from  their  masters,  or  to 
resist  their  authority,  he  shall  be  guilty  of  felony,  and  be  punished  by 
imprisonment  and  hard  labor  for  a  term  not  less  than  five  years. 

"  Section  12.  If  any  free  person,  by  speaking  or  by  writing, 
assert  or  maintain  that  persons  have  not  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in 
this  Territory,  or  shall  introduce  into  this  Territory,  print,  publish, 
write,  circulate,  or  cause  to  be  introduced  into  this  Territory,  written, 
printed,  published,  or  circulated  in  this  Territory,  any  book,  paper, 
magazine,  pamphlet  or  circular,  containing  any  denial  of  the  right  of 
persons  to  hold  slaves  in  this  Territory,  such  person  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  felony,  and  be  punished  by  imprisonment  at  hard  labor  for 
a  term  of  not  less  than  two  years."  ^ 

These  drastic  measures  passed  by  tlie  first  Territorial 
Leg-islature — a  Legislature  wliose  members  were  elected  by 
fraud — defined  clearly  to  the  people  of  Kansas  and  to  those 
of  other  States  the  true  position  of  those  who  sought  to 
make  Kansas  a  slave  State.  Contrary  to  an  express  stipu- 
lation of  the  ori^anic  act  for  the  creation  of  the  Territory, 
which  declared  that  the  slavery  question  was  left  open  to 
the  decision  of  the  people  within  the  Territory,  this  fraud- 
ulent legislature  not  only  asserted  that  the  question  was  not 

1  Territorial  Laws,  ia55.    Wllder's  Annals,  p.  73. 


170  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSOW 

open  for  discTission,  but  proposed  to  send  every  man  to  the 
penitentiary  who  did  open  it. 

The  Free-State  party  had  resolved  to  ignore  the  action 
of  the  first  Territorial  Legislature,  and  to  repudiate  its 
laws.  Through  the  influence  of  Dr.  Kobinson  and  Col. 
Kersey  Coates,  of  Kansas  City,  Conway,  the  only  Free- 
State  man  in  the  Legislature,  resigned.  The  brilliant  let- 
ter in  which  Conway  submitted  his  resignation  gave  a  clear 
statement  of  the  case  and  cause  of  the  Free-State  men  at 
this  time.     He  said: 

"  Instead  of  recognizing  this  as  the  Legislature  of  Kansas,  and 
participating  in  the  proceedings  as  such,  I  utterly  repudiate  it,  and  re- 
pudiate it  as  derogatory  to  the  respectability  of  popular  government, 
and  insulting  to  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  age.  .  .  .  Simply 
as  a  citizen  and  a  man,  I  shall  therefore  yield  no  submission  to  this 
alien  Legislature.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  ready  to  set  its  assTimed 
authority  at  defiance,  and  shall  be  prompt  to  spurn  and  trample  under 
my  feet  its  insolent  enactments  whenever  they  conflict  with  my  rights 
or  inclinations."  ^ 

The  Fourth  of  'July  address  of  Robinson,  previously 
quoted,  had  heralded  the  same  sentiment  in  no  uncertain 
sound.  "  Let  us  repudiate  all  laws  made  by  foreign  leg- 
islative bodies,"  ^  was  the  significant  point  of  his  argument 
and  watchword  of  future  policy. 

In  his  letter  to  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  dated  ITovember  1, 
1855,  Dr.  Robinson  again  committed  himself  to  the  doc- 
trine of  repudiation,  and  acknowledged  that  he  was  abiding 
by  the  text  of  his  doctrine  in  his  daily  conduct.    He  said : 

"  We  must  be  as  independent  and  self-reliant  and  confident  as  the 
Missourians  are,  and  never  in  any  instance  be  cowed  into  silence  or 

1  Spring,  p.  54. 

^See  Chapter  IV,  and  Appendix  B. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  171 

subserviency  to  their  dictation.  This  course  on  the  part  of  prominent 
Free-State  men  is  absolutely  necessary  to  inspire  the  masses  with 
confidence  and  keep  them  from  going  over  to  the  enemy.  ...  I 
have  been  censured  for  the  defiant  tone  of  my  Fourth  of  July  speech, 
but  I  was  fully  convinced  that  such  a  course  was  demanded.  The  Leg- 
islature was  about  sitting,  and  Free-State  men  were  about  despair- 
ing. ...  A  few  of  us  dared  to  take  a  position  in  defiance  of  the 
Legislature,  and  meet  the  consequences.  We  were  convinced  that 
our  success  depended  upon  this  measure,  and  the  demonstration  of  the 
Fourth  was  to  set  the  ball  in  motion  in  connection  with  Conway's 
letter  to  Governor  Keeder,  resigning  his  seat  and  repudiating  the 
Legislature.  For  a  while  we  had  to  contend  with  opposition  from  the 
faint-hearted,  but  by  persevering  in  our  course,  by  introducing  reso- 
lutions into  conventions  and  canvassing  the  Territory,  repudiation 
became  universal  with  Free-State  men.  .  .  .  We  conceived  it  im- 
portant to  disown  the  Legislature,  if  at  all,  before  we  knew  the  char- 
acter of  its  laws,  believing  that  they  would  be  such  as  to  crush  us 
out,  if  recognized  as  valid,  and  believing  that  we  should  stand  on 
stronger  ground  if  we  came  out  in  advance."  ^ 

It  is  plain  from  the  foregoing  statements,  tliat  Dr. 
Robinson,  if  not  the  originator  of  the  idea  of  repudiation, 
was  the  one  who  made  the  doctrine  living  and  effective. 
In  the  meeting  at  Lawrence  on  June  8th,  Conwaj  in  a 
speech  advocated  repudiation,  although  this  was  not  its 
first  mention.-  In  the  Lawrence  convention  of  July  11, 
says  G.  W.  Brown,  "  the  expression  was  unanimous  for 
repudiation."  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  idea  of  forming 
a  State  Government  w^as  first  made  prominent.^  In  the 
controversy  as  to  who  was  the  author  of  the  policy  of  re- 
pudiation. Governor  Robinson  in  his  letter  to  the  Herald 
states :  "  With  reference  to  repudiation,  I  am  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  disposition  was  spontaneous  in  the  breast  of 

'  Spring  :  Kaosae,  pp.  61,  62. 

"Kansas  Tribune,  June  13,  1855.    G.  W.  Brown  :  Herald,  June  28,  1884. 

3  e.  W.  Bro'WD  :  Herald,  Jan.  12,  1884. 


172  LIFE    OF    CHAKLKS    KOBINSON 

every  antislaverj  man  from  the  first.  I  think  Conwaj 
needed  no  persuasion  to  repudiation."  Notwithstanding 
this  modest  statement,  through  agitation  by  speech  and  pen 
this  sentiment  was  kept  alive  by  Robinson.  Conway  stated 
that  Governor  Eobinson  and  George  W.  Deitzler  persuaded 
him  to  resign,  although  afterward  he  seemed  inclined  to 
believe  that  he  did  it  on  his  own  responsibility.  Prob- 
ably, as  Governor  Robinson  says,  he  required  little  persua- 
sion. In  his  University  Quarter-Centennial  address  Gov- 
ernor Robinson  said :  "  The  policy  of  the  Free-State  party 
was  to  do  no  wrong,  commit  no  crime,  and  make  the  Ter- 
ritorial laws  a  dead  letter  by  non-use,  until  the  next  gen- 
eral election  of  1857."  ^ 

His  letters  in  the  "  Man  and  the  Hour  "  series  present 
the  same  thought.  He  says:  ''Not  only  the  usurpation 
must  be  repudiated,  but  arms,  and  the  best  that  could  be 
had,  were  an  absolute  necessity  for  the  Free-State  settler."  ^ 
Speaking  of  the  Free-State  party  and  their  policy,  lie  said : 
"  They  were  on  their  good  behavior,  could  do  no  wrong, 
commit  no  crime,  and  must  be  a  law  unto  themselves, 
while  they  repudiated  the  so-called  Territorial  Legislature 
with,  its  encroachments."  ^ 

Many  persons  condemned  Governor  Reeder  for  issuing 
election  certificates  where  it  was  evident  that  fraud  ex- 
isted. They  desired  him  to  throw  out  the  returns  of  tlie 
entire  Territory  and  order  a  new  election.  But  it  was 
a  difficult  matter  to  obtain  evidence  of  fraud.  The  ma- 
chinery of  government  was  not  well  established,  the  courts 
were  not  organized,  and  consequently  when  men  swore 

1  Kansas  City  Times,  June  9,  1891. 

2  Kansas  Herald,  February  13,  18»t. 
•'  Ibid. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  173 

that  they  were  citizens  of  Kansas  there  was  no  one  to  chal- 
lenge their  statements.  Indeed,  there  were  not  sufficient 
men  to  do  the  challenging,  and  there  was  no  method  of  test- 
ing any  case  afterward.  It  is  true  that  Governor  Reeder 
did  cause  a  new  election  to  take  place  in  several  districts, 
but  even  this  did  no  good,  for  the  Legislature  seated  the 
members  elected  on  the  first  election  and  refused  seats  to 
those  subsequently  elected.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is  that 
this  Legislature  simply  owed  its  existence  to  usurpation 
and  fraud,  and  the  patriots  of  Kansas  did  well  to  repudiate 
it.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  at  this  time 
the  Proslavery  element  was  in  the  majority,  and  it  was 
therefore  necessary  for  the  Free-State  men  to  act  with 
prudence}  Had  there  been  a  fair  election,  it  is  probable 
that  the 'Proslavery  party  would  have  won.  By  keeping 
up  a  firm  and  patient  but  temperate  and  orderly  opposi- 
tion, the  Free-State  men  might  well  hope  that  a  time  would 
soon  come  Avhen  they  could  win. 

While  the  convention  held  at  Lawrence  August  14th  and 
15th  had  given  expression  to  the  leading  sentiments  then 
prevailing  among  the  Free-State  people,  it  had  been  non- 
partisan, being  composed  of  several  political  elements.  It 
had  called  for  a  non-partisan  meeting  at  Topeka  to  frame 
a  constitution  and  to  apply  for  admission  into  the  Union. 
But  at  the  convention  at  Big  Springs  the  Free-State  party 
was  politically  organized.  It  was  then  that  the  principles 
and  policy  of  the  Free- State  party  were  formally  declared 
in  a  party  platform,  and  the  party  machinery  set  in  motion. 

At  this  convention  George  W.  Smith  was  elected  presi- 
dent. The  resolutions  were  presented  by  James  H.  Lane 
and  adopted  by  the  convention,  and  a  series  of  supplemen- 


174  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

taiy  resolutions  were  presented  by  J.  S.  Emery.  "  This 
was  an  important  convention.  It  gave  to  the  world  the 
purposes,  designs,  and  hopes  of  the  Froo-State  party."  ^ 
It  appears  from  the  statement  of  James  F.  Legate  that 
Joel  K.  Goodin  was  the  chief  factor;  in  fact,  the  great 
spirit  of  this  meeting.  He  was  the  power  in  the  executive 
committee  that  ran  the  convention.  Goodin  was  subse- 
quently prominent  in  the  convention  held  in  1855  at  To- 
peka,  and  also  in  the  convention  at  Grasshopper  Falls,  and 
finally  became  Secretary  of  the  Council  in  the  Free-State 
Territorial  Legislature.  Gov.  Reeder  also  figured  con- 
spicuously in  this  Big  Springs  convention.  He  drew  up 
the  report  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  which  was  re- 
ported by  J.  S.  Emery,  chairman  of  this  convention. 

The  following  are  among  the  most  important  resolu- 
tions adopted: 

"Resolved,  That  we  owe  no  allegiance  or  obedience  to  the  tyranaical 
enactments  of_this  spurious  "T;e»rslatTnTrr""that  their  laws  have  no 
validity  or  binding  force  upon  the  people  of  Kansas^  and  that  every 
freeman  among  us  is  at  full  liberty,  consistently  with  all  his  obliga- 
tions as  a  citizen  and  a  man,  to  defy  and  resist  them,  if  he  chooses 
so  to  do. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  resist  them  primarily  with  every  peace- 
able and  legal""means  within  our  power,  until  we  can  elect  our  own 
Representatives  and  sweep  them  from  the  statute  book;  and  as  the 
majority  of  our  Supreme  Court  have  so  forgotten  their  official  duty — 
have  so  far  cast  off  the  honor  of  the  lawyer  and  the  dignity  of  the 
judge  —  as  to  enter  clothed  with  the  judicial  ermine  into  partisan 
contest,  and,  by  an  extra-judicial  decision  giving  opinions  in  violation 
of  all  propriety,  have  prejudiced  our  case  before  we  could  be  heard, 
and  have  pledged  themselves  to  these  outlaws  in  advance,  to  decide 
in  their  favor,  we  shall  therefore  take  measures  to  carry  the  question 
of  the  validity  of  these  laws  to  a  higher  tribunal,  where  judges  are 

'  J.  F.  Legate  :  Sixth  Biennial  Beport,  State  Historical  Society,  p.  273. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  175 

unpledged  and  dispassionate,  where  the  law  will  be  administered  in 
its  purity,  and  where  we  can  at  least  have  the  hearing  before  the 
decision. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  endure  and  submit  to  these  laws  no  longer 
than  the  best  interests  of  the  Territory  require,  as  tTie  less  of  two 
evils,  and  will  resist  them  to  a  bloody  issue  as  soon  as  we  ascertain 
that  peaceable  remedies  shall  fail,  and  forcible  resistance  shall  fur- 
nish any  reasonable  prospect  of  success;  and  that  in  the  mean  time 
we  recommend  to  our  friends  throughout  the  Territory  the  organiza- 
tion of  volunteer  companies  and  the  procurement  and  preparation 
of  arms. 

"Resolved,  That  we  cannot,  and  will  not,  quietly  .submit  to  sur- 
render our  greaT;  'American  Virthright,'  the  elective  franchise;  which 
"first~5y~vTorence,  and  then  by  chicanery,  artifice,  weak  and  wicked 
legislation,  they  have  so  effectively  succeeded  in  depriving  us  of, 
and  that  with  scorn  we  repudiate  the  '  election  law,'  so  called,  and 
will  not  meet  with  them  on  the  day  they  have  appointed  for  the 
election,  but  will  ourselves  fix  upon  a  day,  for  the  purpose  of  elect- 
ing a  Delegate  to  Congress."  * 

The  resolutions  offered  by  Lane,  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  platform,  were  adopted,  as  follows : 

"Whereas,  The  Free-State  party  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  is 
about  to  originate  an  organization  for  concert  of  political  action  in 
electing  our  own  officers  and  moulding  our  institutions;  and 

"Whereas,  It  is  expedient  and  necessary  that  a  platform  of  prin- 
ciples be  adopted  and  proclaimed  to  make  known  the  character  of  our 
organization,  and  to  test  the  qualifications  of  candidates  and  the 
fidelity  of  our  members;  and 

"Whereas,  We  find  ourselves  in  an  unparalleled  and  critical  con- 
dition —  deprived  by  superior  force  of  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  Kansas  Bill;  and 

"Whereas,  The  great  and  overshadowing  question,  whether  Kansas 
shall  become  a  Free  or  Slave  State,  must  inevitably  absorb  all  other 
issues,  except  those  inseparably  connected  with  it;  and 

"Whereas,  The  crisis  demands  the  concert  and  harmonious  action 
of  all  those  who  from  principle  or  interest  prefer  free  to  slave  labor, 

1  BobiDSon  :  Kansas  Conflict,  pp.  ITl,  172. 


176  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    EOBINSON 

as  well  as  those  who  value  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  the 
guarantee  of  republican  institutions  by  the  Constitution:    therefore, 

"ResolDcd,  That,  setting  aside  all  the  minor  issues  of  partisan 
polities,  it  is  incumbent  upon  us  to  proffer  an  organization  calculated 
to  recover  our  dearest  rights,  and  into  which  Democrats  and  Whigs, 
native  and  naturalized  citizens,  may  freely  enter  without  any  sacrifice 
of  their  respective  political  creeds,  but  without  forcing  them  as  a 
test  upon  others.  And  that  when  we  shall  have  achieved  our  politi- 
cal freedom,  vindicated  our  right  of  self-government,  and  become  an 
independent  State  of  the  Union,  when  these  issues  may  become  vital 
as  they  are  now  dormant,  it  will  be  time  enough  to  divide  our  or- 
ganization by  these  tests,  the  importance  of  which  we  fully  recognize 
in  their  appropriate  sphere. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  oppose  and  resist  all  non-resident  voters 
at  our  polls,  whether  from  Missouri  or  elsewhere,  as  a  gross  violation 
of  our  rights  and  a  virtual  disfranchisement  of  our  citizens. 

"Resolved,  That  our  true  interests,  socially,  morally  and  pe- 
cuniarily, require  that  Kansas  should  be  a  free  State;  and  that  free 
labor  will  best  promote  the  happiness,  the  rapid  population,  the  pros- 
perity and  wealth  of  our  people;  that  slave  labor  is  a  curse  to  the 
master  and  to  the  community,  if  not  to  the  slave;  that  our  country 
is  unsuited  to  it,  and  that  we  will  devote  our  energies  as  a  party  to 
exclude  the  institution,  and  to  secure  for  Kansas  the  constitution  cf 
a  free  State. 

"Resolved,  That  the  best  interests  of  Kansas  require  a  popula- 
tion of  free  white  men,  and  that  in  the  organization  we  are  in  favor  of 
stringent  laws  excluding  all  negroes,  bond  or  free,  from  the  Terri- 
tory; that  nevertheless  such  measures  shall  not  be  regarded  as  a  test 
of  party  orthodoxy. 

"Resolved,  That  the  stale  and  ridiculous  charge  of  Abolitionism, 
so  industriously  imputed  to  the  Free-State  party,  and  so  persistently 
adhered  to  in  spite  of  all  the  evidence  to  the  contrary,  is  without  a 
shadow  of  truth  to  support  it,  and  that  it  is  not  more  appropriate  to 
ourselves  than  it  is  to  our  opponents,  who  use  it  as  a  term  of  re- 
proach, to  bring  odium  upon  us,  pretending  to  believe  in  its  truth, 
and  hoping  to  frighten  from  our  ranks  the  weak  and  timid,  who  are 
more  willing  to  desert  their  principles  than  they  are  to  stand  up 
under  persecution  and  abuse,  with  a  consciousness  of  right. 

"Resolved,  That  we  will  discountenance  and  denounce  any  at- 
tempt to  encroach  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  177 

any  State,  or  to  iuferfere  with  their  slaves ;  conceding  to  their  citi- 
zens the  right  to  regulate  their  own  institutions,  and  to  hold  and 
recover  their  slaves,  without  any  molestation  or  obstruction  from 
the  people  of  Kansas."  ^ 

The  platfonn  was  faithfully  subscribed  to  by  the  Free- 
State  men  with  one  exception,  that  of  Charles  Steams,  the 
Garrisonian,  who  AA'as  a  thorough  Abolitionist,  he  refusing 
to  sign  the  resolutions. 

The  Big  Springs  convention  nominated  A,  H.  Reeder 
candidate  for Uelegate  to  Congress,  and  fixed  the  election 
day  for  said  Delegate  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October. 
By  a  resolution  introduced  by  John  Hutchinson  the  con- 
vention indorsed  the  action  of  the  "  people's  convention," 
held  at  Lawrence  on  the  14th  and  15th  of  August,  calling 
for  a  delegate  convention  to  assemble  at  Topeka  on  Sep- 
tember 19th  to  frame  a  constitution.^ 

The  Big  Springs  convention  was  a  serious  attempt  to 
organize  all  the  elements  of  political  belief,  including 
Whigs,  Democrats,  Free-Soilers,  etc.,  on  a  common  Free- 
State  basis  in  opposition  to  the  Proslavery  element  in 
Kansas,  which  had  the  favor  of  the  Federal  Grovernment 
and  the  especial  support  of  the  people  of  Missouri  and  of 
other  Southern  States.  In  constructing  the  platform  the 
convention  was  desirous  of  making  it  broad  enough  for  all 
to  stand  upon  who  were  opposed  to  usurpation  and  fraud 
as  practiced  in  the  elections  and  exhibited  in  the  "bogus 
laws"  of  the  Territory. 

While  the  convention  was  making  the  platform  for  the 
Free-State  party  it  became  evident  in  many  ways  that 
there  were  not  a  few  discordant  elements  to  be  harmo- 

1  Wilder  :  AnnalB  of  Eaneae,  pp.  76,  76. 
sibld,  p.  77. 

—  12 


178  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

nized  before  tlic  party  was  thoroughlj  or^^anized.  More- 
over, altlioiigli  tlic  convention  s^ave  form  and  purpose  to  the 
Free-State  movement,  it  is  not  at  all  certain  that  the  latter 
would  not  have  flourished  quite  as  well  had  the  convention 
never  been  called.  As  regards  the  slavery  question,  the 
attitude  of  the  leaders  of  the  party  finally  changed  from 
conservative  to  radical,  and  it  might  have  been  as  well  for 
them  to  have  saved  their  lengthy  resolutions  until  they  were 
thoroughly  agreed  as  to  abolitionism  and  the  black  man. 
Ostensibly  called  for  the  purpose  of  "  constructing  a  na- 
tional platform  upon  which  all  friends  of  making  Kansas 
a  free  State  may  act  in  concert,"  the  convention  appears 
to  have  been  chiefly  characterized  by  the  general  attempt 
at  harmonizing  political  factions,  and  by  the  struggles  of 
individuals  for  political  power.  The  position  which  this 
convention  took  regardint;-  the  general  question  of  slavery 
was  an  embarrassing  one  to  many  members  of  the  con- 
vention; for  every  other  Free-State  meeting  and  conven- 
tion had  favored  freedom,  and  the  present  one  was  in  a 
measure  committed  to  the  same  idea.  Yet  the  convention 
declared  openly  against  the  abolitionists  and  the  negro. 
This  was  supposed  to  be  a  popular  act  at  this  time.  It 
was  thought  by  thus  showing  liberality,  certain  elements 
of  the  Democratic  party  might  be  induced  to  take  a  place 
in  the  State  organization  along  with  the  Free-State  men. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  discrimination  against 
the  negro  continued  throughout  the  entire  Free-State  move- 
ment, and  appears  in  the  Wyandotte  Constitution,  finally 
adopted  as  the  State  Constitution.  This  is  evidence  of 
the  insincerity  of  a  certain  political  element  that  trained 
with  the  Free-State  party.     Viewed  from  the  standpoint 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAIi    STEUGGLE  179 

of  the  ojjposition,  every  member  of  the  Big  Springs  con- 
vention was  an  abolitionist. 

A  majority  of  the  convention  voted  to  exclude  the  black 
man  from  Kansas,  both  bond  and  free,  still  proclaiming 
their  vows  to  make  Kansas  a  f  re«  State.  The  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  and  the  enactment  of  the  Douglas 
Bill  proclaimed  that  the  Territory  should  be  open  to  occu- 
pation, and  the  settlement  of  the  slavery  question  deter- 
mined by  the  citizens  of  the  new  Territory.  To  exclude 
the  black  man  from  Kansas,  both  bond  and  free,  was  in  a 
measure  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Douglas  bill. 

The  hostility  of  the  convention  to  freedom  for  the  negro 
appears  to  have  been  due  to  the  influence  of  leading  Demo- 
crats like  Lane,  Reeder,  and  Emery,  who  hoped  in  this  way 
to  hold  on  to  the  old  Democratic  party,  then  in  power, 
with  the  vain  expectation  that  that  party  would  favor  them 
in  the  establishment  of  a  State  and  the  adoption  of  a  State 
constitution.  But  the  attempt  to  placate  the  dominant 
power  ended  in  a  miserable  failure,  and  these  same  vigor- 
ous Democrats  finally  severed  their  connections  with  the 
Democratic  party  and  adhered  strictly  to  the  Free-State 
cause. 

The  same  element  appeared  in  the  Topeka  Convention, 
and  by  adopting  an  article  in  favor  of  ''  squatter  sover- 
eignty," thought  to  gain  favor  at  Washington.  It  was  a 
case  in  which  the  wise  planning  of  the  politicians  failed, 
and  the  persistent  actions  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Free- 
State  men  prevailed,  because  they  were  more  in  accord 
with  the  course  of  events.  Thus  did  the  Free-State  cause 
outlive  its  own  inconsistencies,  thrust  upon  it  by  politi- 
cians who  saw  through  a  glass  darkly. 


180  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSOW 

Ex-Govemor  Reeder  took  an  active  part  in  the  conven- 
tion, for  since  his  difficulty  with  the  Federal-Democratic 
party  he  had  become  a  rabid  opponent  to  the  Territorial 
Government,  and  openly  repudiated  the  Legislature  and 
the  **  bogus  "  laws.  As  stated  before,  he  was  nominated 
by  this  convention  as  the  Free-State  candidate  for  Terri- 
torial Delegate  to  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress.  This  elec- 
tion came  about  as  ordered — on  the  9th  of  October,  1855. 
As  the  Proslavery  people  failed  to  vote,  Mr.  Reeder  re- 
ceived a  large  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast  by  members 
of  the  Free-State  party.  But  Reeder's  opponent,  J.  W. 
Whitfield,  was  elected  by  the  Proslavery  party  as  Delegate 
to  the  same  Congress,  the  Free-State  men  refusing  to  vote 
at  his  election.  Hence,  there  were  two  persons  elected  to 
the  same  office,— one  by  the  Free-State  men  and  the  other 
by  the  Proslaverj^  faction.  Whitfield  received  a  certifi- 
cate of  election  from  the  Territorial  Government,  but 
Reeder  received  none.  Whereupon  Reeder  entered  into 
a  contest  for  his  seat  in  Congress,  which,  though  it  failed, 
gave  no  little  annoyance  to  his  opponent,  Whitfield. 

The  convention  which  met  at  Topeka  on  September 
19th,  called  to  take  measures  to  frame  a  Free-State  consti- 
tution, accomplished  little  more  than  to  organize  and  ap- 
point committees.  W.  Y.  Roberts  was  chosen  president, 
and  J.  A.  Wakefield,  P.  C.  Schuyler,  L.  P.  Lincoln,  J.  K. 
Goodin,  S.  IST.  Latta  and  R.  H.  Phelan  were  chosen  vice- 
presidents.  The  secretaries  were  E.  D.  Ladd,  J.  H.  ]S[es- 
bitt,  and  Mark  W.  Delahay.  A  committee  of  nineteen 
"  on  address  to  the  people "  was  appointed,  with  J.  H. 
Lane  as  chairman ;  also  a  Territorial  executive  committee 
was  appointed,  composed  of  J.  H,  Lane,  chairman,  C.  K. 
Holliday,  M.  J.  Parrott,  P.  C.  Schuyler,  G.  W.   Smith, 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  181 

G.  W.  Brown,  and  J.  K.  Goodin,  secretary.^  After  fix- 
ing the  date  of  October  1st  for  the  election  of  the  delegates 
to  the  constitutional  convention,  the  convention  adjourned. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  J.  K.  Goodin,  secretary  of  the  latter 
committee,  was  also  secretary  of  a  committee  previously 
appointed  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  party,  called 
the  Free-State  Territorial  Committee,  of  which  Charles 
Robinson  was  chairman.  The  judicious  counsel  and  clear 
judgment  of  Goodin  as  secretary  of  this  and  other  impor- 
tant committees  was  of  the  greatest  value  to  the  Free-State 
cause. 

It  is  notable  that  Dr.  Robinson  was  not  chosen  a  dele- 
gate either  to  the  Big  Springs  convention  or  to  the  delegate 
convention  at  Topeka.  There  appears  to  have  been  a  con- 
certed plan  to  leave  him  out  of  the  Big  Springs  convention, 
as  the  election  of  delegates  was  held  at  Blanton's  Bridge, 
some  distance  from  Lawrence,  and  Dr.  Robinson  and  his 
friends  from  Lawrence  were  not  elected.  It  is  known  that 
he  attended  the  Big  vSprings  convention.  ^Vhether  his 
counsel  was  influential  in  the  deliberations  of  these  bodies 
is  not  known.  On  the  other  hand,  James  H.  Lane  was  a 
strong  spirit  in  each  convention;  and  Reeder,  as  already 
indicated,  was  prominent  in  the  Big  Springs  convention. 
But  both  were  office-seekers  at  the  time,  and  this  fact  would 
lead  us  to  infer  that  there  was  a  considerable  display  of 
political  ambition  on  the  part  of  several  members ;  which, 
indeed,  is  not  surprising.  But  Dr.  Robinson  again  ap- 
pears, after  the  Topeka  Convention,  as  the  chairman  of  the 
Free-State  Executive  Committee  to  look  after  the  general 

'Lane  was  a  Democrat  from  Indiana;  G.  W.  Smith,  formerly  a  Whiff  ia  Penasyl- 
Tanla,  acted  with  the  Democrats  in  the  Topeka  Convention  ;  Schay ler  waa  from  New 
York ;  J.  K.  Goodin  and  M.  3.  Parrott  from  Ohio  ;  and  G  W.  Brown,  G  W.  Smith  and 
C.  K.  Hoiliday  from  Pennuylrania 


182  LIFE    OF    CHAKl  F:S    KOBIJSISON 

welfare  of  the  Free-State  cause  thronghout  the  Territorj. 
In  the  mean  time,  J,  H.  Lane  appears  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  an  address  to  the  people,  and  also  as  chair- 
man of  the  Territorial  Executive  Committee, —  both  ap- 
pointments being  made  by  the  delegate  convention  which 
mot  at  Topcka  to  take  measures  to  form  a  Free-State 
constitution. 

A  large  number  of  delegates,  all  representing  the  dif- 
ferent vocations  of  life,  and  all  favorable,  in  a  general  v^ay 
at  least,  to  tbe  Free-State  cause,  met  at  Topeka  on  October 
23d,  according  to  the  call,  to  frame  a  constitution  under 
which  they  hoped  Kansas  would  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  as  a  State,  Of  the  persons  who  composed  the  con- 
stitutional convention,  twelve  were  farmers,  thirteen  law- 
yers, two  merchants,  three  physicians,  two  clergymen,  one 
saddler,  one  mechanic,  and  one  journalist.^  They  came 
from  eleven  diiferent  States  of  the  Union,  and  were  ad- 
herents of  the  Democratic,  Free-Soil,  Whig,  Republican, 
Free-State,  and  Independent  parties.  James  H.  Lane 
was  elected  president,  and  in  his  address  in  taking  the 
chair  he  outlined  briefly  what  he  thought  the  policy  of  the 
convention  should  be.  He  asserted,  among  other  things, 
that  the  supporters  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in  Con- 
gress had  held  that  Kansas  would  never  become  a  slave 
State,  and  that  the  members  from  the  South  were  the  most 
ardent  in  their  support  of  this  proposition. 

Dr.  Robinson  appears  prominent  in  this  convention,  rep- 
resenting Lawrence.  While  influential  in  the  constructive 
work  of  the  constitution,  he  found  himself  voting  with  the 
minority  in  reference  to  slavery  and  other  questions.  He 
was  a  counselor  of  the  radical  wing,  which  was  entirely 

'  Including  officers. 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGGLE  183 

outnumbered  by  the  consei'^^ative  element  in  the  conven- 
tion. In  fact,  the  convention  was  largely  under  the  control 
of  persons  who  composed  the  Big  Springs  convention  and 
the  Topeka  convention.  For  the  time  being  the  affairs  of 
the  Territory  were  largely  controlled  by  a  group  of  Doug- 
las Democrats  who  still  adhered  to  the  Democratic  party 
in  power,  as  a  matter  of  policy.  Dr.  Robinson  and  his  im- 
mediate followers,  though  of  great  force  in  the  convention, 
were  for  the  time  being  outnumbered  and  overshadowed. 
A  very  interesting  episode  occurred  at  this  time,  which 
is  presented  here,  not  because  it  reveals  the  eccentricities 
of  the  president  of  the  convention,  but  because  it  reveals 
the  character  of  Dr.  Robinson  by  way  of  contrast.  The 
writer  asks  the  privilege  of  indulging  in  a  long  quotation 
from  the  "  Kansas  Conflict,"  in  which  a  description  of 
the  event  is  given: 

"  One  night,  after  all  had  retired  for  the  night  in  the  attic  of  the 
Chase  House,  G.  P.  Lowry,  ex-private  secretary  of  Governor  Eeeder, 
appeared;  said  he  had  a  challenge  from  Lane  to  fight  a  duel,  and 
wanted  Dr.  Robinson  to  act  as  his  second.  Robinson  was  of  course 
indignant  that  the  Free-State  cause  should  be  tarnished  by  such 
transactions,  and  said  it  must  not  be  permitted.  He  utterly  detested 
dueling,  knew  nothing  of  the  code,  and  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  it.  Thinking,  however,  that  he  could  shame  Lane  out  of  the 
business,  he  went  to  the  Garvey  House  attic  to  see  Lane.  There  he 
found  him  trembling  with  fear,  or  trembling  with  ague,  so  as  visibly 
to  move  the  cot  on  which  he  lay.  Ou  being  reproved  for  bringing  a 
disgrace  upon  the  party,  he  said  Lowry  had  been  repeating  the 
scandal  about  himself  and  Mrs.  Lindsay,  and  he  had  determined  to 
put  a  stop  to  it  at  once  and  forever.  Notwithstanding  Lane  had  gone 
to  Robinson's  house  early  in  the  morning  and  begged  of  him  to  assist 
in  pr€»enting  Lindsay  from  shooting  him,  and  though  Robinson  had 
indoreed  a  note  to  eflfect  a  settlement,  yet  now  Lane  would  try  to  make 
believe  there  was  nothing  to  the  matter,  and  he  was  bound  to  stop  all 
Buch  t-alk.     After  dwelling  upon  the  folly  of  such  a  couise,  saying 


184  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

that  if  he  should  kill  Ix>wry  it  would  not  stop  the  scandal  nor  vindi- 
cate him  in  public  estimation,  and  if  Lowry  should  kill  him  ho  would 
fare  no  better.  Lane  replied  that  he  could  do  nothino;  about  it,  as 
Parrott  was  his  second  and  the  whole  matter  was  in  his  hands. 
After  saying  that  he  had  come  to  him  not  at  the  instance  of  Lowry, 
as  he  was  anxious  to  fight,  Robinson  left  the  attic  of  Lane  and  re- 
turned to  his  own.  It  was  concluded  to  accept  the  challenge  in  due 
form,  and  Major  Robert  Klotz  was  engaged  to  superintend  the  duel. 
The  fight  was  to  come  off  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the 
challenged  party  had  nothing  more  to  do  but  await  developments. 
He  did  not  wait  long  until  a  messenger  appeared  and  wanted  to 
change  the  hour  from  eight  o'clock  to  eleven  o'clock.  This  evidently 
was  the  beginning  of  a  back-down,  as  the  convention  would  be  in 
session  at  that  hour,  and  most  likely  Lane  would  have  some  friend 
posted  to  stop  the  duel.  Lowry,  however,  accepted  the  change  of 
time,  and  kept  his  peace.  The  convention  opened  as  usual,  and  the 
planets  retained  their  accustomed  orbits.  About  half  an  hour  before 
the  fatal  moment,  Lane  took  the  floor  upon  some  unimportant  ques- 
tion, and  went  off  in  one  of  his  windy  harangues.  He  talked  up  to 
the  time  set  for  the  duel,  when  he.  with  great  dignity  and  solemnity, 
closed,  took  his  hat,  and  started  to  leave  for  the  bloody  battle-field. 
Instantly  Judge  Smith  arose,  in  apparent  agitation,  made  the  an- 
nouncement that  he  had  learned  that  a  hostile  meeting  was  in  con- 
templation, to  which  some  members  of  the  convention  were  parties, 
and  he  desired  '  to  move  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolution,' 
which  had  been  previously  prepared  in  due  form.  The  resolution  ap- 
parently created  a  great  sensation,  and  proposed  to  expel  any  member 
of  the  convention  who  would  be  a  party  to  such  a  meeting,  either  as 
principal  or  second.  Of  course  it  was  unanimously  adopted,  but  the 
duel  was  not  yet  off.  Robinson,  as  he  was  a  member  of  the  conven- 
tion, and  was  disposed  to  conform  to  the  resolution,  deputized  J.  F. 
Legate  to  ret  as  second  in  his  stead.  Legate  was  in  his  element,  and 
demanded  a  fight  or  an  ignominious  back-down  and  apology  on  the 
part  of  Lane.  It  is  needless  to  say  the  apology  and  back-down  came 
to  the  full  satisfaction  of  the  challenged  party.  This  was  the  first 
and  last  duel  in  Kansas,  so  far  as  known,  although  Lane  had  fought 
a  similar  duel  in  a  similar  bloodless  manner  when  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, and  he  had  another  afterwards  with  Senator  Douglas,  who 
charged  him  with  forgery  and  lying  when  he  presented  the  Topeka 
Constitution  to  the  Senate.     Lane  always  had  more  or  less  solicitude 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  185 

about  his  reputation  for  valor.  To  vindicate  his  record  in  the  Mexi- 
can War  he  had  written  a  pamphlet,  which  he  brought  with  him  to 
Kansas.  No  one  seemed  to  care  about  such  matters  except  himself, 
but  he  evidently  thought  much  ado  about  his  honor  and  courage  was 
necessary  to  secure  the  confidence  of  the  people."  ^ 

But  there  was  sufficient  serious  work  for  the  convention 
to  keep  all  members  occupied  night  and  day.  Eighteen 
Democrats,  six  Whigs,  four  Republicans,  tw^o  Free-Soilers, 
one  Free-State  and  one  Independent  composed  the  conven- 
tion. From  this  group  of  people  of  widely  dissenting  opin- 
ions was  to  come  a  constitution  in  opposition  to  the  Pro- 
slavery  party,  and  suitable  for  the  admission  of  Kansas 
into  the  Union  (if  it  failed  not  in  its  purpose).  The  even- 
ing sessions  were  devoted  to  the  discussion  of  a  resolution 
approving  of  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Kebraska  Bill. 
The  Democrats  supported  the  resolution,  in  their  effort  to 
be  loyal  to  their  party.  When  the  convention  came  to  a 
vote  it  stood  seventeen  to  fifteen  in  favor  of  the  resolution. 
In  other  ways  strong  party  allegiance  was  displayed,  and 
the  sense  of  the  majority  of  the  members  was  decidedly 
against  abolitionism  and  freedom  for  the  slaves. 

Then  followed  a  discussion  of  Section  2,  Article  II, 
which  treated  of  the  basis  of  citizenship.  This  section  ran 
as  follows  •?  "  Every  white  male  citizen  and  every  civilized 
male  Indian  who  has  adopted  the  habits  of  a  white  man  of 
the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  shall  be,  at  the  time  of  of- 
fering his  vote,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,"  etc.,  etc., 
"shall  be  deemed  a  qualified  elector,  in  all  the  elections 
under  this  constitution."  On  the  motion  to  strike  out  the 
word  "white"  in  this  section,  there  were  seven  votes  in 

1  RobiDRon  :  Kaaaas  Conflict,  pp.  177-179. 
*Wllder'3  Annus,  pp.  90-107. 


186  LIFE    OF    CHABLES    EOBINSON 

favor  and  twenty-five  against,  Robinson  voting  in  favor  of 
striking  ont  the  word. 

The  Constitution  was  completed  November  11th,  1855, 
and  on  December  15th  an  election  was  held  to  adopt  or  re- 
ject this  Constitution.  There  were  1,731  votes  for  adop- 
tion and  46  against.  At  this  same  election  a  vote  was  taken 
on  the  exchision  of  negroes  and  miilattoes  from  the  State, 
and  1,278  votes  were  cast  in  favor  of  this  exclusion  to  253 
against  it.  There  was  a  section  in  the  Constitution,  Arti- 
cle I,  Section  6,  which  declared  that  "  There  shall  be  no 
slavery  in  the  State,  nor  involuntary  servitude  other  than 
for  punishment  for  crime."  Thus,  while  there  was  a  dif- 
ference of  opinion  as  to  the  exclusion  of  blacks  from  the 
soil,  there  was  no  indecision  in  respect  to  the  exclusion  of 
slavery.  It  was  also  declared  that  ''  ^o  indenture  of  any 
negi'o  or  mulatto,  made  and  executed  out  of  the  bounds  of 
the  State,  shall  be  valid  within  the  State."  ^  This  was  a 
very  important  declaration,  for  it  made  Kansas  appear  to 
be  a  refuge  for  escaped  slaves  from  other  States.  It  vir- 
tually declared  that  slaves  brought  from  other  States  would 
be  free  within  the  proposed  State  of  Kansas.  Those  who 
advocated  the  exclusion  of  the  negro  and  mulatto,  botli 
bond  and  free,  from  the  State,  endeavored  to  have  a  clause 
inserted  in  the  Constitution  to  that  effect,  but,  failing  in 
this,  it  was  passed  in  the  form  of  a  resolution,  and  a  vote 
was  taken  distinct  from  the  vote  taken  on  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  though  occurring  at  the  same  time. 
Hence,  while  the  Constitution  itself  did  not  exclude  the 
negro  from  the  State,  it  was  the  prevailing  opinion  of  the 
majority  of  the  convention  that  it  should  do  so,  and  the 

'  Article  I,  Section  21. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STBUGGLE  187 

sentiment  in  favor  of  exclusion  was  supported  bj  the  ma- 
jority just  to  the  extent  which  it  was  thought  to  be  politic. 
The  foregoing  statements  indicate  the  inconsistency  in 
the  constitution-makers,  for,  in  the  call  for  the  convention, 
issued  by  the  Territorial  Executive  Committee,  they  had 
boldly  asserted  that — 

"Whereas,  The  Territorial  Government  as  now  constituted  for 
Kansas  has  proved  a  failure,  squatter  sovereignty  under  its  workings 
A  miserable  delusion,  in  proof  of  which  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer 
to  our  past  history  and  our  present  deplorable  condition;  our  ballot- 
boxes  have  been  taken  possession  of  by  bands  of  armed  men  from 
foreign  States,  and  our  people  forcibly  driven  therefrom;  persons 
attempted  to  be  foisted  upon  us  as  members  of  the  so-called  Legisla- 
ture, unacquainted  with  our  wants  and  hostile  to  our  best  interests, 
some  of  them  never  residents  of  our  Territory;  misnamed  laws 
pasted,  and  now  attempted  to  be  enforced  by  the  aid  of  citizens  of 
foreign  States,  of  the  most  oppressive,  tyrannical,  and  insulting  char- 
acter;   the  rights  of  suffrage  taken  from  us;  "  etc. 

Notwithstanding  the  call  declaring  that  "  squatter  sov- 
ereignty "  under  its  workings  was  a  miserable  delusion,  the 
majority  of  the  delegates  of  the  convention  voted  to  uphold 
the  Kansas-Xebraska  Bill.  While  professing  to  make 
Kansas  a  free  State,  they  had  voted  to  exclude  the  negro 
from  the  privileges  of  the  Constitution  and  the  freedom  of 
the  State,  and  finally,  had  passed  a  resolution  referring 
the  question  of  the  exclusion  of  the  negro  from  the  State  to 
a  vote  of  the  people.  Clearly,  the  socializing  process 
would  have  to  continue  some  time  and  create  a  more  or- 
derly and  definite  political  life,  before  Kansas  was  fit  to 
become  a  State  in  the  gi'eat  Union  of  States.  All  this 
came  with  a  larger  population  and  a  broader  education 
of  the  people  respecting  the  real  situation.     The  rejection 


188  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

of  OoiigTcss  of  the  application  for  the  admission  of  Kansas 
to  the  Union  under  the  Topeka  Constitution  was  therefore 
rather  fortunate  than  otherwise. 

Yet  tlie  fonnation  of  the  Constitution  was  of  untold 
value  to  the  Free-State  cause.  It  kept  together  the  Free- 
State  forces  of  the  Territory ;  it  kept  all  prospective  office- 
holders in  line  with  the  liopo  of  some  emoluments  under 
the  new  State  Government ;  it  organized  the  rank  and  file. 
The  movement  connected  with  its  creation  prevented  the 
adoption  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  and  the  triumph 
of  the  Territorial  Government  under  Proslaverj  manage- 
ment. Or,  as  it  has  been  clearly  stated  by  one  of  the  fore- 
most Kansans :  "  If  the  question  be  asked  what  useful  pur- 
pose the  Topeka  movement  subserved,  the  obvious  answer 
is,  that  it  served  as  a  nucleus,  a  rally ing-point,  a  bond  of 
union,  to  the  Free-State  party  during  the  most  trying  and 
dangerous  period  of  our  Territorial  history.  Without  it 
the  Free-State  forces  must  have  drifted,  been  demoralized, 
and  probably  beaten.  The  prospeets  of  success  were  suf- 
ficiently flattering  to  supplement  the  Free-State  cause  with 
the  personal  ambition  of  a  large  number  of  able  men  who 
Avould  be  glad  of  official  position  under  it."  ^ 

Having  adopted  the  Constitution,  it  was  necessary  to 
gain  the  recognition  of  Congress  and  obtain  admission  into 
the  Union  before  the  Constitution  was  operative.  The 
Free-State  leaders,  however,  thought  it  best  to  proceed  to 
organize  and  complete  the  State  Government  and  elect  the 
Legislature,  so  that,  on  the  admission  into  the  Union,  the 
State  Government  would  be  ready  to  go  into  full  opera- 

'  Hon.  T.  Dwight  TUacIisr  :  Qaarter-Ceuteouial  Address. 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL   STHUGGLE  189 

tion.  To  do  this  it  would  be  necessary  to  call  a  convention 
for  the  nomination  of  officers,  and  to  carry  on  a  regular 
election  in  all  of  the  precincts  of  Kansas.  In  such  an 
election  the  Free-State  people  could  not  consistently  ex- 
pect the  support  of  the  Territorial  Government  or  of  its 
warm  advocates. 


190  LIFE    OF    CriA.BLES    ROBINSON 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE (cONTINUEd). 

The  Free-State  Convention  was  held  at  Lawrence,  De- 
cember ISth,  1855,  to  nominate  officers  under  the  Topeka 
Constitution.  J.  H.  Lane,  W.  Y.  Koberts  and  G.  W. 
Smith  were  avowed  candidates  for  the  nomination  for  Gov- 
ernor. These  men  were  of  the  majority  that  controlled 
the  Big  Springs  Convention  and  the  majority  in  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention,  at  Topeka.  While  others  were 
brought  into  prominence  at  the  Big  Springs  Convention 
and  at  the  Constitutional  Convention,  Robinson  was  decid- 
edly in  the  background.  But  political  affairs  were  about  to 
bring  him  to  the  front  again.  His  position  as  agent  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Company,  his  conduct  in  the  Wakarusa 
War,  and  his  attitude  on  slavery,  all  appealed  to  those  who 
were  sincerely  interested  in  the  Free-State  cause.  More- 
over, his  friends,  who  were  in  a  majority,  looked  upon  him 
as  one  well  fitted  for  the  position  of  Governor  of  the  State 
at  this  juncture,  as  it  required  a  man  of  coolness,  patriot- 
ism, and  prudence.  It  was  much  in  his  favor  that  he  did 
not  seek  the  nomination,  although  he  accepted  it  willingly 
as  a  duty  thrust  upon  him.  The  convention  for  the  nomi- 
nation of  officers  was  held  at  Lawrence,  on  December  22d, 
and  Charles  Robinson  was  nominated  for  Governor. 

Many  being  dissatisfied  with  the  choice,  a  '"  bolters'  " 
ticket,  called  a  "Free-State  Anti-Abolition  Ticket,"  was 
formed,  with  W.  Y.  Roberts  at  the  head.  But  at  the 
election,  held  January  15th,  1856,  the  people  supported  the 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  191 

regular  nominee,  giving  Robinson  1,300  votes,  while  Rob- 
erts received  only  400.^  While  the  result  was  displeasing 
to  the  conservative  element  of  the  party,  it  was  highly  sat- 
isfactGry  to  the  radicals,  for  Robinson  was  almost  an  abo- 
litionist in  practical  expediency,  and  quite  so  at  heart. 
His  extreme  loyalty  to  the  cause  of  freedom  gave  strength 
to  the  Free-State  men  in  Kansas,  and  secured  the  confi- 
dence of  the  antislavery  people  throughout  the  Northern 
States. 

Here,  then,  is  the  most  remarkable  situation  ever  occur- 
ring in  the  organization  of  any  Territory  within  the 
United  States.  A  complete  State  government  M-as  formed, 
constitution  and  all,  set  up  in  defiance  of  a  legislature 
chosen  by  the  people  (?)  of  the  same  Territory,  and  re- 
pudiating its  laws.  The  Free-State  party  was  so  strong 
in  opposition  to  the  Territorial  Legislature  and  its  "  bogus 
laws,"  the  offspring  of  Missouri,  that  it  had  determined 
never  in  any  way  to  recognize  them.  To  carry  out  this 
resolution  they  had  instituted  a  State  government,  that 
they  might  live  under  laws  of  their  own  making.  With 
this  in  view  they  hoped  to  eventually  receive  recognition 
by  the  Federal  Government,  and  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution  which  they  had  framed. 
Should  Congress  refuse  to  recognize  them,  and  thereby 
fail  to  seize  the  opportunity  of  allaying  strife  in  Kansas 
and  averting  a  national  calamity,  and  should  it  insist  on 
the  enforcement  of  obedience  to  the  "  bogus  laws,"  it  might 
be  necessary  for  the  Free-State  men  to  appeal  to  the  nation 
rather  than  submit  to  the  humiliation  and  outrage.  The 
time  might  come  when  it  would  be  necessary  to  put  the 

'  Marcus  .T.  Parrott  vrtm  elected  Lieutenant-Governor ;  Cyrus  K.  Holliday,  Secre- 
tary of  State ;  and  Mark  W.  Delihiy,  Hapresantatlve  In  Congress. 


192  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBIWSON 

Free-State  government  under  the  Topeka  Constitution 
into  active  operation. 

Tlie  st-and  taken  by  the  Free-State  men  in  Kansas  sent 
a  thrill  thronghoiit  the  nation,  and  contributed  not  a  little 
to  tlie  development  of  Republicanism  in  the  North.  The 
old  parties  were  rapidly  dissolving,  mainly  because  oppo- 
sition to  slavery  was  concentrating  the  people  in  the  North 
into  one  great  party.  The  attempt  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  force  slavery  upon  Kansas  against  the  wishes 
of  the  people  and  in  direct  violation  of  the  organic  act, 
and  the  raids  of  the  Missourians  across  the  border,  in- 
creased the  excitement  at  the  North  and  strengthened  the 
determination  of  the  friends  of  freedom  to  make  Kansas 
a  free  State.  While  there  was  a  prospect  that  a  change  in 
tJne  national  administration  would  permit  Kansas  to  be 
admitted  under  the  Topeka  Constitution,  this  change  was 
a  long  way  off,  and  perhaps  it  might  not  occur  at  all.  The 
position  of  Governor  under  such  circumstances  was  one  of 
great  responsibility.  To  hold  this  State  government  in- 
tact for  several  years,  opposing  the  fraudulent  Territorial 
Government  without  coming  into  fatal  opposition  to  the 
Federal  Government,  was  not  an  easy  task.  And  what 
if  the  Proslavery  element  had  gained  a  majority  in  the  Ter- 
ritory, while,  at  the  same  time,  holding  the  ascendency  in 
the  Federal  Government?  "What  might  have  become  of 
the  followers  of  the  Topeka  Constitution  ?  It  is  sufficient 
to  say  here,  that  Governor  Robinson  foresaw  and  under- 
stood all  of  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  and  met  them 
all  intelligently  and  fearlessly. 

It  was  thought  by  the  managers  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention,   that,   if  the  Democrats  were  forced  to  the 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL   STRUGGLE  193 

front,  the  Constitution  so  constructed  as  to  seem  not  to  be 
against  slavery,  the  Democratic  administration  at  Washing- 
ton would  favor  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Topeka 
Constitution.  It  was  thought,  as  Delahaj  said  in  the  con- 
vention, that  it  would,  with  these  provisions,  '''  go  through 
like  a  bullet."  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  the  trimming  of  the 
party  and  all  the  changes  in  the  Constitution  subsequent  to 
its  adoption  by  the  people,  and  its  mutilation,  it  was  finally 
withdrawn  from  consideration  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
by  Senator  Cass,  on  account  of  the  opposition  it  met  with. 
The  supporters  of  this  constitution  had  entered  a  great 
struggle  for  freedom.  But  the  die  was  cast,  and  the  divi- 
sion was  now  carefully  marked  between  those  who  favored 
the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  State  and  those  who  op- 
posed this.  Many  of  the  violent  Proslavery  nevv'spaper 
writers  advocated  a  war  of  extermination.  The  Free-State 
Executive  Committee  was  not  idle,  and  appointed  a  com- 
mittee consisting  of  Lane,  Emery,  Hunt,  Goodin,  Dickey, 
Holliday,  and  Simpson,  to  make  a  tour  throughout  the 
United  States,  especially  visiting  some  of  the  principal 
cities,  in  order  to  arouse  interest  among  the  people  for  the 
cause  of  the  Free-State  men  of  Kansas.  x\n  enthusiastic 
Free-State  meeting  was  held  in  Lawrence,  January  12th, 
1856,  three  days  before  the  election  of  Governor  Kobinson. 
Addresses  were  made  by  Robinson,  Lane,  Conway,  Red- 
path,  Speer,  Mallory,  and  Legate ;  and  the  committee  on 
resolutions,  of  which  James  H.  Lane  was  chairman,  re- 
ported a  single  resolution  favoring  "  a  Free-State  govern- 
ment without  delay,  emanating  from  the  people  and  re- 
ponsible  to  them."  Whatever  the  results  that  were  to 
—  13 


194:  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

come  from  tlie  course  pursued  by  the  Free-State  partj, 
they  were  now  formally  committed  to  this  course. 

The  formation  of  this  Topeka  Government  was  de- 
nounced by  the  President,  Franklin  Pierce,  in  a  special 
message  to  Congress,  Januarj^  24th,  1856.  Upon  the 
whole,  this  proclamation  of  the  President  was  a  fair  repre- 
sentation of  the  actual  state  of  affairs  in  Kansas.  The 
President  held,  however,  that  the  summoning  of  the  To- 
peka Convention,  the  making  and  adoption  of  the  Topeka 
Constitution,  and  the  election  of  Member  of  Congress, 
Governor,  and  other  officers,  were  illegal  acts,  and  declared 
that  he  would  attempt  to  support  the  Territorial  laws  of 
the  Territorial  Legislature,  because  they  represented  a 
part  of  the  Federal  Government  of  the  United  States.  He 
said,  nevertheless,^  '•  that  when  the  inhabitants  of  Kansas 
may  desire  it,  and  shall  be  of  sufficient  number  to  consti- 
tute a  State,  a  convention  of  delegates  duly  elected  by  the 
qualified  voters  shall  assemble  to  frame  a  constitution,  and 
then  to  prepare  through  regular  and  lawful  means  for  its 
admission  into  the  Union  as  a  State.  I  respectfully  recom- 
mend the  enactment  of  a  law  to  this  effect." 

Subsequently,  on  February  11th,  Pierce  issued  a  procla- 
mation commanding  "  all  persons  engaged  in  unlawful  con- 
vention against  the  constitutional  authority  of  the  Territory 
of  Kansas  or  United  States  to  disperse,  and  to  retire  to  their 
respective  abodes."  ^  A  few  days  later,  on  February  15th, 
Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary  of  War,  sent  an  order  to  Gov- 
ernor Shannon,  but  addressed  to  Col.  E.  V.  Sumner,  of 

1  Meaaagea  and  Papers  of  th^  Prastdeat,  Vol.  V,  p.  360. 
*  Wilder'3  Annals,  p.  109. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  195 

'Fori  Leavenworth  and  to  Brevet-Col.  P.  St.  George  Cooke, 
Fort  Riley,  Grov.  Shannon  being  in  Washington.  This 
order  authorized  the  Governor  to  disperse  all  persons  com- 
bining for  insurrection  against  the  organized  government 
of  the  Territory,  by  power  vested  in  the  United  States  Mar- 
shal, and  further  authorized  him  to  employ  the  Federal 
troops  should  the  civil  power  be  insufficient  for  this  pur- 
pose. Secretary  Davis  inclosed  with  this  order  a  copy  of 
President  Pierce's  proclamation  of  February  11th,  and  a 
copy  of  the  order  issued  by  Secretary  Davis  to  Col.  Sumner 
and  Col.  Cooke  wath  the  sanction  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. 

Shannon,  in  his  report  to  the  Government,  declared  that 
Robinson  and  Reeder  made  speeches  in  Lawrence  on  the 
occasion  of  the  arrival  of  S.  1^.  Wood  from  Ohio  "  in  com- 
pany," and  that  these  speeches  were  directed  against  the 
Territorial  law.  He  also  reported  the  organization  of  re- 
sistance to  the  laws,  and  the  initiation  of  a  member  to  the 
order  organized  for  this  purpose.  Lane  and  Robinson  are 
said  to  have  been  leaders  in  this  secret  order.  The  only 
basis  for  this  assertion  was,  that  Robinson  and  Lane  were 
recognized  throughout  the  country  as  the  leaders  of  the 
Free-State  cause.  Shannon  finally  became  a  strong  sup- 
porter of  the  Free-State  cause,  realizing  that  the  people  of 
Lawrence,  in  their  defense  against  the  ruffians  of  Missouri, 
were  only  acting  the  part  of  citizens  in  defending  their 
homes.  The  result  of  the  Wakarusa  War  and  the  trouble 
with  Jones  was,  finally,  the  sack  of  Lawrence  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  town,  on  May  21,  1856.^ 

The  grand  jury  of  Douglas  county  had  recommended 

'  See  previous  chapter.     Kan.  Hint.  CoU.,  Vol.  4,  pp.  405-7-8-13. 


196  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

that  the  newspapers,  the  Htrald  of  Freedorn  and  the  Kan- 
sas Free  State,  and  the  Free-State  Hotel,  be  abated  as  nni- 
sanees,  and  had  indicted  for  treason  Robinson,  Reeder, 
Wood  and  others  who  had  participated  in  the  organization 
of  the  Free-State  Government.  Gov.  Reeder  and  S.  N. 
Wood  escaped.  Gov.  Robinson  had  resigned  his  position 
as  Governor,  temporarily,  and  it  was  arranged  that  he  go 
East  for  the  purpose  of  commnnicating  with  friends  for 
the  help  of  Kansas.  He  was  arrested  in  Lexington,  Mis- 
souri, and  returned.  G.  W.  Brown,  Geo.  W.  Deitzler, 
Gains  Jenkins  and  G.  W.  Smith  were  arrested. 

A  part  of  the  object  in  arresting  these  leaders  was  to  en- 
able the  Proslavery  men  to  deal  more  easily  with  Lawrence 
and  the  opposition  of  the  Free-State  men.  If  the  leaders 
could  be  disposed  of,  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  subdue 
and  ovei'whelm  the  remainder  of  the  Free-State  party. 
The  grand  jury  issued  the  following  indictment,  which 
Sheriff  Jones  carried  as  authority  for  the  destruction  of 
Lawrence : 

"  The  grand  jury,  sittinf^  for  the  adjourned  term  of  the  first 
dietrict  court,  in  and  for  the  county  of  Douglas,  in  the  Territory 
of  Kansas,  beg  leave  to  report  to  the  honorable  court  that  from  the 
evidence  laid  before  them  showing  that  the  newspaper  known  as  the 
Herald  of  Freedom,  published  in  the  town  of  Lawrence,  has,  from 
time  to  time,  issued  publications  of  th(-  most  inflammatory  and  sedi- 
tious character  —  denying  the  legality  of  the  Territorial  authority ; 
addressing  and  demanding  forcible  resistance  to  the  same,  and  demor- 
alizing the  popular  mind;  rendering  the  life  and  property  unsafe, 
and  even  to  the  extent  of  advising  assassination  as  a  last  resort. 
Also,  that  the  paper  known  as  the  Kansas  Free  State  has  similarly 
been  engaged,  and  has  recently  reported  the  resolution  of  a  public 
meeting  in  Johnson  county,  in  this  Territory,  in  which  resistance  to 
the  Territorial  laws  even  unto  blood  has  been  agreed  upon.  And  that 
we  respectfully  recommend  their  abatement  as  a  nuisance. 


THE    COPifSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  197 

"  Also,  that  we  are  satisfied  that  the  building  known  as  the  '  Free- 
State  Hotel,'  in  Lawrence,  has  been  constructed  with  a  view  to  mili- 
tary occupation  and  defense,  regularly  parapeted  and  portholed  for 
the  use  of  cannon  and  small  arms,  and  could  only  have  been  designed 
as  a  stronghold  for  the  resistance  of  the  law,  thereby  endangering 
the  public  safety  and  encouraging  rebellion  and  sedition  in  this 
country;  and  respectfully  recommend  that  steps  be  taken  whereby 
this  nuisance  be  abated." 

The  result  of  the  sack  of  Lawrence  was  to  give  tempo- 
rary gratification  and  joy  to  the  Proslavery  men.  The 
Lecompton  Union  gave  a  description  of  the  destruction 
of  the  town  under  the  following  headlines :  "  Lawrence 
taken !  "  "  Glorious  Triumph  of  the  Law-and-Order  Party 
over  Fanaticism  in  Kansas !  "  Horace  Greeley  said :  "  It 
was  the  Marshal  of  the  United  States  who  led  the  ruffian 
regiment  into  Lawrence ;  it  was  by  virtue  of  process  issued 
by  the  Federal  judge  at  Lecompton  that  the  Free-State  re- 
sistance has  been  paralyzed  and  the  demoniacal  work  com- 
pleted." 

Andrew  J,  Eeeder  contested  the  election  for  Delegate  to 
Congress  of  his  opponent,  John  W.  Whitfield,  who  claimed 
the  seat,  and  who  indeed  was  seated  by  Congress.  To  set- 
tle the  difficulty,  Congress  appointed  an  investigating  com- 
mittee, consisting  of  John  Sherman,  W.  A.  Howard,  and 
M.  Oliver.  They  spent  some  time  in  Kansas  taking  testi- 
mony of  numerous  parties,  and  endured  threats  and  insults 
from  the  Proslavery  party.  They  finally  completed  their 
report,  which  was  signed  by  Sherman  and  Howard,  but 
not  by  Oliver,  who  brought  in  a  minority  report,  which  was 
in  many  respects  an  open  contradiction  of  the  majority  re- 
port. This  report  set  forth  the  facts  that  the  elections  had 
been  fraudulent,  that  the  Legislature  was  therefore  un- 
lawful, and  that  the  alleged  laws  of  the  illegally  consti- 


198  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    ROBINSON 

tnted  Legislature  had  not  been  used  for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  persons  or  property  or  to  punish  wrong,  but  for 
unlawful  purposes.  While  the  report  asserted  that  Mr, 
Reeder  had  reeeived  more  votes  than  his  opponent,  it  fur- 
ther declared  that  the  election  had  not  been  held  in  pursu- 
ance of  any  law,  and  that  therefore  neither  Whitfield  nor 
Reeder  could  properly  be  said  to  have  been  elected.  The 
report  went  on  to  say :  "  That  in  the  present  condition  of 
the  Territory,  a  fair  election  cannot  be  held  without  a  new 
census,  a  stringent  and  well-guarded  election  law,  the  se- 
lection of  impartial  judges,  and  the  presence  of  United 
States  troops  at  every  place  of  election." 

While  the  investigation  of  the  committee  was  being  car- 
ried on,  the  Proslavery  people  of  Kansas,  aided  by  the  Fed- 
eral authorities,  were  planning  a  new  campaign.  They 
had  failed  to  drive  out  the  Free-Stat«  men  with  threats  and 
force  of  arms.  They  had  failed  to  bring  them  into  colli- 
sion with  the  United  States  troops  that  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment might  have  an  excuse  to  drive  them  from  the  soil. 
A  new  scheme  for  getting  rid  of  them  was  now  laid.  This 
was  nothing  less  than  to  have  the  leaders  of  the  Free-State 
party  indicted  for  treason,  arrested,  and  kept  from  the  field 
of  activity.  With  the  leaders  out  of  the  way,  the  remain- 
der could  either  be  driven  from  the  country  or  be  terrified 
into  defiance  of  the  constituted  authorities.  Acting  on 
this  plan,  Judge  Lecompte  gave  a  charge  to  the  grand  jury, 
the  meaning  of  which  could  not  be  mistaken.  In  the 
course  of  this  charge  he  said : 

"  This  Territory  was  organized  by  an  act  of  Congress,  and  so  far, 
its  authority  is  from  the  United  States.  It  has  a  Legislature  elected 
in  pursuance  of  the  organic  act.  This  Legislature,  being  an  instru- 
ment of  Congress  by  which  it  governs  the  Territory,  has  passed  laws. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STEUGGLE  199 

These  laws,  therefore,  are  of  the  United  States  authority  and  making, 
and  all  who  resist  these  laws  resist  the  power  and  authority  of  the 
United  States,  and  are  therefore  guilty  of  high  treason.  Now,  gen- 
tlemen, if  you  find  that  any  person  has  resisted  these  laws,  then  you 
must,  under  your  oaths,  find  bills  against  them  for  high  treason. 
If  you  find  that  no  such  resistance  has  been  made,  but  that  combi- 
nations have  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  them,  and  in- 
dividuals of  notoriety  have  been  aiding  and  abetting  them  in  such 
combinations,  then  you  must  find  bills  for  constructive  treason." 

The  charge  was  ingeniously  made,  and  on  the  face  of  it 
represented  good  law.  For  it  must  be  held  that  the  Legis- 
lature, once  established  and  recognized  as  the  servant  of 
the  United  States  Government,  was  performing  a  legitimate 
act  in  making  laws,  and  that  those  who  disobeyed  these 
laws  were  in  the  attitude  of  law-breakers.  The  Free-State 
men  might  contend  that  the  Legislature  was  fraudulently 
elected,  but  as  it  was  recognized  by  Congress,  it  was  plain 
that  the  opposers  of  it  were  in  peculiar  straits.  While, 
therefore,  there  was  undoubtedly  a  show  of  law  on  the  side 
of  the  Proslavery  element,  and  while  there  was  a  clear  au- 
thority for  the  Territ-orial  Government,  backed  as  it  was 
by  the  Federal  Government,  yet  every  one  knew  that  this 
Territorial  Government  rested  upon  fraud  and  usurpation 
in  the  beginning,  and  every  Free- State  and  liberty-loving 
man  was  determined  to  resist  to  his  utmost  the  imposition 
of  a  slave  government  upon  Kansas  by  unfair  means. 
Yet  these  men  felt  that  they  must  bow  to  the  will  of  the 
United  States  Government.  It  required  exceedingly  nice 
action  on  their  part  not  to  come  int-o  direct  opposition  to 
the  Federal  authority,  while  they  continued  to  reject  the 
acts  of  the  Legislature  which  represented  it.  Wliether  the 
organization  of  a  Free-State  government  with  a  constitu- 


200  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

tion  and  a  memorial  to  Confj^ess  to  he  admitted  into  the 
Union  could  be  constniod  as  lii^h  treason  and  usurpation 
of  office,  soeme(i  very  doubtful.  But  the  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Territorial  Court  and  the  ori>"anized  government  of 
the  Territory  were  against  the  Free-State  cause  and  its  ad- 
vocates, and  the  Free-State  men  must  act  accordingly, 

James  F.  Legate,  a  mcmbor  of  the  grand  jury,  met  Kob- 
inson  and  Reeder,  with  Sherman  and  Howard  of  the  Con- 
gressional Investigating  Committee,  at  Tecumseh,  and 
informed  them  of  the  plan  to  indict  the  leading  members 
of  the  Free-State  party  for  treason,  with  the  idea  of  with- 
drawing them  from  the  field  of  active  defense.  The  night 
following  the  reception  of  this  information,  a  council  of 
war  was  held  at  tlie  Garvey  House,  in  Topeka,  attended 
by  Robinson,  Sherman,  Reeder,  Howard,  Roberts,  Mrs. 
Sherman,  and  Mrs.  Robinson.  The  whole  situation  was 
fully  discussed,  and  among  other  conclusions  reached  it 
was  decided  that  the  Free-Sta,te  men  should  act  in  defense 
of  the  Free-State  organization,  but  should  not  attack  the 
Territorial  Government.  It  was  also  decided  that  an  agent 
should  be  sent  throughout  the  Eastern  States,  to  arouse  the 
governors  of  those  States  and  to  enlist  the  services  of  the 
Free-State  sympathizers.  Governor  Robinson  was  chosen 
for  this  important  mission,  and  started  for  Washington 
with  Mrs.  Robinson,  on  the  9  th  day  of  May,  going  by  way 
of  St.  Louis.  They  carried  with  them  important  docu- 
ments, including  the  report  of  the  Investigating  Commit- 
tee. They  made  a  quick  trip  tx>  Kansas  City,  and  there 
took  a  boat  for  St.  Louis.  As  Dr.  Robinson  had  been  up 
two  or  three  nights,  he  was  asleep  when  the  boat  touched 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  201 

tiie  levee  at  Lexington.     From  Mrs.  Robinson's  book  is 

taken  the  following: 

"There  were  very  few  passengers;  everything  was  quiet;  and  we 
were  making  a  quick  trip.  In  the  afternoon  we  procured  some  books, 
and  went  into  our  stateroom.  From  reading  we  soon  fell  asleep. 
At  Lexington  I  was  awakened  by  a  noise  as  of  many  coming  onto  the 
boat.  It  having  subsided  somewhat,  I  was  drowsing  again,  when  the 
captain  came  to  our  stateroom  door,  opening  upon  the  guard,  with  a 
red-faced,  excitable-looking  person  of  short  stature,  whom  he  intro- 
duced to  my  husband  as  General  Shields.  Whether  this  title  of 
general  was  acquired  by  Mr.  Shields's  visit  to  the  Territory  at  the 
time  of  the  '  Shannon  war,'  last  December,  or  whether  it  arose  from 
the  necessity  which  Western  men  seem  to  feel,  that  of  bearing  some 
title,  I  have  been  quite  unable  to  learn.  That  he  was  prominent  in 
inciting  that  invasion,  as  well  as  others  in  the  Territory,  is  true. 
Another  person,  of  larger  figure,  and  more  quiet,  dignified  air,  came 
soon,  and  was  introduced  as  Mr.  Bernard,  of  Westport.  After  stating 
'  they  had  come  upon  an  unpleasant  errand,'  they  proceeded  to  state 
its  purport  —  that  of  detaining  my  husband  in  Lexington,  as  he  was 
fleeing  fi-om  an  indictment.  He  assured  them  such  was  not  the 
case:  that  he  had  at  all  times  been  in  Lawrence,  or  at  places  where 
he  could  have  been  arrested,  had  the  authorities  desired  his  arrest; 
but  they  had  made  no  effort  to  serve  any  process  upon  him,  and,  ao 
far  as  he  knew,  there  was  no  indictment  out  against  him." 

It  appeared  that  a  inob  of  men  had  gathered  who  de- 
sired to  take  Governor  Robinson  and  to  deal  roughly  with 
him.  He  was  told  that  the  leaders  had  been  talking  to  the 
mob  to  prevent  violence,  and  that  the  longer  he  remained 
upon  the  boat  the  more  dangerous  it  was  to  him.  Governor 
Robinson  thereupon  asked  the  privilege  of  talking  to  the 
mob.  This  was  refused,  on  the  ground  of  danger  to  his 
person.  Promises  were  made  that  he  would  be  protected 
if  he  would  go  with  the  committee.  It  a|)pearing  that 
force  woiild  l)e  used  if  necessary  to  take  him  from  the  boat 
and  retain  him  at  Ix^xington,  he  referred  the  matter  to 


202  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

Mrs.  Eobinsoii  wlietlicr  he  shoiild  attempt  to  defend  him- 
self with  one  revolver,  or  go  without  resistance.  She  re- 
plied, "  They  will  kill  you  if  you  go,  and  you  may  as  well 
make  a  stand  here."  The  committee  said,  "  Had  it  not 
been  reported  that  your  lady  was  on  board,  violence  would 
have  at  once  been  offered ;  and  no  restraint  could  have 
been  held  over  the  crowd."  Gov.  Robinson  assured  the 
committee  that  he  had  no  thought  of  escaping  from  an  in- 
dictment, and  that  had  he  so  desired,  the  Missouri  river 
and  Lexington  would  have  been  avoided  of  all  places.  He 
ventured  the  assertion  that  at  least  he  saw  no  reason  why 
another  State  should  interfere  in  matters  which  concerned 
Kansas  only.  This  statement  aroused  the  ire  of  the  leader. 
Finally,  upon  the  assurance  of  the  committee  on  their 
honor  that  the  prisoner  would  be  protected,  and  after  the 
plea  of  the  clerk  of  the  boat  that  Gov.  Eobinson  should 
give  himself  up  Avithout  resistance,  for  his  own  safety,  he 
and  Mrs.  Kobinson  finally  yielded  as  a  matter  of  policy, 
although  much  against  their  own  feelings,  which  prompted 
them  to  resist  with  force  any  attempt  to  arrest  the  Gov- 
ernor and  take  him  forcibly  from  the  boat. 

Gov.  Robinson  was  placed  in  charge  of  Judge  Sawyer, 
formerly  of  Fitchburg,  Massachusetts,  who  treated  him 
"  more  like  a  prince  than  a  fugitive  from  justice."  Two 
men  from  the  country  appeared  and  tried  to  get  up  a  mob 
to  lynch  Gov.  Robinson,  but  when  Judge  Sawyer  told  them 
that  he  would  turn  Robinson  into  the  street  equally  armed 
with  the  two  men  against  them,  they  dropped  the  matter. 

Two  or  three  days  thereafter,  Dr.  McDonald,  who  had 
been  in  California  at  the  time  of  the  Sacramento  riot,  and 
had  dressed  the  wounds  of  Dr.  Robinson  after  the  latter 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGOLE  203 

had  been  shot,  heard  that  Robinson  was  detained  as  a 
prisoner  at  Lexington,  and  left  the  boat  to  visit  him.  When 
Dr.  McDonald  met  Gov.  Robinson  he  exclaimed,  "  Well, 
it  is  you,  sure  enough !  When  I  heard  a  man  with  jour 
name  was  a  prisoner,  I  thought  it  must  be  jou,  as  you  are 
always  in  some  scrape."  While  detained  in  Lexington 
Gov.  Robinson  learned  that  plans  for  a  new  invasion  of 
Kansas  were  being  formed.  The  leading  citizens  of  the 
place  came  to  talk  with  him,  and  assured  him  that  there 
would  be  a  fight ;  that  Lawrence  would  be  destroyed ;  and 
some  went  so  far  as  to  assert  that  the  trouble  would  divide 
tho  North  from  the  South, —  that  the  Union  would  be 
dissolved,  and  the  South  would  become  independent.  Some 
said  that  it  would  be  a  war  of  extermination,  and  that  if 
the  Free-State  men  could  withstand  the  Proslavery  men 
they  would  give  it  up. 

No  indictment  could  be  found  against  Robinson  in  Lex- 
ington, and  therefore  he  was  held  a  prisoner  for  about  a 
week,  until  messengers  could  go  to  Lecompton  and  obtain 
an  indictment  from  the  grand  jury,  and  to  the  Governor  of 
Missouri  with  a  requisition  from  Governor  Shannon. 
Finally,  Deputy  IJ.  S.  Marshal  Preston  came,  "  armed  and 
equipped  with  requisition,  posse,  revolvers,  and  convey- 
ance," and  txx>k  the  prisoner  overland  to  Westport.  At 
this  place  Robinson  sent  for  Col.  Kersey  Coates,  and  re- 
tained him  as  his  attorney.  Robinson  learned  of  the  situa- 
tion in  Lawrence  from  Col.  Coates,  who  told  him  that  the 
town  had  not  been  attacked  by  the  marshal  and  his  posse 
of  eight  hundred  men.  Robinson  was  kept  at  Westport 
until  the  22d  of  May, — ''  until  after  Lawrence  should  be 
attacked,"  as  his  captors  said.     On  the  night  of  the  22d 


201:  HFK    01"    CHARLES    KOBINSOIST 

Col.  Preston  arrived  at  Franklin  with  his  prisoner,  and  at 
midnight  received  word  from  Governor  Shannon  to  return 
to  I^avenworth  by  way  of  Kansas  City,  as  tlie  Grovemor 
feared  a  rescue.  He  further  declared  that  he  would  hold 
Colonel  Preston  responsible  for  the  safe-conduct  of  Robin- 
son. Orders  were  obeyed,  and  the  prisoner  was  conducted 
to  Westport,  Kansas  City  and  Leavenworth,  arriving  at 
the  latter  place  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  May.  There 
he  Avas  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  sheriff  of  Leaven- 
worth county,  and  Captain  Martin  of  the  Kickapoo  Rang- 
ers and  three  others  were  appointed  his  guard. 

Wliile  this  arrest  was  being  accomplished,  Lawrence  had 
been  entered  by  Sheriff  Jones  and  his  posse,  the  hotel  and 
printing-p]'esses  had  been  destroyed,  stores  looted,  and 
homes  desecrated  and  burned  by  the  cowardly  ruffians  fol- 
lowing the  lawless  marshal.  Another  important  event  oc- 
curred on  the  24th  of  May,  on  the  Pottawatomie,  where 
John  Brown  killed  five  Proslavery  men.  An  account  of 
this  event  has  already  been  given  in  this  volume,^  as  well 
as  of  its  effects,  a  part  of  which,  among  other  things,  was 
to  inaugurate  a  general  reign  of  terror  in  Leavenworth. 
A  vigilance  committee  w^as  formed,  with  the  purpose  of 
driving  away  every  Free-State  man  from  the  Territory. 
This  committee  threatened  to  take  Governor  Robinson  and 
hang  him,  and  doubtless  they  would  have  done  so  had  it 
not  been  for  the  interference  of  Captain  Martin,  who  rein- 
forced the  guard.  Perhaps  the  presence  of  Judge  Lecompte 
and  the  United  States  marshal  in  the  txjwn  that  day  made 
the  mob  less  violent,  although  the  feeling  among  the  Pro- 
slavery  men  was  very  bitter.     Mr.  Sherman,  of  the  Con- 

>  See  Chapter  IV. 


ROBINSON    AND    CAPTAIN    "bILL"    MARTIN,    OF    THE     KICKAPOO    RANGERS- 
PRISONER    AND    KEEPER.     1856. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STBUGGLE  205 

gressional  Investigating  Committee,  called  upon  Governor 
Robinson,  as  did  also  Judge  Lecompte.  Governor  Robin- 
son asked  the  latter  abont  the  nature  of  his  indictment. 
He  replied,  "  There  are  two :  one  for  usurping  office,  and 
one  for  high  treason."  Finally,  Governor  Robinson  was 
conducted  to  Lecompton  and  placed  in  the  prison-tent  with 
six  other  prisoners. 

Thus  were  the  leaders  of  the  Free-State  party  impris- 
oned, Lawrence  invaded,  plundered  and  burned, — Governor 
Robinson's  home  going  up  in  flames  with  others, —  and 
John  Brown's  startling  deed  on  the  Pottawatomie  commit- 
ted. The  troubles  of  tlie  Territory  had  just  begun,  and 
the  whole  summer  following  was  a  reign  of  terror  to  the 
harassed  settlers. 

Mrs.  Robinson  performed  an  important  service  to  the 
Free-State  cause  by  continuing  her  journey  East  after  the 
arrest  of  her  husband  at  Lexington.  She  visited  the  East- 
ern cities,  bearing  important  letters  and  documents  to 
men  of  influence,  and  consulted  with  many  prominent  peo- 
ple who  sympathized  with  the  cause  of  freedom  in  Kansas. 

Petitions  were  now  forwarded  by  the  Free-State  party 
to  the  governors  of  the  States  of  the  N"orth,  asking  them  to 
call  together  the  State  legislatures  for  the  purpose  of  tak- 
ing action  in  favor  of  the  patriots  of  Kansas.  The  im- 
perative need  of  protection  for  the  citizens  of  the  various 
States  who  had  migTated  to  Kansas  and  who  were  there 
without  protection,  was  urged  in  these  petitions  as  the 
ground  for  such  action  on  the  part  of  the  jSTorthem  gov- 
ernors. A  remonstrance  was  drawn  up  for  the  Northern 
governors  to  sign,  when  it  was  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Presi- 
dent, conveying  to  him  the  information  that  the  pillage  and 


206  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

anarchy  could  no  longer  continue  in  Kansas  witliouf^,  in- 
volving tlie  nation  in  civil  war. 

A  kind  of  indirect  appeal  was  also  made  to  the  President 
through  the  faniily  of  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  and  it  is  thought 
that  this  appeal  had  great  influence  in  bringing  the  Presi- 
dent to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  impending  danger.  This 
appeal  was  conveyed  to  the  President  in  the  following 
manner :  Amos  A.  LawTence  sent  a  draft  of  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Kobinson,  who  copied  it,  and  forwarded  it  to  Mr.  Law- 
rence's mother,  to  whom  it  was  written.^  Mrs.  Lawrence 
in  turn  sent  it  to  the  President's  wife,  who  read  it,  and 
gave  it  to  her  husband  to  read.  It  is  thought  that  this 
letter  had  much  influence  with  the  President,  for  Grover- 
nor  Shannon  was  soon  after  recalled,  and  Governor  Geary 
was  appointed  in  his  place. 

Governor  Geary  arrived  in  Leavenworth  on  September 
9th,  1856,  and  began  a  vigorous  campaign  against  lawless- 
ness and  in  favor  of  justice  and  fair  play.  He  set  vigor- 
ously about  the  reorganization  of  affairs  in  the  Territory. 
He  attempted  to  harmonize  the  different  elements,  and  to 
preserve  justice  and  law  in  the  courts,  the  Legislature,  and 
among  the  people.  In  this  he  was  seconded  by  Governor 
Robinson.  As  it  appeared  that  Governor  Geary  was  trying 
to  aid  the  Free-State  people  by  establishing  justice  and 
order,  and  as  he  saw  that  the  Free-State  cause  would 
flourish  under  such  conditions,  Robinson  was  ready  to  hand 
in  his  resignation  to  the  Free-State  Legislature  if  by  so 
doing  he  could  facilitate  the  work  of  Governor  Geary.^ 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Governor  Geary  the  treason 
prisoners  were  set  free,  and  Governor  Robinson  returned 

1  See  Appendix  B. 

«Kausas  Historical  CoUection.i,  Vol.  4,  p  689. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGGLE  207 

to  Lawrence.  But  he  had  no  sooner  arrived  there  than  he 
was  called  upon  to  work  with  other  citizens  in  the  defense 
of  the  town,  for  there  appeared  on  the  Wakarusa  an  armed 
body  of  Missourians  led  by  Reid,  Atchison  and  others,  who 
had  come  to  destroy  Lawrence.  James  H.  Lane  was  com- 
manding the  forces  of  militia  at  that  time,  and  remained 
in  Lawrence  long  enough  to  welcome  the  released  treason 
prisoners  who  came  from  the  prison  camp  at  Lecompton. 
He  appointed  Captain  Cracklin  of  the  Lawrence  "  Stubbs  " 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  and,  putting  him  in  command,  started 
on  an  expedition  north  with  all  of  the  men  and  arms  he 
could  get,  leaving  not  more  than  fifty  rifles  and  not  more 
than  two  hundred  men  to  be  mustered  into  the  defense  of 
the  town.  Why  he  did  this  under  the  threatened  invasion 
will  always  be  a  mystery.  Such  forces  as  could  be  mus- 
tered were  brought  together  and  stationed  to  the  best 
advantage.  They  made  a  meager  showing,  but  there  were 
brave  men  among  them,  and  when  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy  came  in  sight  east  of  the  town,  Captain  Cracklin 
with  a  small  force  moved  out  to  meet  them.  After  a  brisk 
skirmish  the  enemy  withdrew,  and  the  handful  of  men 
remained  in  position,  expecting  on  the  morrow  to  be  over- 
whelmed by  superior  numbers,  but  willing,  if  necessary, 
to  die  in  defense.  Meanwhile,  messengers  were  sent  to 
Governor  Geary  at  Lecompton,  acquainting  him  with  the 
situation  and  asking  his  aid.  Governor  Geary  had  just 
issued  his  proclamation  commanding  all  armed  bands  in 
the  Territory  to  disperse  to  their  homes,  and  he  at  once 
ordered  Colonel  Cooke  to  go  to  Lawrence  with  his  com- 
mand. Colonel  Cooke  arrived  in  the  town  at  night,  and  in 
the  morning  the   enemy  discovered  cannon   bristling  on 


208  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

the  l)ill  above  them  and  a  company  of  drai^oons  camped  at 
its  base,  between  them  and  the  toAvn  they  had  expected  to 
destroy.  The  enemy  had  lost  their  opportunity.  Governor 
Geary  eanie  in  person  and  addressed  the  leaders  of  the  in- 
vading army,  telling  them  that  the  destruction  of  Lawrence 
and  a  persistency  in  their  course  of  action  meant  a  Demo- 
cratic defeat  at  Washing-ton.  Using  tliis  and  other  strong 
arguments,  he  persuaded  the  invaders  to  retire  towards 
Missouri.  Thus  the  invasion  of  tlie  2700  ended  with  a 
bloodless  victory  for  the  Free-State  cause. 

It  was  thought  by  some  that  Geary  knew  that  the  in- 
vaders from  Missouri  w^ere  to  come,  and  were  to  return  at 
his  command,  so  that  a  showing  of  protection  to  the  Free- 
State  men  could  be  made  by  the  Democratic  party,  which 
was  much  in  need  of  votes  at  the  Presidential  election. 
There  seems  to  be  no  historical  evidence  to  this  effect. 
However,  the  party  was  l)eing  arraigned  for  lawlessness 
in  Kansas.  If  it  c-ould  be  shown  that  order  was  restored 
in  Kansas  by  the  efforts  of  the  administration,  it  would 
Jiave  great  influence  on  the  election.  On  the  contrary,  tlie 
cool  courage  and  persistency  of  Governor  Geary  in  oppos- 
ing the  Proslavery  element  in  face  of  the  Federal  authority, 
which  he  subsequently  did,  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
he  would  not  carry  out  a  sham  to  save  the  votes  of  his  own 
party. 

Besides,  the  militia-mob  assembled  about  Lawrence, 
which  he  went  ont  to  disperse,  was  called  into  service  by 
the  proclamation  of  Acting-Governor  Woodson,  prior  to  the 
arrival  of  Geary  in  Kansas.  Governor  Geary  was  ap- 
parently ignorant  of  this  proclamation,  and  yet  was  deal- 
in''  with  its  effects.     Without  doubt  Gearv  was  sent  to 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  209 

Kansas  by  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  at  Wash- 
mtrton  in  the  hope  that  he  would  pacify  the  country,  and 
at  least  make  a  show  of  justice  toward  the  Free-State  peo- 
ple, thus  makinfi^  votes  for  the  party  in  the  next  presi- 
dential election.  But  subsequently,  when  it  was  found  that 
he  intended  to  deal  out  justice  to  friend  and  foe  alike,  the 
Proslavery  people  turned  against  him  —  for  justice,  at  this 
particular  juncture,  was  a  word  not  found  in  their  vocab- 
ulary. After  six  months  of  strenuous  effort  to  establish 
justice  and  promote  peace  and  harmony,  therefore,  Gov- 
ernor Geary,  like  his  predecessors,  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
Territory,  his  life  in  danger,  his  work  unfinished. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  invasion  of 
Kansas  and  the  attack  on  Lawrence  by  the  2700.  Richard 
Realf  wrote  a  stirring  poem  on  the  battle,  which  has  a 
historical  fact  for  its  theme,  and  makes  use  of  a  large  poet- 
ical license  in  its  description.  Some  have  sought  to  make 
John  Brown  the  hero  of  the  occasion.  He  was  in  Law- 
rence at  the  time,  but  had  no  command  and  had  little  to 
say  about  affairs.  Had  the  little  band  of  defenders  been 
forced  to  meet  the  attacking  army  on  that  fatal  to-morrow 
which  never  arrived,  on  account  of  the  coming  of  Geary, 
Brown  would  without  doubt  have  been  seen  in  the  thickest 
of  the  fight.  But  there  were  no  heroes  made  in  this  threat- 
ened battle  which  resulted  in  a  bloodless  victory,  though 
there  can  be  no  qiiestion  that  Robinson,  Brown,  Cracklin 
and  Leamard  were  ready  to  do  their  duty  in  leading  the 
little  band  of  men  to  the  defense  of  the  town,  and,  prob- 
ably, to  their  death.  Beyond  what  is  related  above,  there 
was  no  fighting  and  no  other  military  movements,  except 
that  Colonel  Leamard,  commanding  a  small  force  of  horse- 

—  14 


210  LIFE    OF    CrtARLES    KOBINSON 

men,  went  toward  Blanton's  Bridge,  swiina;  round  to- 
ward Franklin,  and,  on  the  approach  of  a  large  body  of 
Missouri  an  s,  retreated  toward  the  town.  However,  the 
invasion  of  the  2700  marks  an  era  in  the  histoiy  of  the 
border  war.  It  was  the  last  systematic  attempt  of  the  Pro- 
slavery  2")0wer  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State  by  force  of 
arms.  From  that  time  forth  they  accepted  the  fact  that  the 
"  Yankees  "  could  not  be  exterminated,  driven  out,  or  con- 
quered by  force.  They  now  turned  their  attention  to  pol- 
itics and  constitution-making',  hoping  to  secure  by  legisla- 
tion, fraud,  or  diplomacy,  what  they  had  failed  to  secure 
by  pillage,  outrage,  and  murder.  The  individual  actvS  of 
violence  that  occurred  on  the  border  and  in  Kansas  after 
this  were  but  the  ])roducts  of  the  seeds  of  anarchy,  rapine 
and  murder,  previously  sown  by  the  attempt  to  coerce  and 
extenninate  a  lil>erty-loving  people. 

The  coming  of  Governor  Geary,  his  decisive  action  in 
suppressing  outlawry,  and  his  disbanding  of  armed  bodies 
of  men  who  were  marauding  under  the  guise  of  militia, 
had  much  to  do  with  the  final  triumph  of  the  cause  of 
freedom.  Add  to  these  the  important  action  of  Governor 
Walker,  who  later  insured  a  fair  vote,  and  by  means  of 
which  the  Free-State  men  gained  possession  of  the  Terri- 
torial Legislature,  and  you  have  the  two  most  prominent 
turning-points  in  favor  of  freedom.  Of  course  these  events 
could  not  in  themselves  have  insured  freedom  without  the 
increased  number  of  Free-State  voters,  who  came  pouring 
into  the  Territory  from  the  ISTorth  and  from  the  East  so 
rapidly  that  they  were  soon  to  outnumber  the  proslavery 
advocates  and  win  a  decisive  victory  at  the  polls. 

Had  the  coming  of  Governor  Geary  been  delayed  much 


THE  COJiTSTITUTIOlSrAL    STRUGGLE  211 

longer  the  Free-State  cause  would  without  doubt  have  sud- 
denly declined,  and  Lawrence,  Topeka,  and  ever}'  Free- 
State  settlement  would  have  been  completely  demolished. 
While  Robinson  and  others  were  imprisoned  at  Lecompton, 
Gov.  Reeder,  General  Lane  and  S.  IST.  Wood  were  all  in- 
dicted, yet  subsequently  they  were  allowed  to  go  through 
the  countrv'  unmolested  and  without  bail.  IMr.  Thayer  in 
his  ''  Kansas  Crusade  "  holds  that  the  arrest  and  imprison- 
ment of  these  men  was  for  the  purpose  of  provoking  the 
Free-St^te  men  to  fight  the  United  States  troops  in  order 
to  secure  their  rescue.  As  Lane,  Montgomery  and  Brown 
were  free,  it  was  thought  that  they  might  undertake  tiis 
work  against  the  Government.  Lane  at  once  set  about 
preparing  for  the  rescue  of  the  prisoners,  and  sent  a  letter 
to  Robinson  offering  to  set  him  free  by  force.  Robinson 
refused  to  permit  anything  of  the  kind.^ 

If  Mr.  Thayer  is  correct  in  his  surmise  that  such  a 
plan  was  ever  considered  by  the  Proslavery  men,  the  wis- 
dom and  coolness  of  Robinson  in  not  allowing  force  to  be 
used  caused  the  whole  attempt  to  fail.  Wliile  imprisoned, 
Robinson  and  others  wrote  to  the  Legislature  which  assem- 
bled at  Topeka  to  be  courageous  and  stand  by  the  cause,  but 
to  make  no  resistance  to  Federal  troops.^  This  body  did 
as  they  advised  until  dispersed  by  Sumner.  It  was  a  small 
legislature,  however,  without  a  quorum,  only  seventeen 
members  responding  to  roll-call.  Many  stayed  away  on 
account  of  fear. 

Robinson  was  still  considered  the  leader  of  the  Free- 
State  movement,  and  was  so  recognized  by  the  enemies  of 

♦Thayer's  "Kaasad  CrosAde,"  p.  iM. 
^Spring:  Kansas,  p.  132 


212  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    ROBINSON 

the  FreoStat©  cause.  The  leaders  of  the  Proslavery  party 
insisted  that  Robinson  liad  always  been  the  chief  man  of 
the  abolitionists  and  the  acknowled<^ed  leader  in  Kansas. 
At  any  rate,  he  may  fairly  be  said  to  have  been  foremost 
among  many  leaders,  and  one  of  the  heroic  men  of  his 
times. 

The  Kansas  struggle  was  in  great  danger  of  disintegrat- 
ing tlie  Democratic  party,  and  Governor  Geary  had  been 
appointed  for  the  purpose  of  pacifying  Kansas  in  view  of 
the  approaching  national  election.^  He  at  once  opened  the 
Territory  to  the  immigrant  parties  from  the  North,  and 
inaugurated  a  fair  and  liberal  policy  which  appeared  to 
be  in  favor  of  the  Free-State  men  merely  because  it  was  a 
policy  of  justice  to  all  parties, 

Robinson  was  called  East,  and  appeared  in  New  York, 
where  he  made  a  Republican  speech  October  22d,  1856.^ 
Being  absent  from  the  Territory,  he  resigned  the  governor- 
ship under  the  Topeka  Constitution.  The  Free-State  Leg- 
islature met  on  January  6th,  1857,  and  many  proceeded 
to  find  fault  with  Robinson  and  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
for  their  absence.  There  was  no  quorum  at  this  time. 
Those  members  of  the  Legislature  who  met  appear  not 
to  have  known  as  yet  that  Robinson  had  resigned.  How- 
ever, they  resolved  to  adhere  to  the  State  Government,  and 
they  met  again  on  January  7th,  a  quorum  being  present. 
About  a  dozen  members  were  arrested,  and  the  next  day 
the  Legislature,  having  no  quorum,  took  a  recess  until  the 
second  Tuesday  in  June.  Robinson  was  in  the  East  on 
business  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company,  and  was  making 

'  Oordley  :  "  History  of  Lavrence,"  pp.  128-9. 
a  Wilder'B  Annals,  p.  141. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  213 

plans  for  the  or<^anization  of  the  town  of  Quindaro.^  He 
and  Geary  had  begun  on  the  plan  for  a  short  cut  to  state- 
hood. In  a  letter  directed  to  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  Decem- 
ber 21st,  1856,  Robinson  says:  "  What  if  by  means  of  cer- 
tain influences  the  Topeka  Constitution  should  be  admit- 
ted, the  State  Governor  should  resign,  the  Territorial  Gov- 
ernor be  unanimously  elected  and  we  should  have  a 
peaceable  free  State?  Of  course  the  Senate  would  need 
to  compromise  the  matter  with  the  House  by  providing  for 
submitting  the  Constitution  once  more  to  the  people.  This, 
with  the  election  law  of  Congress  and  Governor  Geary  to 
execute  it,  would  be  no  very  serious  objection."  ^ 

In  accordance  Avith  the  above,  Robinson  had  gone  East, 
leaving  his  resignation  by  letter  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Topeka  Legislature,  January  6th,  1857;  but  Robinson's 
mission  Avas  without  result,  and  Geary  was  fast  losing 
favor  with  the  national  administration.  The  administra- 
tion did  not  like  so  fair  and  even  a  policy,  but  they  were 
obliged  to  tolerate  Geary  till  after  the  election,  when  he 
was  forced  to  resign,  March  4th,  1857.^ 

Many  have  censured  Governor  Robinson  for  his  resig- 
nation, but  he  explains  this  in  a  letter  to  the  Boston  Atlas, 
dated  January  28th,  1857  : 

"Immediately  after  the  Presidential  election  ...  the  people 
generally  seemed  disposed  to  yield  everything  but  honor  to  peace,  and 
there  was  apparently  a  desire  to  cooperate  with  any  and  all  parties,  if 
we  might  thereby  secure  our  disenthrallment  from  the  Shawnee  Mis- 
sion usurpation.  A  hope  was  cherished  that  our  admission  into  the 
Union  under  the  Topeka  Constitution  might  be  effected,  with  a  proviso 
submitting  it  once  more  to  a  vote  of  the  people.    ...    To  this  end  I 

» Wilder'H  AnnalH,  pp.  H8-9.      t  Spring :  Kansas,  p.  203       '  Wilder's  A.uuhU,  p.  15fi. 


214  I.IFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON 

directed  my  efforts,  and  it  was  tbat  all  objection  to  the  State  organi- 
zation, from  any  source,  might  be  removed,  as  well  as  to  be  able 
to  work  more  efficiently  and  disinterestedly  in  securing  friends  from 
all  parties,  that  I  proposed  to  create  a  vacancy  in  the  office  I  held. 
Consultation  was  had  with  the  leading  men,  as  opportimity  presented, 
and  I  understood  the  arrangement  to  be  approved, —  at  least  I  knew 
of  no   serious  objections. 

"  Having  no  representative  of  the  State  movement  at  Washington, 
and  not  knowing  that  anyone  would  volunteer,  I  decided  to  go  there 
several  weeks  before  the  Legislature  was  to  assemble.  I  consulted 
with  Lieut.-Gov.  Eoberts  and  told  him  of  my  purpose  to  leave  Kansas, 
provided  he  would  attend  to  State  matters  in  my  absence.  This  he 
cheerfully  consented  to  do.  .  .  .  Had  I  known  that  Gov.  Robertn 
would  not  have  been  present  at  the  Legislature,  I  most  certainly 
should  not  have  resigned  till  after  its  adjournment,  and  would  not 
have  left  Kansas.  Instead  of  abandoning  the  State  organization,  I 
thought  I  was  doing  all  in  my  power  to  adA'ance  its  prospects  of 
sviecess.     .     .     . 

"  I  see  it  stated  that  my  business  East  was  to  sell  shares  in  Quin- 
darc,  etc.  Nothing  can  be  farther  from  the  truth.  I  have  not  offered 
a  share  for  sale,  and  do  not  want  to  sell  a  share  until  some  of  the 
money  now  received  shall  liave  been  invested." 

In  a  speech  before  the  Free-State  Convention,  March 
10th,  1857,  at  Topeka,  he  gives  the  following  explanation 
of  his  resignation : 

■'  Gov.  Geary  made  many  great  promises;  he  talked  well;  he  talked 
long  and  fast,  and  he  still  talks  much.  I  asked  him  if  he  thought 
there  was  any  way  in  which  the  Topeka  Constitution  could  get  into 
the  Union?  He  seemed  to  think  it  might  by  a  resubmission  to  the 
people,  or  at  furthest  in  addition  to  this,  a  new  election  of  the  State 
officers.  .  .  .  It  is  well  known  that  all  manner  of  charges  had 
been  heaped  upon  me  by  our  enemies,  such  as  those  of  being  an  aboli- 
tionist, a  disunionist,  and  many  others,  which  caused  me  to  be  looked 
upon  with  a  great  deal  of  hatred  by  the  Democratic  party.  In  fact, 
I  may  say  that  I  was  probably  more  unpopular  with  that  party  than 
any  other  man  in  the  country.  On  this  account  I  thought  there  would 
be  less  of  a  barrier  in  the  way  of  this  if  I  were  not  at  the  head  of 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STEUGGLE  215 

the  State  goveirmeiit.     This  was   tlie  great  reason  for   offering   to 
resign  the  office  I  then  held." 

Continuing,  and  referring  to  his  trip  to  Washington,  he 
sfajs :  '' .  .  .  I  will  admit,  if  you  choose,  that  I  have 
accomplished  nothing.  But  T  earnestly  tried  to  accomplish 
something,  and  I  have  failed, —  not  because  of  any  unwil- 
lingness on  my  part.  I  believed  that  my  course  was  the 
best  one  that  could  be  taken." 

Kobinson   makes  a  further  explanation   in   an  address 

before  the  Plistorical  Society,  January,  1881  : 

"  Gov.  Geary  was  satisfied  the  Free-State  men  were  largely  in  the 
majority,  and  was  desirous  that  the  majority  should  rule.  That  an 
end  might  be  put  to  this  conflict,  he  sent  to  the  Governor  under  the 
Topeka  Constitution  (Eobinson).  and  desired  an  interview  at  his 
office.  The  interview  was  held  in  the  attic  of  the  log  cabin  now 
standing  with  the  stone  addition  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  near  the 
At*hison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  station  at  Lecompton.  At  that  inter- 
view Gov.  Geary  was  ready  to  favor  an  admission  under  the  Topeka 
Constitution,  and  was  willing  to  use  his  influence  with  the  President 
and  his  party  in  Congress.  It  was  thought,  if  there  could  be  a  va- 
cancy in  the  position  of  Governor,  that  he  or  some  other  Democrat 
inight  be  elected  to  fill  it,  and  the  Administration  would  more  readily 
indorse  it.  Accordingly,  the  Topeka  Governor  resigned,  and  went  to 
Washington  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  admission  into  the  Union. 
He  soon  found  that  the  Democratic  party  at  Washington  had  no  sym- 
pathy for  any  such  movement,  or  for  Gov.  Geary." 

The  second  session  of  the  Territorial  Legislature  met  at 
Lecompton,  January  12th,  1857.  Geary's  message  prom- 
ised "  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men  of  whatever  po- 
litical or  religions  persuasion."  He  said  that  the  people 
then  ruled  in  everything.  "  I  have  every  confidence  in 
the  sound  judgment  and  sober  thought  of  the  toiling  mill- 
ions." It  is  quite  remarkable  that  in  tJiis  message  he 
also  advocated  the  building  of  a  railroad  to  the  Gulf  of 


216  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

Mexico,  which  showed  his  wisdom  in  recognizing  the  future 
need  of  this  country. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  this  Legislature  was  Pro- 
slavery,  as  the  Free-State  men  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
election  of  the  members,  and  therefore  many  bills  which 
Geary  vetoed  passed  over  his  head  by  a  two-thirds  vote, 
according  to  a  previous  arrangement.  Governor  Geary's 
idea  of  securing  equal  justice  for  all  parties  had  compara- 
tively little  sympathy  from  those  in  power  in  the  Legisla- 
ture. Their  motto  was  that  there  should  be  no  compromise 
with  any  person  or  organization  that  tried  to  make  Kansas 
a  free  State.  Not  only  was  sympathy  wanting  on  the 
part  of  the  Proslavery  element  for  the  Chief  Executive 
of  the  Territory,  but  this  same  element  made  threats  upon 
his  life.  Governor  Gear\'  being  convinced  that  a  plot  had 
been  formed  for  his  assassination,  appealed  to  General 
Persifer  F.  Smith,  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  for  troops  to 
protect  him.  General  Smith  insisted  in  reply,  that  "  in- 
sults or  probable  breaches  of  peace  do  not  authorize  the 
employment  of  troops."  This  letter,  General  Smith  seems 
to  have  taken  great  satisfaction  in  reporting  soon  after  to 
Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary  of  War.  The  point  to  be  ol>- 
served  is,  that  the  National  Government  was  soon  out  of 
sympathy  with  Geary,  and  opposed  to  him. 

At  this  juncture  the  first  step  in  the  framing  of  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  was  taken.  The  Territorial  Legis- 
lature provided  for  the  election  of  members  of  a  convention 
to  meet  and  frame  a  State  constitution  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union.  It  made 
special  provision  for  taking  a  census  of  the  voters  before 
April  10,  and  further  provided  that  the  judge  to  whom  the 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  217 

returns  were  made  could  correct  and  add  to  the  list  from 
that  time  to  May  1,  when  it  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Governor. 
It  was  the  duty  of  the  Governor  to  apportion  among  the 
precincts  sixty  delegates  to  the  convention  prior  to  the 
election,  which  was  to  be  held  on  June  15th.  After  the 
delegates  were  elected  they  were  to  assemble  on  the  first 
Monday  in  September,  at  Lecompton,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  constitution.  This  seemed  like  very  fair  work, 
but  the  whole  registry  of  voters  was  placed  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  Proslavery  officers.  Owing  to  the  fact 
that  the  Legislature  made  no  provision  to  submit  the  Con- 
stitution wlien  framed  to  a  vote  of  the  people  for  rejection 
or  ratification,  the  bill  was  vetoed  by  the  Governor,  but 
was  passed  over  the  Governor's  veto.  Governor  Geary, 
having  done  what  he  could  in  favor  of  justice  to  all  par- 
ties, and  finding  his  services  unajipreciated  by  the  Pro- 
slavery  party,  and  indeed  by  many  of  the  Free-State  peo- 
ple, being  insulted  by  the  former  and  his  life  threatened 
and  in  danger,  sent  his  resignation  to  President  Buchanan, 
to  take  effect  March  20th,  1857.  The  Free-State  men 
were  still  active.  They  held  a  convention  at  Topeka  on 
March  10,  1857,  and  passed  a  set  of  resolutions  repudiat- 
ing the  bogus  Legislature,  and  declining  to  vote  at  the 
coming  election  for  members  of  the  constitutional  conven- 
tion.^ The  grounds  for  this  repudiation  are  based,  first, 
on  the  fact  that  the  order  for  the  election  came  from  the 
bogus  Legislature,  which  was  illegally  elected  and  which 
they  had  repudiated.  In  the  second  place,  they  held  that 
the  ''  organic  act  does  not  authorize  the  Territorial  Legis- 
lature, even  when  legitimately  convened,  to  pass  an  en- 

'  Wilder's  Annals,  pp.  157-8.     Cordley :  I.:iwr©nc9,  p.  147. 


218  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    EOBINSON 

ablins;  act  to  change  the  government  of  the  same,"  and  that 
the  Assembly,  being  present  in  «oiirt,  leaves  the  control 
of  the  election  and  its  pretended  officers  and  intends  frand. 
Furthermore,  the  provisions  intended  to  disfranchise  citi- 
zens were  made  without  referring  them  to  the  people  for 
their  sanction  or  their  disapproval.  The  Free-State  men 
further  held  that  the  Constitution  framed  at  Topeka  was 
still  the  choice  of  the  majority  of  the  people. 

In  the  mean  time,  Robinson  returned  from  the  East 
and  AA'ithdrew  his  resignation  as  Governor  of  Kansas 
under  the  Topeka  Constitution.  Geary  was  replaced  by 
Walker  as  Territorial  Governor,  and  Daniel  Woodson, 
Avho  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Territory,  was  removed  and 
Fred.  P.  Stanton  appointed  in  his  place.  There  was  con- 
siderable discussion  as  to  whether  Free-State  men  should 
act  in  accordance  with  the  resolutions  of  the  Topeka  Con- 
vention and  stay  away  from  the  polls.  Stanton,  acting 
Governor,  issued  an  address  to  the  people,  asking  that  this 
constitutional  convention  submit  the  slavery  question  "  to 
a  fair  vote  of  all  the  actual  honu  fide  residents  of  the 
Territory,  with  every  possible  security  against  fraud  and 
violence,"  and  he  also  snggested  amnesty  to  all  persons 
who  had  been  engaged  in  the  struggle;  and  he  subse- 
quently went  to  Lawrence  and  stated  that  "If  any  man 
here  is  prepared  to  say  that  he  will  resist  these  laws, 
with  that  man  I  declare  war!  —  war  to  the  knife  and  the 
knife  to  the  hilt."  If  Stanton  had  any  desire  to  paeify 
the  people  of  Kansas,  he  destroyed  all  his  influence  with 
that  single  statement,  for  his  speech  created  great  excite- 
ment and  aroused  anew  the  defiance  of  the  Free-State  men. 
They  wrote  to  Secretai-y   Stanton  tJiat  they  would  take 


DR.   ROBINSON,   1857. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKTJGGLE  219 

part  in  the  election  of  tlie  delegates  to  the  Lecompton  con- 
vention if  one  Proslavery  man  and  one  Free-State  man 
should  attend  to  the  registry  in  each  district,  and  if,  of 
the  four  judges  of  the  elections,  two  should  lie  Proslavery 
and  two  Free-State  men.  Secretary  Stanton  replied  that 
he  must  follow  the  law. 

On  June  15th,  when  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Le- 
compton Constitutional  Convention  occurred,  only  2,071 
votes  were  polled  out  of  a  total  of  9,251.  This  was  evidence 
that  the  Convention  was  unpopular,  and  that  the  Free- 
State  men  were  rapidly  growing  in  number.  It  was  clear 
that  if  a  vote  could  be  obtained,  the  whole  question  would 
be  settled  in  favor  of  the  Free-State  people. 

In  the  mean  time  Governor  Robinson  had  again  t^ken 
up  active  work.  He  headed  a  list  of  signers  to  a  call  for  a 
meeting  of  the  Free-State  Legislature,  to  be  held  June  9th, 
1857.  Over  sixty  persons,  among  the  most  prominent  of 
the  Free-State  men,  signed  this  call.^ 

In  pursuance  to  the  call,  the  Free-State  Legislature  met 
at  Topeka.  There  being  no  quorum,  one  was  made  by 
declaring  the  seats  of  the  absent  thirteen  members  vacant. 
This  reduced  the  entire  number  to  twenty-five.  The  mes- 
sage of  the  Governor  at  this  juncture  is  worthy  of  note. 
He  outlines  the  policy  of  the  Free-State  people  in  the 
past  and  future.    He  says: 

"  I  have  not  .  .  .  abandoned  o\ir  organization.  On  tbe  con- 
trary, I  believe  it  is  our  only  hope.  When  we  framed  the  Constitu- 
tion, something  of  the  kind  was  necessary  to  keep  together  our  party, 
and  as  a  basis  of  securing  our  rights;  .  .  .  and  as  the  same 
reasons  which  induced  us  to  take  our  position  in  the  beginning  re- 

1  Tte  indUtrnents  for  treason  affaiDst  Robineon,  Deitxler  ai)*!  othnx-s  were  diBpoBed 
ol  on  May  11th,  lfi57,  the  prweeuting  officer  entering  a  tuille  prosequi.     WSiaer,  p.  K>5. 


220  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

main,  and   the  same  circumstances   still   exist,   why   should   we   not 
maintain  oJir  position? 

''  Now  the  Proslavery  party  is  about  pjettinf,'  up  a  constitution 
also.  ...  If  ours  is  allowed  to  die,  al!  will  then  be  lost.  .  .  . 
If  we  neglect  to  elect  a  State  Legislature  next  August,  our  Constitu- 
tion will  eventually  die,  for  all  the  offices  under  it  will  become  vacant, 
and  there  would  be  no  means  of  again  filling  them.  .  .  .  The 
first  one  organized,  if  kept  up,  will  be  the  one  admitted;  nothing  on 
earth  can  prevent  it.  .  .  .  All  that  is  necessary  for  us  to  do  is 
to  keej)  aloof  from  the  doings  of  the  bogus  Legislature  and  keep  up 
our  own." 

Secretary  Stanton  arrived  in  Lawrence  one  month  in 
advance  of  Governor  Walker,  and  it  was  on  April  24tli 
that  he  made  the  address  in  which  he  used  the  vii^orOus 
language  heretofore  referred  to.  On  the  evening  of  this 
address,  Stanton  and  his  companion,  Mr.  McLean,  and 
Horace  White  of  the  Chicago  Tribime,  were  entertained 
at  tea  by  Governor  Robinson,  where  free  discussions  of  the 
condition  of  Kansas  occurred.  Governor  Robinson  and 
Mr.  McLean  carried  on  the  conversation.  Mr.  McLean 
argued  for  the  determination  of  the  question  by  evidence 
at  the  polls  that  the  Free-State  party  was  in  the  majority 
in  Kansas.  Governor  Robinson  pressed  him  to  distin- 
guish the  members  of  the  Free-State  party,  and  also  to  de- 
fine what  he  meant  by  National  Democracy  of  Kansas; 
Avhile  Mr.  McLean  urged  that  the  Free-State  men  should 
come  forward  to  the  polls  and  vote,  but  this  they  refused 
to  do.  Governor  Robinson  maintained  that  the  Free-State 
men  of  Kansas  never  recognized  the  Territorial  Legisla- 
ture, as  some  people  called  it.  That  the  Free-State  men 
did  not  vote,  because  to  do  so  would  be  a  repetition  of  the 
old  farce,  ever^^thing  being  in  the  hands  of  the  opposing 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  221 

party.     The  following  quotation  from  the  conclusion  of 
the  discussion  is  from  the  Chicago  Tribune: 

"  Robinson  —  The  action  of  the  Topeka  Convention  was  predi- 
cated on  certain  facts  which  have  been  well  known  to  the  '  National 
Democracy '  from  the  beginning.  Firstly,  the  Free-State  men  of  Kan- 
sas have  never  recognized  the  '  Territorial  Legislature,'  as  some 
people  call  it.  Whoever  else  may  recognize  it  or  fail  to  recognize  it, 
the  Free-State  men  deny  its  legal  existence.  They  claim  that  it  is 
not  even  a  government  de  facto.  They  do  not  appeal  to  its  laws  or 
have  dealings  with  its  officers.  No  one  pretends  to  execute  these 
laws,  and  they  exist  merely  for  the  benefit  of  the  public  printer. 
Consequently,  the  Free-State  men  see  nothing  in  the  proposed  election 
but  the  old  farce  with  new  decorations  and  scenery.  No  law  requires 
them  to  vote.  They  will  not  interfere  with  your  voting.  They  have 
no  objection  to  your  doing  all  the  voting.  In  this  way  you  will 
secure  unanimity,  and  I  see  no  reason  why  the  plan  should  give  the 
'  National  Democracy '  a  moment's  uneasiness.  Secondly,  the  law 
providing  for  this  election  takes  all  power  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
people,  after  the  delegates  are  elected.  It  thriists  the  Constitution 
into  Congress  as  the  work  of  the  people,  without  giving  the  people  an 
opportunity  to  pronounce  upon  that  work.  These  delegates  may 
frame  a  constitution  infringing  the  liberty  of  speech  and  the  press. 
They  may  decree  test  oaths  as  a  qualification  for  voting.  They  may 
make  murder  a  bailable  offense.  They  may  infringe  the  right  of  the 
people  to  assemble  together  in  a  peaceable  manner  to  consult  for 
their  common  good.  They  may  establish  negro  slavery,  or  any  other 
kind  of  slavery,  as  a  permanent  institution  of  Kansas.  They  may 
take  away  the  right  of  amending  this  Constitution  from  the  latest 
posterity.  We  have  had  specimens  of  all  these  things  in  Kansas 
legislation,  and  we  have  no  business  to  infer  that  the  creatures  of  any 
legislative  body  will  be  better  than  the  Legislature  itself.  The  Free- 
State  men  regard  it  as  indispensable  that  the  work  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  be  submitted  for  the  approval  or  disapproval  of 
thohe  whose  welfare  it  aflfects.  Thirdly,  the  Free-State  men  consider 
that  the  whole  machinery  of  this  election  is  thrown  into  the  hands 
of  their  bitter  enemies,  and  that  no  safeguards  are  interposed  for 
their  protection,  either  in  the  vote  itself  or  the  subsequent  counting 
of  votes.  I  need  not  enumerate  for  this  company  the  provisions  of 
that  law  in  this  regard.     The  experience  of  the  Free-State  men  on 


222  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

former  occasions  has  not  been  such  as  to  impress  thcin  favorably 
with  the  elective  franchise  as  operated  by  the  bogus  Legislature. 
Men  who  have  lived  two  years  in  Kansas  understand  that  the  Fre<»- 
State  party  have  no  rights  on  election  day  which  Missourians  are 
bound  to  respect,  and  none  which  the  United  States  Government 
takes  the  trouble  to  '  recognize.'  The  provision  of  your  law  con- 
cerning the  registration  of  votes  does  not  prevent  the  registration  of 
all  the  unemployed  residents  of  westei'n  Missouri,  nor  does  it  require 
that  the  actual  residents  of  Kansas  shall  be  registered.  Your  reg- 
istry being  perfected,  the  result  of  the  election  is  ascertained  before 
the  voting  commences.  After  the  voting  is  finished,  we  have  no  guar- 
antee that  the  returns  will  correspond  either  with  the  ballots  depos- 
ited or  the  printed  list  of  qualified  voters.  I  am  free  to  confess  that 
I  doubt  the  integrity  of  three-fourths  of  the  officers  who  will  conduct 
this  election.  We  are  solicited,  in  the  face  of  a  two-years  experience, 
which  requires  no  comment  from  me,  to  confide  everything  we  hold 
dear  as  American  citizens  to  the  keeping  of  our  worst  enemies,  and 
go  away  trusting  to  their  honor,  presuming  that  they  have  sufficient 
virtue  to  register  none  but  actual  citizens  of  Kansas,  to  register  all 
the  citizens  of  Kansas,  to  receive  the  votes  of  all  the  citizens  who 
choose  to  vote,  to  make  the  returns  according  to  the  votes,  even  in 
case  such  returns  ruin  the  business  which  has  afforded  them  occupa- 
tion for  two  years.  The  Free-State  men  of  Kansas  are  not  such 
idiots.  The  evidence  is  overwhelming  that  this  election  was  not  in- 
tended to  ascertain  the  relative  strength  of  parties  in  Kansas,  but  to 
entrap  our  party,  defraud  them  of  all  their  rights,  and  make  a  slave 
State  of  Kansas.  So  much  for  the  Topeka  Convention.  How  have 
subsequent  events  shown  the  piopriety  of  their  action?  Here  are  two 
thousand  Missourians  registered  as  voters  in  Douglas  county  —  men 
whom  no  citizen  of  Kansas  ever  heard  of  except  as  he  met  them  on 
some  foraging  excursion.  We  look  over  this  list  for  the  names  of  the 
oldest  citizens  of  Lawrence,  and  they  are  not  to  be  found.  In  Quin- 
daro,  where  I  live,  public  opinion  is  divided  on  the  question  whether 
the  census-taker  has  been  there  or  not.  Two  or  three  men  pretend  to 
have  seen  him.  I  haven't,  and  I  doubt  whether  he  has  been  there  at 
all.  If  he  has  ever  visited  that  place,  it  was  not  for  the  purpose  of 
completing  the  registry  of  Wyandotte  county.  The  list  was  pub 
lished  some  weeks  ago,  and  our  tov/n  left  entirely  out  of  the  reckon- 
ing.   Some  of  the  neglected  ones  in  the  town  of  Wyandotte  have  sent 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  22(J 

their  names  to  the  proper  officer,  with  evidence  of  their  citizenship, 
and  he  has  either  refused  or  neglected  to  place  them  on  the  list. 

"  At  Osawatomie,  I  am  informed,  three-fourths  of  the  list  is  made 
up  of  citizens  of  the  adjoining  county  in  Missouri.  At  a  place  thirty 
or  forty  miles  southwest  of  here  the  citizens  do  not  know,  except  by 
hearsay,  that  there  is  to  be  any  election.  They  have  never  known, 
from  the  beginning,  whether  they  were  enjoying  the  blessing  of  a 
sheriff  and  county  judge  or  not.  They  don't  know  whether  they  have 
a  census-taker  among  them  or  not,  and  I  should  judge  they  didn't 
care.  These  are  specimens  of  our  Territorial  job-work.  To  my  mind 
they  demonstrate  that  the  action  of  the  Topeka  Convention  was  en- 
tirely proper,  and  if  that  convention  were  to  be  held  over  again,  my 
part  in  it  would  be  simply  a  repetition  of  my  part  in  the  other. 

"  Stanton  —  But  you  have  an  ample  remedy  for  all  this  alleged 
fraud,  in  the  law  creating  these  officers.  Bring  me  one  man  who  has 
taken  the  proper  steps  to  have  his  name  registered  and  been  refused, 
and  then  see  what  becomes  of  the  officer.  Establish  that  the  list  of 
Douglas  county  contains  the  name  of  one  resident  of  Missouri,  and 
see  how  rapidly  that  list  is  expurgated  of  the  falsehood.  The  trouble 
is,  you  Free-State  men  are  not  willing  to  take  any  steps  looking  to 
the  correction  of  the  evils  you  complain  of.  The  Executive  of  this 
Territory  is  here  for  the  purpose  of  administering  impartial  justice, 
and  when  you  have  been  denied  redress  in  that  quarter,  I  will  ac- 
knowledge for  one  that  there  is  something  radically  wrong  in  the 
government  of  Kansas. 

"Robinson  —  Having  determined  to  take  no  part  in  the  election, 
we  are  naturally  not  solicitous  about  the  purity  of  the  voting-lists,  or 
of  the  voters  themselves;  but  you  now  offer  us  a  practical  impossibil- 
ity. In  the  first  place,  the  citizens  of  Quindaro,  Lawrence  and  Osa- 
watomie are  men  of  business.  Their  time  is  valuable  to  them  and 
indispensable  to  their  families.  They  cannot  leave  their  business  and 
go  hunting  a  sheriff  or  census-taker,  particularly  if  he  spends  most  of 
his  time  in  another  State.  The  gentleman  with  the  census  roll  was 
appointed  to  visit  them,  not  they  the  officer.  I  have  no  time  to  waste 
in  that  way,  and  1  presume  my  neighbors  will  say  the  same  thing. 

"  The  other  proposition,  that  we  show  the  lists  to  be  fraudulent  in 
respect  of  the  names  of  Missourians,  is  an  utter  impossibility.  It  is 
an  attempt  to  establish  a  negative.  Mr.  Jones  Jenkins  may  be  a  resi- 
dent of  Westport,  Missouri.  I  may  know  it,  and  a  dozen  others  may 
know  the  same  thing.      We  may  establish   that   Mr.  Jones   Jenkins 


224  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

{loec  live  in  Wfsip«>7t,  IVIisPoini.  We  tlioii  visit  twenty  of  the  oldest 
residents  of  Douglas  county,  and  inquire  whether  Mr.  Jenkins  has 
ever  resided  there.  They  have  never  heard  of  any  such  man  in  that 
vicinity.  Here  we  have  established  that  one  person  bearing  this  name 
lives  in  Missouri,  and  have  shown  that  twenty  citizens  of  Douglas 
county  never  heard  of  him  in  Kansas.  Is  this  legal  demonstration  ? 
We  have  not  shown  that  some  man  bearing  this  name  positively  does 
not  live  somewhere  in  the  county.  We  have  not  shown  that  he  may 
not  have  lived  here,  and  gone  East  for  his  family.  We  have  not 
and  never  can  show  that  he  was  not  here  on  the  day  prescribed  by 
the  law,  and  that  he  did  not  answer  every  requirement  of  that  law. 
When  we  multiply  this  case  by  two  thousand,  we  appreciate  some- 
what the  nature  of  the  job  we  have  undertaken. 

"Stanton  —  I  think,  Doctor,  you  magnify  all  the  difficulties 
which  stand  in  the  way  of  a  fair  election.  Concerning  the  submis- 
sion of  the  Constitution  to  a  subsequent  vote  of  the  people,  I  would 
say  that  it  is  proposed  to  make  a  provision  of  this  sort,  and,  so  far  as 
my  influence  extends,  it  shall  be  exerted  to  bring  about  a  full  expres- 
sion of  the  popular  will  on  the  subject  of  the  domestic  institutions  of 
the  Territory,  after  the  work  of  the  convention  is  complete. 

"  Robinson  —  We  do  not  doubt  your  good  intentions.  Governor, 
5n  this,  as  in  other  matters;  but  we  very  gravely  doubt  the  extent  of 
your  power.  Several  governors  of  Kansas  have  been  greatly  surprised 
to  find  how  short  a  distance  their  influence  extends.  I  believe  that 
the  right  of  calling  out  the  militia  has  been  placed  in  the  hands  of 
county  sheriffs.  You  will  doubtless  regard  this  a  very  great  in- 
fringement on  the  privileges  of  the  Executive. 

"Stanton  —  Oh,  you  must  be  mistaken.  No  Legislature,  no 
♦iherifT,  will  undertake  to  call  out  the  militia  while  I  hold  the  office 
of  Governor.     Ridiculous! 

"  McLean  —  But  they  will  when  the  occasion  comes.  It  was 
found  necessary  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature  to  reserve  this  right. 

"  Stanton  —  Reserve!  No  such  right  ever  belonged  to  any  Legis- 
lature under  the  sun.    Nonsense! 

"  McLean  —  Nonsense  or  not,  we  have  the  right  of  calling  out 
militia,  and  intend  to  exercise  it  whenever  we  find  it  necessary; 
that's  all! 

"  Stanton  —  Oh,  you  are  altogether  mistaken,  etc. 

"  I  need  not  follow  this  pleasant  little  expression  of  views  any 
further.     Our  party  adjourned  to  the  Cincinnati  House  and  listened 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  225 

to  Mr.  Stanton's  speech.  I  have  already  made  this  letter  longer  than 
I  had  intended.  The  conversation  above  reported  is  eminently  sug- 
gestive, and  I  think  speaks  for  itself.  If  it  should  meet  the  eyes  of 
any  of  the  participants,  they  will  recognize  its  correctness  in  all  essen- 
tial particulars ;  and  if  I  set  down  aught  in  malice.  I  trust  the  Tribune 
will  be  open  for  the  amplest  correction  to  the  injured  party.  Messrs, 
Stanton  and  McLean  having  expressed  their  views  publicly  and  with- 
out reserve  in  the  streets  of  Lawrence,  both  before  and  after  this 
dialogue,  it  will  not  be  deemed  any  breach  of  confidence  that  some 
portion  of  those  views  should  take  on  the  illumination  of  the  types."  ^ 

It  was  the  morning  after  this  address  of  Stanton's  that 
the  citizens  of  Lawrence  requested  fair  treatment,  and 
were  refused  by  Stanton  because  he  w^ould  have  to  follow 
the  law.  Subsequently  Governor  Walker  issued  a  lengthy 
address  to  the  people.  It  was  the  old  story  of  pledging 
his  support  to  the  Territorial  laws.  He  also  insisted  that 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  should  be  framed  and  sub- 
mitt-ed  to  the  people  for  adoption  or  rejection.  But  the 
struggle  could  never  be  settled  in  this  way,  because  the 
Free-State  men  would  not  recognize  the  Territorial  Legis- 
lature and  the  Territorial  laws,  and  therefore  could  not 
vote  at  the  elections  proposed  by  this  government. 

The  "  bogus  Legislature  "  which  met  in  1855  had  passed 
an  act  incorporating  the  town  of  Lawrence,  giving  it  the 
same  charter  rights  as  were  granted  to  the  town  of  Leaven- 
worth.2  As  the  people  of  Lawrence  were  ignoring  the  laws 
of  tlie  "  bogus  Legislature,"  they  would  not  incorporate 
the  town  under  this  charter.  Again,  the  second  Legisla- 
ture, which  was  Proslavery  and  deemed  illegal,  granted  the 
town  a  second  charter.^  The  Free-State  town,  of  Law- 
rence failed  to  organize  under  this  charter  also,  for  the 

1  Kaneae  Conflict,  p.  346. 

'  Laws  of  Kansas  Territory,  1866,  p.  822. 

'■'  Lftwp  of  KariBp.p  TerrHory,  1857,  p.  343. 

-15 


226  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

same  reason  as  stated  before.  Tlic  citizens  of  Lawrence 
were  ready  to  obey  the  national  laws,  but  they  recognized 
no  Territorial  laws  as  binding  when  brought  into  existence 
as  the  result  of  systematic  fraud.  But,  as  the  town  grew 
rapidly,  it  was  in  great  need  of  municipal  organization. 
The  citizens,  therefore,  in  accordance  wdtli  the  rights  of 
freemen,  met  and  created  a  charter,  and  subsequently  ef- 
fected an  organization  on  July  loth,  1857.^  The  com- 
mittee who  presented  the  charter  also  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  people,  explaining  the  cause  for  their  action.  They  set 
forth  the  necessity  of  law,  order,  sanitation,  police  organi- 
zation, protection  from  fire,  etc.,  and  asserted  that  "  all  the 
varied  necessities  of  a  rapidly  growing  city  demand  a 
municipal  government."  They  stated  that  "  The  only 
point  of  embarrassment  in  this  movement  arises  from  the 
unhappy  condition  of  political  affairs  in  our  Territory. 
Under  ordinary  conditions  the  more  regular  method  would 
be  to  obtain  a  charter  from  the  Territorial  authorities. 
As  the  Territorial  Government,  however,  in  no  sense  repre- 
sents the  peo])le  of  Kansas,  was  not  elected  by  them,  and 
can  have  no  right  to  legislate  for  them,  we  cannot  accept 
of  a  charter  from  it.  There  is,  therefore,  left  us  only  the 
alternative  of  a  charter  springing  directly  from  the  people, 
or  continuance  in  our  present  unorganized  condition."  ^ 

Here  was  a  town  which  had  ignored  two  charters  granted 
to  it  by  the  Territorial  Legislature,  because  it  maintained 
that  the  law-making  power  which  had  granted  these  char- 
ters was  not  legally  constituted.  "  If  in  the  final  settle- 
ment of  affairs  it  should  he  detennined  that  the  Territorial 

'  Private  Laws  of  Kansas  Territory,  1858,  p.  137.     liiickmar  :   ArsaaU  of  ■*  Hi.-itorlc 
To-.i'o,  Ainer.  Hist.  Aasa.  Roporta,  I9i'i,  p.  iVG. 
"Andreas,  p.  32f;. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGGLE  227 

laws  were  legitimate  and  authoritative,  the  citizens  of 
Lawrence  would  have  been  found  outside  of  the  law.  As 
it  was,  they  were  in  a  state  of  rebellion  against  the  assumed 
authorities.  Such  is  the  close  relation  of  successful  revo- 
lution to  treason,  of  anarchy  to  a  free  democracy."  ^  On 
July  15th,  1857,  Governor  Walker  issued  a  long  procla- 
mation, in  which  he  greatly  magnified  the  offense  of  the 
town  of  Lawrence,  declaring  the  act  of  organization,  if  car- 
ried out,  treasonable,  assuring  them  that  they  were  on  the 
brink  of  an  awful  precipice,  and  solemnly  announcing  that 
"  It  becomes  my  duty  to  warn  you  before  you  take  the  fatal 
leap  into  the  gulf  beyond."  As  the  citizens  of  Lawrence 
had  not  heeded  his  previous  admonitions,  he  resolved  to  call 
out  the  military,  and  therefore  sent  Col,  Cooke  with  four 
hundred  dragoons  to  enforce  the  law.  Walker  himself  also 
appeared  to  superintend  the  work  of  suppressing  the  "  re- 
bellion." He  placed  the  town  under  military  rule,  and 
subjected  the  surrounding  country  to  military  inspection. 
The  offending  town  did  not  place  itself  in  opposition  to 
this  military  rule,  but  the  people  went  about  attending  to 
their  various  duties,  looking  after  the  conditions  of  the 
town  and  performing  the  functions  of  a  municipal  govern- 
ment. After  a  few  weeks  the  farce  ended  by  the  with- 
drawal of  the  troops. 

But  the  people  of  Lawrence  still  retained  their  inde- 
pendent spirit,  and  took  opportunity  to  show  their  opposi- 
tion to  the  Territorial  Government.  As  an  example  of 
this,  on  June  1st,  1857,  there  was  a  meeting  at  Lawrence 
for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  payment  of  taxes  levied 
by  the  ''  bogus  Legislature."     A  resolution  was  adopted 

'  Blackniur  :  Annals  of  a  Hiitoric  Town,  p.  488. 


228  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

"  that  ...  no  good  citizen  will  in  any  manner  furnish 
aid  or  comfort  to  an  assessor  or  collector  of  taxes,  or  render 
to  him  a  list  of  valne  of  his  property."  Governor  Robinson 
was  appointed  on  a  committee  of  five  to  present  this  reso- 
Intion  to  any  collector  that  might  appear. 

Prior  to  this,  Governor  Walker,  in  his  address  of  May 
Vth,  1857,  had  made  the  following  statements  concerning 
the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Lecompton  Convention,  at 
which  time,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  Free-State  men 
refused  to  vot^e,  because  they  were  not  granted  a  fair  rep- 
resentation among  the  officers  of  election.  Governor 
Walker  stated  that  all  the  people  of  Kansas  were  entitled 
to  take  part  in  this  election,  and  added  that  "  I  s^ee  in  this 
act,  calling  the  convention,  no  improper  or  unconstitu- 
tional restriction  upon  the  right  of  suffrage ;"  and  "  If  by 
fraud  or  violence  a  majority  shall  not  be  permitted  to 
vote,  there  is  a  remedy  ...  in  tbe  refiisal  of  Congress 
to  admit  the  State  into  the  Union  under  sucb  a  constitu- 
tion." He  also  said  that  the  Constitution  once  framed 
would  have  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  a  vote,  and, 
in  the  words  of  President  Buchanan,  who  had  given  in- 
structions to  Governor  Walker,  that  the  people  "must  be 
protected  in  the  exercise  of  their  right  to  vote  for  or 
against  that  instrument."  Walker  was  thus  urging  the 
people  to  vote,  but  his  address  w*as  answered  by  the  Topeka 
Convention  on  June  9th,  1857,  which  resolved  to  hold 
firmly  to  the  Topeka  Constitution,  to  repudiate  the  "  bogus 
Legislature,"  and  to  refrain  from  voting  for  delegates  to 
the  Lecompton  Convention.  He  was  further  answered  by 
Governor  Robinson's  message  to  the  Topeka  Legislature 
June  9th,  1857,  which  was  given  up  wholly  to  a  state- 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  229 

ment  of  the  Free-State  position  and  the  use  of  Governor 
Walker's  own  arguments  to  justify  that  position.^ 

Another  Free-State  convention  was  held  at  Topeka, 
July  15-lG,  1857,  which  again  repudiated  the  Territo- 
rial Legislature  and  its  laws.  James  H.  Lane  was  presi- 
dent of  this  convention,  which  resolved  to  hold  firmly  to 
the  Topeka  Constitution,  and  to  call  another  convention,  to 
meet  in  August  at  Grasshopper  Falls.  In  the  mean  time, 
a  vote  for  officers  under  the  Topeka  Constitution  showed 
that  the  Free-State  men  had  7,200  votes  in  the  Territory, 
and  it  was  well  known  that  this  was  enough  to  give  them 
a  large  majority  over  all  the  combined  Proslavery  votes 
that  could  be  mustered  against  them.  The  Free-State 
people  were  now  in  a  different  position  from  that  in  which 
they  had  been  before.  Could  an  honest  vote  now  be  had  on 
a  constitution,  everything  would  go  in  their  favor.  The 
trial  of  Governor  Robinson  for  usurpation  of  office,  which 
began  August  18th,  closed  on  the  20th.  The  jury  reported 
that  "  since  there  was  no  State  of  Kansas  there  could  be 
no  Governor  of  the  State  and  no  usurpation  of  the  office." 
This  acquittal  of  the  Governor  of  course  allowed  him  more 
freedom  of  action. 

On  August  24th  a  convention  of  Free-State  men  was 
held  at  General  Spicer's,  half-way  between  Lecompton  and 
Lawrence.  It  was  called  under  the  auspices  of  G.  W. 
Brown,  and  was  equally  attended  by  Proslavery  men  from 
I.»eoompton  and  radical  Free-State  men  from  Lawrence. 
It  was  called  the  "Conservative  Free-State  Convention," 
and  the  whole  meeting  was  turned  into  ridicule  by  these 
two  parties,  who  alternately  elected  each  other  to  positions 

^See  App«ndlz  B. 


230  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

in  the  convention  and  then  declined.  Geo.  W.  Deitzler, 
John  Speer  and  others  were  among  the  radical  men  from 
Lawrence.  It  showed  the  folly  of  attempting  to  mingle 
Proslavery  and  Free-State  men  in  conventions.  Plainly, 
one  party  or  the  other  must  dominate  in  Kansas.  This 
ended  the  attempt  to  make  a  "  conservative  Free-State " 
party. 

The  convention  at  Grasshopper  Falls,  which  met  on 
August  26th,  after  a  lengthy  discussion  determined  to  take 
part  in  the  election  of  the  new  Territorial  Legislature. 
There  was,  however,  a  serious  division  in  the  ranks  of 
the  Free-State  men  in  regard  to  voting.  It  was  held  by 
many  that,  having  repudiated  the  "bogus  Legislature," 
and  having  held  to  the  Topeka  Constitution,  it  would  be 
inconsistent  to  recognize  the  Territorial  Legislature  now 
by  voting  for  its  members.  But  the  times  had  entirely 
changed.  The  Free-State  men  had  demonstrated  that  they 
had  a  majority.  Governor  Walker  had  declared  that  they 
should  have  a  fair  election,  and  his  intentions  were  evi- 
dently honest.  Robinson,  Lane  and  others  saw  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  strongly  urged  that  they  should  go  to  the  polls 
and  vote,  knowing  well  that  if  a  fair  vote  were  had  they 
could  outvote  the  Proslavery  men.  "  Some,"  said  Robin- 
son, "  had  faith  in  the  Governor's  pledges,  and  some  would 
not  degrade  tliemselves  by  recognizing  the  fraud,  while 
still  others  were  opposed  to  seeing  the  abandonment  of  the 
Topeka  Constitution.  This  instrument,  which  had  been 
resorted  to  as  a  means  to  an  end  to  obtain  the  l^islative 
power  of  the  Territory,  they  regarded  as  the  end  to  be 
attained."     Robinson  favored  voting,  although  to  do  so 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STEUGGLE  231 

would  appear  to  be  a  practical  denial  of  the  former  Free- 
State  position  on  the  "  bogus  Legislature."  However,  in 
politics  as  in  war,  there  is  always  a  time  to  cease  holding 
to  a  point  in  order  to  gain  a  victory.  On  this  occasion 
Robinson  said :  "  Men  who  are  too  conscientious  and  too 
honorable  to  change  their  tactics  with  a  change  of  circum- 
stances, are  too  conscientious  for  politics."  ^ 

In  his  speech  on  the  resolutions  which  declared  in  favor 
of  voting,  Robinson  said: 

"  We  started  out  on  the  Topeka  Constitution,  and  I  shall  work 
under  it;  but  here  is  a  battery  all  the  time  at  Lecompton  playing 
upon  us.  Let  us  take  the  battery  and  use  it  for  our  own  benefit, 
without  defining  the  use  we  shall  put  it  to,  and  thus  avoid  side 
issues  in  every  county  in  the  Territory.  If  we  get  the  battery  and 
spike  it  so  it  cannot  be  used  against  us,  we  shall  have  accomplished 
a  purpose.  I  do  not  feel  that  there  Avill  be  any  backing  down  in 
doing  so.  I  am  more  hopeful  than  some,  and  not  quite  so  hopeful 
as  others;  but  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  be  triumphant.  From  the 
census  returns  I  am  satisfied  there  is  not  a  district  in  the  Territory 
in  which  Ave  have  not  a  large  majority  of  voters.  If  we  are  de- 
feated by  fraud,  we  shall  be  in  a  position  to  show  up  the  fraud. 
It  has  been  said  that  I  Avas  ahvays  opposed  to  this  movement.  Such 
is  not  the  case.  I  have  always  been  in  favor  of  voting,  with  the 
least  shoAV  of  success  in  our  fa\'or." 

The  election  Avas  held,  and  Walker  threw  out  the  fraud- 
ulent returns  and  issued  certificates  of  election  to  the  Free- 
State  men  for  nine  out  of  thirteen  members  of  the  Council 
and  twenty-four  out  of  thirty-five  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Robinson  says  of  this  act  of  Walker's 
in  throwing  out  fraudulent  returns:  "  This  act,  with  Stan- 
ton's proclamation  calling  the  Legislature  together,  will 
stand  out  in  bold  relief  as  the  crowning  acts  of  their  ad- 

' Spring:  K?.r)(>af>,  p.  217. 


232  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

ministrations;  and  these  acts  the  future  historian  to  the 
latest  time  will  never  fail  to  record." 

The  Legislature  having  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Free-State  party,  there  was  but  one  opportunity  left  for 
the  Proslavery  jieople  to  establish  their  system,  namely, 
to  induce  Congress  to  recognize  their  constitution.  The 
Constitutional  Convention  met  at  Lecompton  on  September 
7th,  organized,  and  adjourned  to  October  19th.  It  then 
drew  up  a  constitution,  framed  with  the  purpose  of  favor- 
ing slavery  in  the  State.  It  asserted  that  "  The  right  of 
property  is  before  and  higher  than  any  constitutional  sanc- 
tion, and  the  right  of  the  slave-owner  to  such  slaves  and 
their  increase  the  same  as  the  right  of  any  property  what- 
ever." ^  This  Constitution  was  sent  to  Congress  without 
submitting  it  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  the  Territory. 

The  Free-State  men  began  to  look  with  alarm  upon  the 
movement,  fearing  that  Congress  would  adopt  this  Consti- 
tution and  force  slavery  upon  the  State.  Accordingly, 
they  resorted  to  the  usual  Kansas  method  of  holding  a  con- 
vention, which  met  at  Lawrence  December  2d,  to  provide 
the  most  effective  means  of  preventing  the  adoption  of  this 
Constitution  by  Congress.  All  of  the  important  leaders  of 
the  Free-State  movement  were  present  and  addressed  the 
convention.  Charles  Robinson  presided.  The  secretaries 
wre  William  A.  Phillips,  A.  Wattles,  and  E.  G.  Macy. 
The  committee  on  resolutions  was  J.  H.  Lane,  C.  Vaughan, 
William  V.  Barr,  J.  Rymal,  Charles  F.  Kob,  H.  Evans, 
S.  Westover,  Charles  A.  Foster,  T.  Dwight  Thacher,  G.  W. 
Gilmore,  C.  K.  Holliday,  J.  K.  Goodin,  P.  B.  Plumb,  L.  F. 
Carver,  and  G.  A.  Cutler. 

1  Article  vn,  aection  1. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAIi    STKUGGLE  233 

The  resolutions  repudiated  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 
On  the  motion  of  Judge  Schuyler,  they  took  a  solemn  oath 
with  uplifted  hands,  and  "  appealed  to  the  God  of  justice 
and  equity,  and  entered  into  a  league  and  covenanted  with 
each  other  that  we  never,  under  any  circumstances,  per- 
mit the  said  Constitution,  so  framed  and  not  submitted,  to 
be  the  organic  law  of  the  State  of  Kansas ;  and  do  pledge 
our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  honor,  to  ceaseless  hostility  to 
the  same."  They  denounced  the  proposed  elections  Decem- 
ber 1st  and  January  4th,  and  asked  the  extra  session  of 
the  Legislature  to  submit  the  Topeka  and  Lecompton  Con- 
stitutions to  a  vote  of  the  people,  with  the  understanding 
that  the  constitution  which  received  a  majority  of  the  legal 
votes  of  the  State  should  become  the  law  of  the  land. 

The  next  session  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  meeting 
December  7th,  passed  a  bill  providing  for  a  vote  on  the  Le- 
compton Constitution,  to  occur  January  4th,  the  same  day 
for  the  election  of  officers  under  that  constitution.  The 
Proslavery  people  a(lf>pted  the  same  tactics  as  had  been 
adopted  by  the  Free-State  men,  and  refused  to  vote  on  the 
subject,  while  over  ten  thousand  votes  were  recorded 
against  the  Constitution.  But,  while  no  opposition  vote 
was  recorded,  it  had  little  effect  on  Congress.  At  Wash- 
ington the  President  was  urging  the  adoption  of  the  Le- 
compton Constitution,  and  the  Senate  passed  a  bill  to  that 
effect;  but  the  House  failed  to  concur.  Finally,  a  com- 
promise measure  called  the  English  bill  passed  both  houses, 
which  submitted  the  Constitution  to  the  will  of  the  people 
of  the  State  of  Kansas.  In  accordance  with  the  provisions 
of  this  bill,  a  vote  was  taken  for  or  against  the  Constitu- 
tion on  August  2d,  1858.     The  result  was  declared  to  be 


234  LIFE    OF    CilAKLKS    KOBIJNSOX 

1,788  votes  for  the  Gonstitiition  and  11,300  against  it, 
leaving  it  defeated  by  a  majority  of  9,512. 

During  all  this  time  Dr.  Kobinson  thoroughly  understood 
the  political  situation  in  Kansas,  and  was  particularly  well 
versed  in  the  relation  of  the  Federal  to  Territorial  politics. 
He  understood  how  necessary  a  conservative  policy  was 
to  the  success  of  the  Free-State  cause  in  Kansas,  and  what 
harm  would  be  wrought  by  a  radical  opposition  of  this 
party  to  the  Federal  Government,  which  was  in  sympathy 
Avith  the  Proslavery  element  in  the  Territory.  His  letter 
to  Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  later  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  is  a  careful  exposition  of  the  political  situation,  and 
furnishes  so  vividly  a  record  of  the  times  of  1858,  when 
matters  were  shaping  themselves  for  the  final  victory  of 
1861,  that  it  is  given  in  part: 

Lawrence,  May  12th,  1858. 

My  Deau  Sir:  Your  favor  of  the  4th  instant  is  received.  You 
need  have  no  fear  of  the  adoption  of  Lecompton  by  the  people  of  Kan- 
sas. The  vote  against  it  will  probably  be  much  larger  than  on  the  4th 
of  January  last.  All  the  Free-State  men  will  vote  against  it,  and 
one-half  the  Democrats.  From  letters  I  am  receiving  from  the  East, 
as  well  as  from  newspapers,  I  see  that  our  Republican  friends  are 
unnecessarily  alarmed.  They  evidently  do  not  understand  the  pro- 
gram of  the  Democratic  party.  Either  I  am  very  much  mistaken, 
or  that  party  is  as  desirous  of  seeing  Lecompton  voted  down  as  the 
Eepublieans,  although,  of  course,  they  will  not  say  so  authoritatively. 
Why  is  this?  you  will  ask. 

In  the  first  place,  they  know  that  if  Lecompton  should  go  into 
the  Union,  the  radical  Republicans  would  go  into  the  Senate.  This 
could  not  be  prevented  unless  the  Free-State  party  made  a  fatal 
blunder.  Also,  the  State  Government  and  members  of  Congress 
would  be  Republican,  and  the  Constitution  would  be  changed  in  the 
"  twinkling  of  an  eye."  Of  this  state  of  facts  the  administration 
became  aware,  and  this,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  real  reason  why  the 
Senate  bill  did  not  pass  the  House.     Who  believes  now  that  English 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  235 

and  Company  could  not  have  been  induced  to  vote  for  the  Senate  bill 
had  the  proper  arguments  been  used  with  them?  Who  believes  that 
the  South  would  have  allowed  us  a  vote  on  Lecompton  had  they  be- 
lieved slavery  would  have  gained  anything  by  a  refusal  ?  Eemember, 
the  English  bill  passed  by  Southern  votes,  chiefly.  Did  they  suppose 
that  we  would  do  anything  else  than  vote  the  ordinance  down?  No! 
They  might  possibly  hope  to  induce  a  few  to  change  their  votes,  had 
they  desired  to  do  so,  but  no  man  could  be  so  infatuated  as  to  sup- 
pose that  a  majority  of  ten  thousand  could  be  changed  right-about- 
face  in  the  short  space  of  six  months;  for  the  English  ordinance  is 
really  no  more  and  no  less  than  Lecompton,  except  that  it  has  less 
land  than  when  we  defeated  it  in  January. 

What  then  is  the  plan?  As  I  have  obtained  it  from  no  man  or 
men,  but  simply  from  observation,  I  betray  no  confidence  in  revealing 
it.  We  are  to  remain  a  Territory  till  the  new  Congress  meets,  in 
December,  1859,  if  no  longer.  In  the  mean  time  the  administration 
of  the  government  in  Kansas  will  be  eminently  just  and  fair.  All 
disturbances  will  be  quelled  at  once,  and  Free-State  men  will  be  as 
promptly  protected  in  their  persons,  property  and  rights  as  the 
Proslavery  men.  The  Democratic  party  will  take  the  lead  in  aiding 
in  developing  the  resources  of  Kansas,  and  will  claim  to  be  the  special 
friend  of  an  infant  State.  All  the  old  Democrats  will  be  induced  to 
return  to  the  fold,  and  as  many  new  converts  made  as  possible. 
In  this  way  it  is  hoped  that  Kansas  will  come  into  the  Union  with  a 
Democratic  State  Government,  Senators,  etc. 

What  are  their  chances  of  success,  and  upon  what  do  they  build 
their  hopes?  It  is  believed  that  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Kansas 
would  have  been  Democrats  to-day  had  it  not  been  for  the  war 
of  the  administration  upon  Free-State  men,  and  a  very  large 
number  of  the  Free-State  party  who  have  been  Democrats  would 
now  act  with  that  party  were  it  what  it  was  when  they  came  to 
Kansas,  or  when  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  passed.  Many  of 
these  men  would  remain  in  the  Free-State  party  or  join  the  Repub- 
lican party  were  they  fellowshipped  fully  by  the  organs  and  letter- 
writers  of  that  party;  but  they  are  given  the  cold  shoulder  or  are 
positively  assailed  in  the  leading  Eepublican  journals  of  the  country 
without  cause,  and  they  will  naturally  become  alienated  as  soon  as 
they  can  find  their  old  party  conducting  its  affairs  honorably  in 
Kansas.  Another  class  of  our  people,  who  were  Whigs  or  Republicans 
in  '56,  make  antislavery  everywhere,  except  in  Territories,  a  secondary 


236  I.IFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

consideration,  and  are  disposed  to  look  after  the  material  interesta  of 
the  State  of  their  adoption.  They  also  are  suspected  and  given  the 
cold  slionlder  by  the  more  zealous  antislavery  members  of  the  party, 
and  assailed  through  Republican  journals.  Still  another  class,  who 
are  strong  antislaverj'  men,  and  who  feci  that  it  is  important  to  de- 
velop the  resources  of  Kansas,  build  her  roads  and  plant  her  literary 
and  otiier  institutions  as  well  as  make  her  a  free  State,  and  who 
favor  a  conciliatory  course  towards  members  of  the  party,  are  sus- 
pected by  the  censors  of  the  party,  and  all  sorts  of  falsehoods,  sus- 
picions and  insinuations  are  sent  to  the  four  winds  by  means  of 
these  journals. 

The  Democratic  party  here  are  evidently  hoping  tlmt  tlie  above 
elements  will  be  driven  from  the  Republican  party,  and  either  join 
the  Democratic  direct,  or  a  middle  party  with  which  the  Democrats 
will  unite  and  carry  the  elections.  The  Democrats  see  that  the  Free- 
State  party  has  an  element  that  will  destroy  it  as  soon  as  per- 
manent peace  is  established.  It  is  an  element  that  would  destroy 
any  party  in  any  State  if  allowed  full  scope.  It  is  well  known  that 
a  large  number  of  our  leading  Republican  journals  of  the  country 
support  correspondents  in  Kansas  who  as  a  general  thing  have  but 
little  if  any  interest  in  the  material  welfare  of  Kansas,  but  who 
are  zealous  reformers,  and  many  of  them  excellent  men.  From 
correspondents  the  tend^ey  is  for  them  to  become  mere  partisans, 
and  if  partisans  aspirants,  and  if  aspirants  apt  to  imagine  every- 
botly  wrong  who  does  not  think  with  and  support  them.  These  imag- 
inations are  aj)t  to  get  into  their  correspondence  as  truths,  and  when 
they  come  back  to  Kansas  in  some  leading  journal,  all  who  may  differ 
from  these  aspiring  correspondents  consider  themselves  wronged, 
their  position  wrongly  stated  or  not  stated  at  all,  their  reasons  per/ 
verted  or  omitted  entirely,  and  the  result  is  apt  to  be  heartburnii 
and  jealousies  and  a  coldness  towards  a  party  whose  organs  are  iised 
to  misrepresent,  prevent,  and  perhaps  belie  the  history  of  the  ^tate. 
On  this  element  I  have  reason  to  believe  the  Democrats  plac^  great 
reliance.  If  these  correspondents  acted  the  part  of  impartial  and 
disinterested  historians,  or  confined  their  one-sided  strictures  to  the 
opponents  of  the  Free-State  party,  they  might  be  of  serviee  and  not 
destructive  to  the  party;  but  when  the  Republican  party  of  the 
country  support  a  class  of  partisans,  office-seekers,  etc.,  who  traduce 
or  praise  by  the  column  whatever  or  whoever  they  may  deem  for 
their  interest,  it  will   naturally  alienate  from  that  party  all  office- 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  237 

eeekere, —  and  nearly  all  are  aspiring  in  new  countries, —  who  have  to 
support  themselves  by  the  labor  of  their  hands,  and  contend  against 
the  Republican  journals  of  the  country.     .     .     . 

While  the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  pending  in  Con- 
gress, the  radical  elements  of  the  Free-State  party  desired 
to  have  a  new  constitution.  There  was  little  hope  that  the 
Topeka  Constitution  would  he  acknowledged  by  Congress, 
and  hence  become  the  supreme  law  of  Kansas  when  the 
Territory  became  a  State.  The  Territorial  Legislature, 
which  it  will  be  remembered  had  a  majority  in  favor  of  the 
Free-State  cause,  voted  to  hold  a  constitutional  convention 
for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  new  constitution,  radically 
opposed  to  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  A  bill  for  this 
purpose  was  introduced  January  12th,  1858,  by  John 
Speer.  For  two  years  the  people  had  perseveringly  adhered 
to  the  Topeka  Constitution.  Govenior  Denver  was  opposed 
to  any  more  constitutional  conventions,  as  he  stated  there 
were  constitutions  enough  already,  and  he  took  care  that 
the  bill  should  die,  although  he  avoided  a  formal  veto  of  it. 
He  asserted  that  the  bill  arrived  at  his  office  within  three 
days  of  the  final  adjournment  of  the  Legislature.  Accord- 
ing to  the  law,  all  such  bills  would  die  if  not  signed,  or 
vetoed  and  returned  to  the  Legislature  with  the  objections 
of  the  Governor.  If  the  Governor  vetoed  it,  there  was  a 
possibility  of  its  being  passed  over  his  head  by  a  two-thirds 
vote  in  its  favor ;  but  this  the  Governor  took  care  should 
not  be  done.  Being  opposed  to  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, he  took  this  way  of  preventing  it  by  "  killing  "  the  bill 
which  provided  for  it. 

The  Legislature,  however,  maintained  that  the  bill  was 
in  the  Governor's  hands  in  ample  time  to  become  a  law  if 


238  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

lie  failed  to  veto  it.  The  Legislature  therefore  passed  a 
resolution  introduced  by  John  Speer,  declarinp^  that  the 
bill  had  passed,  and  that  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Grover- 
nor  three  days  prior  to  the  final  adjournment  of  the  Legis- 
lature. Therefore  a  constitutional  convention  was  called. 
On  March  9th  an  election  of  delegates  to  this  convention 
was  held,  and  the  convention  met  on  March  2,  at  Minneola. 
This  convention  had  many  able  men  among  its  members, 
though  its  composition  was  different  from  the  body  of  men 
who  had  been  struggling  for  the  Topeka  Constitution. 
The  convention  early  fell  into  disrepute,  because  there  was 
in  connection  with  it  a  land  scheme  which  was  generally 
supposed  to  be  a  swindle.  Minneola  was  an  open  prairie 
in  Franklin  county,  consisting  only  of  the  name  without 
the  town.  Of  the  fifty-two  members  of  this  convention, 
thirty-five  were  interested  in  the  land  scheme.  So  great 
was  the  prejudice  against  this  body  that  they  were  obliged 
to  leave  their  hastily  erected  convention  hall,  which  was  to 
be  the  capitol  of  the  State,  and  go  to  Leavenworth  to  com- 
plete their  work.  The  motion  prevailed  at  one  time  to  ad- 
journ from  Minneola  to  Topeka,  but  this  idea  was  aban- 
doned, and  the  convention  adjourned  to  meet  at  T^aven- 
worth ;  hence  this  convention  is  always  kno^vn  as  the  Leav- 
enworth Convention.  The  constitution  that  it  drew  up  was 
a  well-written  document,  perhaps  stronger  than  any  that 
had  yet  been  made.  In  some  respects  it  was  an  improve- 
ment on  the  Topeka  Constitution.  Its  real  purpose  ap- 
peared to  be  to  place  the  radicalism  of  the  Free-State  party 
against  the  radicalism  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 
The  action  of  this  convention  had  much  to  do  in  pre- 
cipitating the  struggle  against  the  Lecompton  Constitution 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGGLE  239 

before  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  most  strik- 
ing pecnliarity  in  this  new  Constitution  was  the  liberal 
clause  in  regard  to  suffrage.     Section  1,  article  2,  says: 

"  In  all  elections  not  otherwise  provided  for  by  this  Constitu- 
tion, every  male  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years  or  upward,  and  who  shall  have  resided  in  the  State  six  months 
next  preceding  such  election,  and  ten  days  in  the  precinct  in  which 
he  may  offer  to  vote,  and  every  male  person  of  foreign  birth  of  the 
age  of  twenty-one  years  or  upward,  who  shall  have  resided  in  the 
United  States  one  year,  in  this  State  six  months,  and  in  the  precinct 
in  which  he  may  offer  to  vote  ten  days  next  preceding  such  ©lection, 
and  who  shall  have  declared  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  ten  days 
preceding  such  election,  shall  be  deemed  a  qualified  elector." 

The  word  "  white,"  which  preceded  "  male  "  in  the  To- 
]>eka  Constitution,  was  omitted  in  the  Leavenworth  Consti- 
tution, and  this  fact  in  itself  aroused  great  opposition  to 
the  instrument,  all  the  Proslavery  forces  being  antagonistic 
to  this  innovation. 

April  28-29,  18.58,  a  Free-State  Convention  was  held 
at  Topeka  to  nominate  officers  under  the  Leavenworth 
Constitution.  The  result  was  that  Henry  J.  Adams  was 
nominated  for  Governor,  Cyrus  K.  Tlolliday  for  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, and  E.  P.  Bancroft  of  Emporia  for  Secretary 
of  State.  After  completing  the  work  of  nominating  can- 
didates, the  convention  adopted  a  platform  which  accepted 
the  Leavenworth  Constitution,  and  pledged  themselves  to 
favor  its  adoption  and  ratification  by  the  people.  They 
also  adopted  measures  in  reference  to  the  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution, which  was  the  great  bugbear  of  the  Free-State 
people  at  this  time.  On  May  18th  the  Leavenworth  Con- 
stitution was  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification. 
Only  about  4,000  votes  were  cast,  and  about  one-fourth  of 


240  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

thorn  were  in  tlie  nej^ative.  Perliaps  the  sti^^a  placed  on 
this  constitution  by  its  origin  had  much  to  do  Avith  its  de- 
feat, for  in  many  respects  it  was  an  excellent  instrument. 
11ni8  failed  the  thii-d  constitution  proposed  for  the  organi- 
zation of  Kansas. 

A  more  elaborate  discussion  of  the  events  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Tveavenworth  Constitution,  though  it 
would  be  extremely  interesting  in  many  i*espeets,  would  be 
out  of  place  in  this  volume,  because  Governor  Robinson, 
the  subject  primarily  under  discussion,  was  not  in  any  way 
connected  with  the  Leavenworth  Constitution.  It  is  suf- 
ficient to  say  that  the  making  of  this  constitution  is  one  part 
of  the  Fre^State  movement  with  which  he  appears  not  to 
have  been  connected ;  and  the  fact  that  it  was  an  ignomini- 
ous failure  is  of  some  significance,  although  it  is  not  in- 
tended to  insist  that  failure  attended  every  movement  in 
the  State  with  which  Governor  Robinson  was  not  cen- 
nected.  While  the  Governor  Avas  ready,  however,  to  work 
with  any  united  party  to  forward  the  interests  of  the  Free- 
State  cause,  it  appears  that  the  LeavenAvorth  Constitution 
did  not  appeal  strongly  to  him  as  a  means  of  settling  the 
questions  at  issue.  Moreover,  he  was  serving  as  nominal 
Governor  under  the  Topeka  Constitution,  and  did  not  care 
to  sever  his  connection  with  this  constitution  Avithout  a 
good  cause.  It  did  not  appear  that  the  people  Avere  ready 
to  adopt  a  constitution  directly  opposed  to  tlie  Lecompton 
Constitution,  and  thus  prolong  the  struggle.  The  people, 
too,  seemed  to  have  groAvn  tired  of  constitution-making; 
and  to  this  cause,  among  others,  must  be  attributed  the 
failure  of  the  Leavenworth  Constitution.  Had  this  same 
constitution  come  up  later,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGI,E  241 

the  Wjandotte  Constitution,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  it  would  not  have  heen  adopted.  But  it  arrived  at  an 
inopportune  moment.  Moreover,  the  Governor  had  vetoed 
the  bill  providing  for  the  convention  that  framed  it,  and 
henee  the  instrument  was,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  illegal. 
Finally,  there  Avas  developed  a  land  scheme  in  connection 
with  the  location  of  the  capital  of  the  State.  The  plan  of 
the  organizers  of  the  new  goveminent  under  the  Leaven- 
worth Constitution  was  to  make  Minneola  the  capital. 
As  might  have  been  expected,  in  the  case  of  an  instrument 
having  so  unfortunate  an  origin,  the  Leavenworth  Consti- 
tution ended  in  ignominious  failure. 

But  though  there  was  nothing  in  this  constitution  to  com- 
mend it  to  Robinson  as  a  leader,  or  to  the  people  as  voters, 
and  it  failed,  yet,  the  leaders  who  favored  it  were  deter- 
mined to  put  it  in  force  in  opposition  to  the  Territorial 
Government.  These  ultra  radicals  expected,  in  case  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  should  be  adopted  bj  Congress,  to 
put  the  Leavenworth  Government  into  operation  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Federal  Government.  Or,  as  one  of  the  most 
officious  said,  "  If  the  people's  government  is  put  into 
operation  and  the  Federal  power  attempts  to  interfere, 
there  will  be  a  desperate  struggle." 

The  advocates  of  the  Leavenworth  Constitution  elected 
their  officers  and  completed  their  organization.  Beyond 
their  they  accomplished  very  little  to  forward  this  unpopu- 
lar movement.  The  matter  of  the  organization  of  the  State 
of  Kansas  under  the  Leavenworth  Constitution  was  pre- 
sented to  Congress  on  January  6,  1859,  but  no  action  was 
taken  concerning  it. 

The  election  of  members  of  the  fourth  Territorial  Leg- 
—  16 


242  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

islature  occurred  October  4tli,  1858,  and  the  Leg-islature 
convened  at  Lecompton  on  Januaiy  3d,  1859.  On  tlie  fol- 
lowing^ day  it  adjourned  to  Lawrence,  where  it  met  on  Jan- 
uary 7th.  The  Legislature  was  now  composed  of  a  major- 
ity of  Free-State  men,  and  they  proceeded  to  repeal  a  large 
portion  of  the  so-called  "Loo:us  laws"  of  1855.  All  the 
land  laws  of  1857  and  the  laws  of  1858  were  also  carefully 
revised.  The  people  were  still  determined  to  become  a 
State  of  the  Union  under  the  Free-State  banner.  This 
Legislature,  uninfluenced  by  the  failure  of  tlie  three  consti- 
tutions that  had  already  been  constructed,  boldly  proposed 
a  new  constitutional  convention.  The  question  of  holding 
such  a  convention  was  submitted  to  the  people,  witli  the 
result  that  5,306  votes  were  cast  for  and  1,425  against,  the 
constitutional  convention.  The  delegates  to  this  conven- 
tion were  chosen  June  7th,  1859. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  met  at  Wyandotte,  on 
July  5th.  It  was  composed,  to  a  large  extent,  of  new  men. 
But  few  members  of  the  Topeka,  Lecompton  and  Leaven- 
w^orth  conventions  were  present.  The  convention  started 
with  new  material  and  with  a  new  purpose,  and,  so  far  as 
any  political  influences  were  concerned,  without  much  ref- 
erence to  what  other  constitutional  conventions  had  done. 
It  had  before  it  the  experience  of  the  other  constitutional 
conventions,  but  it  had  to  meet  new  conditions.  There  ap- 
peared, however,  to  be  a  persistency  of  ideas  respecting  the 
treatment  of  the  African  race,  for,  strange  to  say,  this  con- 
vention held  to  the  old  phrase  in  the  Topeka  Constitution, 
that  every  "  ivhitc  "  male  person  should  have  the  right  of 
suffrage,  instead  of  adopting  the  radical  view  of  the  Leav- 
enworth Constitution,  that  every  male  citizen  of  the  United 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  243 

States  should  have  that  right.  This  shows  that  after  all, 
the  people  of  Kansas  had  not  fully  realized  what  would 
be  the  final  outcome  of  the  war  against  slavery,  namely, 
the  full  and  free  admission  of  emancipated  slaves  to  citizen- 
ship. The  opposition  to  the  introduction  of  the  negro, 
bond  or  free,  into  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  fills  the  reader 
of  Kansas  history  with  surprise.  N^or  was  it  a  passing 
whim  or  notion,  or,  indeed,  a  failure  to  completely  organize, 
for  the  Constitutional  amendment  submitted  in  1867  to 
strike  out  the  word  '"  white  "  was  defeated  at  the  polls  by 
a  large  majority.  It  could  only  be  accounted  for  from  two 
points  of  view:  one,  that  there  was  a  great  diversity  of 
views  among  the  Free-State  men  respecting  the  negro; 
and  the  other,  that  a  free  State  could  better  be  established 
by  his  entire  exclusion. 

As  before  stated,  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  conven- 
tion showed  that  there  were  new  conditions  to  be  considered, 
for  out  of  the  whole  membership  of  the  convention  only 
seven  had  been  members  of  previous  constitutional  conven- 
tions of  Kansas  that  made  the  several  defunct  constitutions. 
But  the  men  who  assembled  to  make  the  constitution  had 
for  precedents  the  constitutions  of  other  States,  and  had 
also  the  results  of  the  constitution-making  in  Kansas. 
While  the  latter  had  more  or  less  influence,  the  constitution 
was  largely  taken  from  the  constitutions  of  Ohio,  Indiana, 
and  Iowa,  the  first  being  most  used;  while  the  Bill  of 
Rights  of  the  Leavenworth  Constitution  was  used.  It  was 
thus  that  tlie  many  old  leaders  of  the  various  political  fac- 
tions in  Kansas  were  in  the  background  during  the  forma- 
tion of  the  constitution  under  which  the  State  was  to  come 
into  the  Union. 


244  JLIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

The  convention  finally  completed  its  labors  and  presented 
to  the  citizens  of  Kansas  the  Wyandotte  Constitution, 
which  was  adopted  on  October  4th,  1859,  by  a  vote  of 
10,421  for  its  adoption,  there  being  only  5,530  against  it. 
So  far  as  Kansas  is  concerned,  this  completed  the  Consti- 
tutional Struggle,  although,  owing  to  adverse  circumstances 
at  Washington,  a  long  time  was  destined  to  elapse  before 
the  Federal  Government  should  recognize  this  action  and 
create  a  State  out  of  the  new  Territory.  Finally,  after 
many  difficulties,  the  Constitution  was  recognized,  and 
President  Buchanan  signed  the  bill  for  the  admission  of 
Kansas  into  the  Union  on  January  29th,  1861. 

Before  leaving  this  subject  it  is  well  to  refer  to  a  phase 
of  the  Constitutional  Struggle  which  relates  more  especially 
to  political  organization.  The  purpose  of  the  Free-State 
organization  and  the  Topeka  Constitution  have  been  clearly 
pointed  out.  Those  who  have  followed  the  writer  thus  far 
will  have  observed  how  the  service  and  efficiency  of  the 
Free-State  party  gradually  declined,  and  how  the  party 
finally  became  disintegrated  as  new  political  forces  arose. 
The  rapid  tendency  shows  that  disintegration  set  in  at  the 
time  of  the  Grasshopper  Falls  Convention,  August  26th, 
1857,  and  was  immediately  dependent  upon  the  fact  of  a 
majority  of  Free-State  men  in  the  Territory. 

Again,  on  December  23d  and  24th,  the  Free-State  Con- 
vention of  December  2d  held  an  adjourned  meeting  at  Law- 
rence, in  which  the  policy  of  voting  for  officers  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  was  freely  discussed.  Governor 
Robinson  and  others  supported  the  policy  of  voting.  A 
mass  convention,  called  to  assemble  at  the  same  time  and 
at  the  same  place,  held  alternate  sessions  with  the  delegate 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  24:5 

convention.  In  this  convention  a  resolution  to  instruct 
the  delegate  convention  to  nominate  State  officers  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  was  laid  upon  the  table.  Subse- 
quently a  group  of  Free-State  men  assembled,  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  24th,  after  the  adjournment  of  the  mass  conven- 
tion, and  nominated  a  State  ticket  to  be  supported  on  the 
4th  of  January,  the  time  of  election  of  officers  imder  the 
Lecompton  Constitution. 

The  next  step  in  the  downward  tendency  of  the  Free- 
State  organization  is  observed  in  the  meeting  of  the  Free- 
State  Legislature  at  Lawrence,  on  January  Tth,  1858, 
where  the  Territorial  Legislature  was  in  session.  At  this 
time  the  Free-State  Legislature  asked  the  Territorial  Leg- 
islature to  substitute  the  State  for  the  Territorial  organi- 
zation. As  both  legislatures  were  composed  of  Free-State 
men,  it  was  inevitable  that  their  forces  should  be  united  in 
some  way.  As  a  final  result  of  this  meeting  the  Topeka 
Legislature  surrendered  its  claim  to  power  to  the  Territo- 
rial Legislature.  This  was  practically  the  death-blow  of 
the  Free-State  organization.  An  attempt  wa«  made  to 
revive  the  Free-State  party  in  a  convention  held  at  Big 
Springs  May  12th,  1859.  George  W.  Smith  called  the 
convention  to  order,  and  Robert  Riddle,  of  Jefferson 
county,  presided.  The  convention,  did  little  more  than  re- 
port resolutions  and  give  evidence  that  the  Free-State  party 
had  done  its  work ;  and  this  convention  was  its  last  effort. 

A  very  significant  event  occurred,  however,  which  tended 
to  reorganize  the  political  forces  on  a  national  basis, —  the 
organization  of  the  Republican  party,  which  occurred  at 
Osawatomie,  on  May  18th,  1859.  This  convention  was 
composed  of  representative  men  from  every  portion  of  the 


246  LIFE    OF    CHABXES    ROBINSON 

Territory  which  had  been  settled.  It  was  a  difficult  mat- 
ter to  brin<y  the  diverse  elements  there  represented,  having 
so  manj  varied  opinions  of  organizations,  into  a  harmoni- 
ous union  on  a  national  basis. 

Of  all  those  persons  who  were  influential  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  this  party,  none  were  more  prominent  than  Col. 
O.  E.  Learnard.  There  were  two  radical  factions  facing 
each  other  in  this  convention,  and  Col.  Learnard,  being 
practically  independent  of  either,  was  chosen  president  of 
this  body  after  it  w^as  called  to  order  by  Hon.  T.  D wight 
Thacher.  In  the  contest  for  the  presidency  Learnard  was 
opposed  by  Phillips,  the  former  receiving  a  handsome  ma- 
jority. The  resolutions  prepared  by  the  committee,  of 
which  Thomas  Ewing,  jr.,  was  chairman,  gave  forth  no 
uncertain  sound  on  the  question  of  slavery.  It  asserted 
"  That  Freedom  is  national,  and  Slavery  sectional,  and  that 
we  are  inflexibly  opposed  to  the  extension  of  Slavery  t-o 
soil  now  free."  Also,  "  That  the  Wyandotte  Constitutional 
Convention  be  requested  to  incorporate  in  the  Bill  of  Rights 
in  the  Constitution  a  provision  that  neither  slavery  nor  in- 
voluntary servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  Kansas,  except  in 
punishment  of  crime." 

The  resolutions  set  forth  clearly  the  political  condition 
of  the  Territory,  and  urged  organization  on  a  national 
basis.  It  was  plain  to  be  seen  that  henceforth  in  Kansas 
the  political  lines  were  to  be  more  closely  drawn.  iSTot  a 
little  discussion  arose  on  the  various  propositions,  for,  as 
Col.  Learnard  clearly  states  it,  the  Free-State  party  or- 
ganization had  done  its  work,  and  something  more  definite 
must  now  be  established.  Or,  as  he  briefly  states :  "  The 
Free-State  party  organization,  under  whose  banner  the  con- 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STKUGGLE  247 

test  had  been  wafj;ed  and  won,  had  hut  a  single  plank  and 
a  single  purpose  —  freedom  for  Kansas.  Composed  as  it 
was,  of  men  w^hose  former  party  predilections  and  affili- 
ations were  largely  dissimilar,  often  antagonistic,  they 
strove  together  loyally  and  faithfully  nntil  the  victory  Avas 
assured.  When  the  purpose  of  that  organization  had  been 
achieved  and  the  time  approached  when,  under  a  State 
organization,  an  aligniment  of  parties  on  a  national  basis 
would  necessarily  ensue,  a  convention  was  called  for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  the  Republican  party  of  Kansas,  on 
May  18th,  18.59,  at  Osawatomie;  indeed.  Republicanism 
inhered  in  Kansas,  for  it  had  been  both  its  occasion  and 
its  inspiration."  ^ 

Perhaps  the  success  of  the  resolutions,  and  in  fact,  of 
the  whole  organization,  was  in  a  measure  due  to  the  re- 
markable address  made  by  Thomas  Ewing.  The  president, 
Col.  Learnard,  had  asked  Mr.  Ewing  to  address  the  con- 
vention, ''but  he  replied  that  he  could  not  make  a  speech 
after  the  address  of  Mark  Parrott,  who  had  spoken  in  the 
morning,  and  who  was,  perhaps,  the  most  eloquent  and  ver- 
satile man  we  had  in  Kansas  up  to  that  time."  But  while 
the  deliberations  of  the  convention  were  proceeding  in  the 
afternoon  session,  Mr.  Ewing  entered  the  hall,  and  the 
president  requested  him  to  come  to  the  platform.  To 
quote  Col.  Learnard : 

"  He  was  an  imposing  figure,  and  had  a  commanding  presence, — 
tall,  and  straight  as  an  Indian.  Coining  forward,  he  faced  the  as- 
sembly, and  as  it  seemed  to  me,  stood  for  a  full  minute  without 
uttering  a  syllable.  When  he  commenced  speaking  it  was  slowly, 
deliberately,  and  with  a  tremulous  voice.  Every  nerve  in  him  seemed 
to  be  flrung  to  its  highest  tension.     He  argued  for  the  resolutions 

'  Kar.tiafl  Hietorical  CoUectSonfi,  Vol.  C,  p.  313. 


248  LIFE    01<"    CltARI.E!:l    KOBlNSOJ>r 

in  a  most  eflfective  speecli, —  the  most  cfl'ectivc.  it  seems  to  me  now, 
I  have  ever  heard  in  Kansas.  After  he  eoncludod  there  was  a  further 
slight  effort  on  the  part  of  the  opposition  to  modify  the  resolutions, 
but  the  call  for  a  vote  was  general,  which  resulted  in  the  adoption 
of  the  resolutions  almost  if  not  quite  unanimously.  The  threatened 
difficulties  and  dissensions  were  overcome,  and  the  Eepuhlican  [)arty 
in  Kansas  was  an  accomplished  fact."  ^ 

Thus  the  political  disinte^ratiou  of  the  Free-State  party 
ended  in  the  formal  organization  of  the  Republican  party, 
which  was  to  be  the  standard-bearer  of  freedom  in  Kansas. 
The  Topeka  Constitution,  which  represented  the  Free-State 
people,  met  with  defeat  in  Congress ;  the  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution, which  met  with  much  favor  in  Congress  and  by 
the  Federal  administration,  was  finally  defeated  by  an 
honest  vote  in  Kansas;  the  Leavenworth  Constitution, 
never  having  very  much  of  life,  perished  soon  after  its 
birth  ;  the  Wyandotte  Constitution  had  not  yet  been  framed 
when  the  Republican  party  of  Kansas  was  organized. 
Soon  after  this  event  the  Constitution  was  created,  ap- 
proved by  the  people,  and  subsequently  recognized  by  the 
United  States  Government,  when  Kansas  was  admitted  as 
a  State. 

Hence  it  was  the  Re])ublican  State  Convention  which 
met  at  Topeka  on  October  12th,  upon  which  devolved  the 
nominations  of  officers  under  the  Wyandotte  Constitution.^ 
William  A.  Phillips  presided  at  this  meeting,  and  P.  B. 
Plumb  and  .T.  A.  Martin  acted  as  secretaries.     Charles 

1  Kansas  Historical  Collections,  Vol.  6,  p.  315. 

Horace  Greeley  made  an  effective  and  enthusiastic  speech  at  Osawatoniie  on  the  day 
of  the  organization  of  the  Kepublican  party.  But  he  was  not  invited  to  address  the  con- 
vention, and  (lid  not  address  it,  although  it  is  commonly  reported  that  he  did.  Owiiyj 
to  the  pronounw^d  views  of  Mr.  Greeley,  It  was  feared  that  he  might  add  to  the  inhar- 
mony  that  alresidy  prevailed,  and  prevent  the  successful  organization  of  the  party,  be- 
cause it  was  alleged  that  he  waa  not  fully  conversant  with  local  affairs. 

-Subsequently,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Republican  Committee,  Charles  Eobin.ion  was 
appointed  Nation;)!  Committeeman. 


THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    STRUGGLE  249 

RobinsGn,  who  was  nominated  for  Governor,  received  a 
handsome  majority  over  liis  opponent,  H.  P.  Johnson.  An 
election  of  State  officers,  under  the  Wyandotte  Constitu- 
tion, was  held  December  6th,  1859,  at  which  Charles 
Robinson  received  7,908  votes,  and  his  opponent,  Samuel 
Medary,  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic  party,  received 
5,395.  J.  W.  Robinson  was  elected  Secretary  of  State,  and 
George  S.  Hillyer,  Auditor.  Thus  was  established  the 
State  Government  of  Kansas,  under  the  Wyandotte  Con- 
stitution ;  although  some  time  did  elapse  before  it  was  put 
into  operation.  ; 


250  LlJ^E    OF    CHABIES     ROBINSON 


CHAPTEE    VIT. 

LOCAL    AFFAIRS. 

There  were  many  local  events  wliich  had  much  to  do 
with  the  progress  of  the  Free-State  cause  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Territory.  It  will  be  necessary  to  refer  to  a 
few  of  these  in  order  to  understand  the  true  relation  of 
Governor  Robinson  to  the  affairs  concerning  its  progress. 
But  of  the  great  number  of  local  events  of  vital  importance 
to  the  settlers  of  Kansas,  very  little  may  be  said.  They 
deserve  a  better  treatment,  but  want  of  space  forbids  the 
writer  entering  into  the  details  of  affairs. 

The  material  progress  of  the  Territory  was  greatly  re- 
tarded by  the  reigTi  of  terror  Avhich  existed  in  the  summer 
of  1856,  prior  to  the  coming  of  Governor  Geary.  The  his- 
tory of  this  period  has  never  been  carefully  written,  nor, 
indeed,  adequately  represented  from  any  standpoint.  Per- 
haps it  was  because  the  principal  leaders  in  the  sti*uggle 
were  absent  from  the  Territory  a  greater  part  of  the  time, 
or,  in  some  instances,  like  those  of  Robinson  and  others, 
were  confined  in  the  prison  at  Lecompton.  But  those  who 
remained  in  their  homes  were  afraid  of  their  lives,  and 
those  who  found  occasion  to  travel  in  the  Territory  w^ere  in 
constant  fear  of  robbery  and  assassination.  Armed  bands 
of  unscrupulous  men  roamed  over  the  Territory,  robbing 
and  murdering  Free-State  men  and  burning  their  homes. 
To  counteract  this,  armed  bands  of  rFeo-State  men  were 
forced  to  defend  themselves  against  marauding  bands. 
However  necessary  this  latter  mode  of  defense  may  have 


LOCAL    AFFAIRS  251 

appeared,  it  failed  to  restore  quiet  or  to  give  protection  to 
unoffending  settlers.  It  represents  the  most  disagreeable 
and  dangerous  era  in  the  whole  history  of  the  early  strug- 
gles in  Kansas,  and  the  most  unpleasant  phase  to  contem- 
plate,—  and,  indeed,  the  most  difficult  to  relate. 

This  line  of  conduct,  representing  savage  predatory  war- 
fare, was  inaugurated  by  the  act  of  John  Brown  in  his 
brutal  attack  upon  the  citizens  of  the  Pottawatomie.  The 
act  of  taking  five  men  in  the  dead  of  night,  from  their 
homes,  and  cruelly  butchering  them,  caused  the  whole 
community  to  shudder.  The  suddenness  and  unexpected- 
ness of  the  attack,  its  vigorous  and  uncompromising  char- 
acter, demonstrated  to  the  Free-State  men  the  possibilities 
of  retaliatory  measures.  Here  was  a  new  line  of  warfare, 
adopted  by  one  man  who  stood  alone,  being  neither  Pro- 
slavery  nor  Free-State,  but  just  a  bold  Abolitionist  who  had 
sworn  in  his  youth  to  wage  uncompromising  warfare  against 
slavery.  The  ethics  of  the  deed  is  not  a  subject  for  dis- 
cussion at  this  place.  The  fact  of  the  deed  and  its  influence 
should  be  mentioned  here.^ 

The  Proslavery  people  were  astonished  beyond  measure, 
for  they  realized  they  had  now  an  element  to  contend  with 
that  they  had  not  hitherto  met.  But  while  this  bloody  deed 
sent  consternation  to  the  hearts  of  the  Proslavery  people 
of  the  neighborhood,  many  of  them  fleeing  across  the  border 
for  their  lives,  its  really  important  effect  was  to  arouse  re- 
newed exertions  on  the  part  of  the  Proslavery  people  to 
carry  on  the  conquest,  and  to  give  them  an  excuse  for  sav- 
age retaliation.     On  the  other  hand,  the  Free-State  men 

'  Bee  Chapter  X. 


252  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

had  a  bold  example  of  resistance,  and  tbov  prepared  to  re- 
pel the  Missouri  invaders  bj  force  of  arms.  Band  after 
band  of  Free-State  men  organized  to  meet  bands  of  ruf- 
fians from  Missouri,  so  that  Kansas  Territory  found  it- 
self, in  the  summer  of  185C,  overwhelmed  by  a  border  war- 
fare. The  whole  season  was  one  of  terror;  people  dared 
not  leave  their  homes  unarmed.  ISTot  knowing-  when  their 
persons  would  bo  attacked,  their  property  taken,  or  their 
rude  homes  go  up  in  flames,  they  lived  in  a  state  of  perpet- 
ual fear.  The  early  settlers  suffered  many  and  diverse 
trials  and  vicissitudes,  but  there  was  nothing  that  quite 
compared  to  the  indignities  of  the  summer  of  1856  imme- 
diately following  the  Pottawatomie  massacre.  The  lonely 
cabin  and  the  unprotected  settlement  felt  the  full  force  of 
the  merciless  anarchy  that  followed.  Special  mention  is 
here  made  of  this  fact,  for  there  are  those  Avho  still  seem 
to  think  that  Brown's  savage  blows  protected  the  people 
and  freed  the  State  from  ruffianism. 

The  policy  inaugairated  by  Brown  and  pursued  vigor- 
ously by  his  followers  was  entirely  opposed  to  the  plans  of 
Bobins'on  and  other  Free-State  leaders.  To  quote  from 
Andreas'  History  of  Kansas :  "  The  aggressive  warfare 
thus  begun  was  not  in  accordance  with  the  plans  or  pur- 
poses of  the  leaders  of  the  Free-State  movement ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  in  direct  opposition  to  their  counsel,  and 
had  been  persistently  decried  and  successfully  withstood 
up  to  this  time.  For  the  disorder  that  ensued,  the  Free- 
State  organization  was  not  in  any  way  responsible.  The 
aggressive  movement  at  that  time  was  an  uncontrollable 
outburst  of  rage  long  pent  up,  under  the  stress  of  suffer- 
ing,   intimidation,   insult,    humiliation,    and   unrepressed 


LOCAL    AFFAIRS  253 

rage,  such  as  by  liot-tenipered  men  of  courage  could  no 
longer  be  unresistingly  endured."  The  writer  then  pro- 
ceeds to  lay  the  blame  at  the  door  of  those  high  in  authority 
who  planned  and  executed  the  outrages  of  fraudulent  gov- 
ernment until  they  reached  this  climax  of  bloody  strife. 
It  is  idle  to  conjecture  whether  peace  might  not  have  been 
better  maintained  by  calmly  waiting  for  the  plans  of  the 
Free-State  party  to  mature,  for  war  came,  and  the  Free- 
State  people  met  as  best  they  could  their  enemies,  resisting 
them  by  force.  '"John  Brown's  bloody  code  of  retaliation" 
ruled  in  the  land.  The  whole  trouble,  from  the  Free-State 
standpoint,  of  this  mode  of  warfare  was  that  when  lead- 
ers like  Brown  and  Lane  made  a  sudden  attack  and  ob- 
tained victory,  they  were  up  and  away  immediately,  leav- 
ing the  people  defenseless  against  the  reaction  caused  by 
their  vigorous  warfare.  Hence,  whoever  considers  care- 
fully the  effects  of  this  war  carried  on  by  Brown  and 
others,  will  see  clearly  that,  while  they  terrorized  some  of 
their  enemies,  they  but  excited  others,  who  only  waited 
their  time  to  reap  full  vengeance  on  the  Free-State  people. 
Free-State  and  Proslavery  people  organized  themselves 
into  armed  bands  and  companies,  and  carried  on  a  warfare 
which  was  direful  in  its  effect  although  not  very  dignified 
in  its  movements.  There  are  numerous  records  of  con- 
flicts, some  of  them  great  in  one  way  and  small  in  another. 
There  were  battles  at  Franklin,  Fort  Titus,  Black  Jack, 
Fort  Saunders,  Osawatomie,  Marais  des  Cygnes,  and 
many  other  places.  There  were  intrigues,  plots  and  coun- 
ter-plots, and  the  individual  struggles  arising  from  per- 
sonal quarrels.  In  all  of  this,  though  not  wanting  in  cour- 
age. Governor  Robinson  occupied  a  calm  and  serene  exte- 


254  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

rior.     In  very  many  ways  lie  attempted  to  establish  order 
and  to  prevent  strife  and  bloodshed. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  instances  on  record,  of  at- 
tempts to  retaliate  by  means  of  force,  was  in  regard  to  the 
contemplated  destrnetion  of  the  meml)ers  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  who  were  chosen  for  the  purpose  of  fram- 
ing the  Lecompton  Constitution.  After  the  Territorial 
Legislature  had  been  secured  by  the  Free-State  men,  having 
a  majority  of  votes  in  that  body,  the  Proslavery  ])eople, 
having  no  other  alternative,  endeavored  to  push  their  con- 
stitution in  the  halls  of  Congress,  secure  its  adoption,  and 
create  a  new  government  under  it.  General  Lane  had 
been  instructed  to  organize  the  military  forces  in  Kansas 
for  the  protection  of  the  ballot-box.  He  laid  a  plan  to  as- 
semble all  of  the  Free-State  forces,  ''  to  march  on  Le<!omp- 
ton  and  kill  every  member  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion." It  was  given  out  also  that  he  intended  to  destroy 
the  Territorial  Government  and  set  up  the  Topeka  Gov- 
ernment. At  an  evening  meeting,  held  in  Lawrence  on 
the  l7th  of  October,  1857,  Lane's  proposition  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  Legislature  and  a  military  movement 
against  all  the  Proslavery  strongholds,  was  thoroughly 
discussed.  After  much  discussion  by  Lane  and  others, 
Joel  K.  Goodin  mounted  the  rostrum,  and,  by  a  skillful 
speech,  turned  the  whole  affair  into  ridicule.  He  went  on 
to  demand  war,  great  sacrifices  and  the  spilling  of  blood, 
and  finally  closed  by  saying: 

" '  But  I  may  differ  with  some  of  you  as  to  the  proper  place  to 
begin  this  blood-spilling  business.  ['Hear!  hear!']  No  person  has 
occasioned  more  strife,  or  been  the  more  fruitful  cause  of  ouc  dis- 
turbances, than  —  James  H.  Lane!  He  demands  blood!  We  all 
want  it:    but  it  is  his  bloo<l  that  is  demandetl  at  this  time;    *nd  if 


LOCAL    AFFAIRS  255 

he  presses  on  his  assasslnatioa  projex't,  I  propoae  he  shall  be  the  first 
person  to  contribute  in  that  direction.'  [The  wildest  cheering  pos- 
sible, greatly  prolonged,  followed.] 

'•  General  Lane  seemed  perfectly  confounded.  The  whole  throng 
were  taken  by  surprise,  and  the  business  portion  of  it  were  delighted 
beyond  expression  that  some  person  had  the  ability  and  sufficient  force 
of  character  to  meet  a  bold,  bad  man,  and  throttle  his  murderous 
plans  at  their  inception."  ' 

Governor  Robinson  was  out  of  the  town  at  the  time  of 
this  meeting',  and  it  was  fortunate  that  Goodin  had  the 
oourag'e  and  ability  to  defeat  Lane's  projects  by  a  single 
speech.  Having;  been  thwarted  in  his  attempt.  Lane  man- 
ag'ed  to  liave  a  military  board  created  at  a  meetings  of  the 
Territorial  Legislature,  held  on  January  4th,  1858.  He 
also  managed  to  have  himself  appointed  at  the  head  of  the 
military  board,  x^o  sooner  had  he  accomplished  this  than 
he  began  to  concoct  schemes  for  the  carrying  on  of  a  cam- 
paign against  all  Proslavery  settlements.  There  was  a 
secret  order  called  the  "  Danites,"  through  which  Lane  was 
operating  to  carry  out  his  various  schemes.  After  Gov- 
ernor Robinson's  return  to  Lawrence  he  was  initiated  into 
this  society.  After  the  initiation  ceremonies  were  over. 
General  Lane  arose,  in  his  dignified  and  mysterious  way, 
to  address  the  society.  He  began  to  give  the  details  of  a 
military  plan  in  which  he  had  ordered  the  various  gen- 
erals to  strike  severally  the  important  Proslavery  towns  of 
Kansas.  Closing  his  address,  he  said:  "It  now  remains 
for  Lawrence  to  say  what  shall  be  done  with  Lecompton." 
After  a  few  minutes  silence.  Governor  Robinson  was  called 
for  by  various  ])ersons  in  the  room  to  reply  to  Lane.  Rob- 
inson asked  by  v^^hose  authority  this  was  to  be  done.    Lane 

'"Reminiscences  of  Oovern.)r  Wali-fr,"  )ij  Di.  O.  \V.  Brown.  Karnaw  Oonaiet, 
p.  370. 


25b  LIFE    OF    ClIAKLES    EOBIMSON 

replied,  "  By  the  authority  of  the  military  board."  Rob- 
inson replied  that  "  Neither  the  military  board  nor  any 
other  board  had  any  sncli  authority."  lie  also  gave  notice 
that  anyone  who  attempted  to  carry  ont  any  such  orders 
would  have  him  to  fight.  As  soon  as  Lane's  plans  were 
made  known,  the  people  opposed  him  in  his  nefarious  busi- 
ness, and  the  matter  was  dropped.^  The  troubles  inaugu- 
rated by  predatory  warfare  continued  throughout  the  Free- 
State  period  long  after  the  Free-State  party  had  won  a 
victory.  They  laid  the  foundation  for  much  of  the  guer- 
rilla warfare  which  existed  along  the  border  of  Missouri 
and  Kansas  during  the  Civil  War.  Especially  severe  and 
annoying  were  the  troubles  that  occurred  in  the  southeast 
portion  of  the  Territory,  wdiere  the  reign  of  terror  was  pro- 
longed. 

There  were  troublesome  times  in  Linn  and  Bourbon 
counties  long  after  the  Free-State  men  had  gained  a  ma- 
jority in  the  Territorial  Legislature,  and  when  it  was  evi- 
dent that  Kansas  would  eventually  be  admitted  as  a  free 
State.  The  enmity  and  strife  engendered  by  the  border 
warfare  would  not  down ;  it  increased  in  its  terrors  until 
people  forgot  for  the  time  being  that  there  was  a  civil  gov- 
ernment which  might  redress  their  wrongs  if  appealed  to 
in  a  legal  way.  The  early  experience  with  the  "bogus 
Legislature  "  had  taught  them  to  distrust  and  ignore  gov- 
ernment and  to  accept  mob  rule  instead.  The  events  hap- 
pening in  the  southeastern  part  of  Kansas  during  the  bor- 
der warfare  are  sufficient  in  number  and  magnitude  to 
fill  a  volume.     In  brief,  these  events  include  the  attempt 

1  Governor  Boblneon  said  that  he  did  not  hnow  whether  the  order  into  which  he 
was  initiated  was  the  so-called  "  Danites  "  or  not,  as  he  never  attended  another  meet- 
ing after  his  initiation. 


LOCAL    AFFAIKS  257 

on  the  part  of  the  Proslavery  people  from  Missouri  and 
other  Southern  States  to  terrorize  the  Free-State  people 
and  to  drive  them  from  the  soil ;  the  John  Brown  massacre 
on  tlie  Pottawatomie ;  the  attempt  to  retaliate  by  the  op- 
position as  observed  in  the  Marais  des  Cygnes  massacre; 
and  the  bold  warfare  of  James  Montgomery  and  his  follow- 
ers, who  sought  to  retaliate  for  the  wrongs  done,  and  who 
were  so  embittered  that  tliey  were  ready  to  follow  the  idea 
of  revenge  to  any  extent.  This  border  warfare  began 
vigorously  in  this  section  shortly  after  the  Pottawatomie 
massacre,  and  continued  long  after  peace  prevailed  in  other 
parts  of  the  Territory.  Each  separate  deed  in  this  war- 
fare has  found  those  who  defend  it  on  various  grounds,  but 
the  historian  deplores  the  whole  category  of  sad  occurrences 
that  devastated  the  country  and  caused  so  much  distress 
and  even  ruin  to  thousands  of  settlers. 

So  confused  were  the  operations  and  so  general  the  ruf- 
fianism that  on  the  whole,  Free-State  and  Proslavery  must 
share  the  censure.  Be  that  as  it  may,  what  concerns 
us  at  present  is  the  attempt  of  Governor  Denver  to  break 
up  lawlessness  and  ruffianism  in  this  section.^  With  this 
purpose  in  view  and  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  order,  he 
resolved  to  make  a  tour  of  the  counties  most  afflicted 
with  these  troubles.  In  June,  1858,  the  Governor,  accom- 
panied by  Charles  Robinson  and  others,  traveled  through 
Johnson,  Bourbon  and  Linn  counties,  talking  with  the 
people   and   suggesting  means  of  substituting  civil  gov- 

1  Governor  Denver  was  the  fifth  Governor  sent  out  by  the  Democratic  administra- 
tion for  the  purpoHe  of  fnvorin^,  so  fur  as  possible,  the  Proslavery  cause  In  the  Terri- 
tory, and  he  was  the  first  of  the  five  who  had  not  been  obliged  to  resign  his  place  and 
beat  a  hasty  retreat  from  the  gubernatorial  office.  But  ho  had  accepted  his  position 
with  the  intention  of  resigning  soon  thereafter  on  account  of  business  relations.  He 
therefore  resigned  October  10th,  1868,  and  was  succeeded  by  Samuel  Medary,  of  Ohio. 
Prior  to  Governor  Denver's  administration  Woodson  and  Stanton  had  served  as  actin}< 
Governors,  and  Denver  had  served  a  while  in  the  same  capacity. 

—  17 


258  LIFE    OF    CHA.KLES    ROBINSON 

ernmeut  for  border  war.  Ou  the  12th  and  13th  of  June 
quite  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Bourbon  county 
met  at  Fort  Scott.  There  they  were  addressed  by  Governor 
Denver,  Governor  Robinson  and  Judge  Wainwright,  and 
were  induced  to  pass  resolutions  abolishing  feudal  strife 
and  border  warfare  and  obligating  themselves  to  main- 
tain law,  order  and  justice  through  civil  procedure.  While 
this  attempt  of  Governor  Denver  did  not  entirely  put  an 
end  to  the  disturbances,  it  was  of  great  service  in  estab- 
lishing order.  Governor  Denver  speaks  of  the  able  services 
rendered  by  Charles  Robinson  in  seconding  his  efforts  in 
the  establishment  of  order  in  the  Territory. 

The  material  prosperity  of  Kansas,  though  retarded  by 
the  political  strife,  was  not  forgotten.  The  population  con- 
tinued to  increase,  the  virgin  soil  was  cultivated,  and  in  a 
small  way  public  improvements  were  begun.  The  greatest 
obstacle  that  the  settlers  had  to  contend  with  was  the  lack 
of  transportation  and  easy  communication  in  different  parts 
of  the  Territory  and  to  the  East.  Railroads  were  greatly 
needed,  especially  as  the  river  communication  was  entirely 
inadequate  to  the  demands  of  the  Territory. 

'Nor  did  Dr.  Robinson  wholly  confine  his  attention  to 
matters  political.  He  was  also  interested  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  West,  and  realized  the  need  of  railroads  in  Kan- 
sas. He  spent  considerable  time  in  Washington,  including 
one  whole  winter,  in  urging  legislation  favorable  to  the  ex- 
tension of  railroads  into  the  Territory.  His  plan  was  to 
have  Congress  make  grants  of  land  to  railroad  companies 
as  an  encouragement  for  building,  for  at  that  time  it  was 
not  thought  to  be  a  paying  investment  to  build  a  railroad 
into  Kansas.     Possibly  his  experience  with  traffic  on  t'lc 


LOCAL    AFFAIRS  259 

Missouri  river  and  difficulties  with  land  travel  in  Kansas 
made  him  realize  the  immediate  necessity  of  railroads  in 
order  to  secure  the  safe-conduct  of  Free-State  men  from  the 
jN'orth.  But  he  also  advocated  this  policy  from  a  business 
point  of  view,  believing-  that  it  would  build  up  a  common^ 
wealth  and  furnish  a  means  of  investment  for  the  people. 
It  is  not  known  to  what  extent  his  influence  affected  sub- 
sequent legislation  on  this  subject.  That  it  was  consider- 
able, is  admitted  by  most  men  who  were  conversant  with  the 
affairs  of  the  Territory  at  the  time.  There  were  many  de- 
lays, however,  and  there  were  many  difficulties  to  be  sur- 
mounted before  the  first  railroad  came  to  Lawrence.  The 
following  letter,  written  to  Mr,  Hutchinson  while  Robinson 
was  in  Washingt-on,  shows  to  what  extent  he  had  entered 
into  the  project  of  obtaining  a  railroad  for  Kansas : 

Washington,  Dec.  31,  1858. 

Wm.  Hutchinson,  Esq. —  Dear  Sir:  Your  favor  of  20tli  inst. 
is  received.  I  am  glad  to  find  that  you  have  common-sense.  Those 
men  in  Lawrence  who  are  making  tliemselves  so  busy  in  casting 
imputations  upon  my  integrity  in  regard  to  the  interests  of  Law- 
rence have  simply  my  contempt.  I  know  I  have  never  given  a  living 
soul  any  occasion  to  question  my  devotion  to  her  interests,  and 
hence  I  know  that  these  men  judge  me  by  what  they  themselves  would 
do  if  they  could,  viz.,  betray  the  interests  of  the  town  where  they 
lived  for  their  own  personal  aggrandizement.  However,  nine-tenths 
of  this  hullabaloo  is  merely  for  political  effect.  They  really  do  not 
doubt  my  integrity  in  this  matter,  but  they  know  the  people  are  sen- 
sitive upon  it,  and  they  think  it  a  fine  opportunity  to  elevate  them- 
selves a  peg  or  two  by  standing  on  my  prostrate  body.  Let  them 
8weat.  Every  dog  must  have  his  day,  and  it  would  be  unjust  to 
deprive  them  of  theirs. 

If  any  person  is  really  serious  about  a  railroad  on  the  south  side 
of  the  Kansas  river,  below  Lawrence,  let  him  go  to  work  and  build 
it.  I  will  not  interfere  in  any  way.  It  will  have  to  be  built  with 
stock  subscriptions  alone,  and  be  need  not  wait  for  land  grants,  as 


260  LIFE    OF    CIIAKLES    EOBINSON 

{here  is  no  land  to  be  granted  for  such  a  road.  If  so,  T  should  like 
to  know  -where  it  is.  Certainly  the  Delawares  will  part  with  none 
of  their  lands  for  a  road  that  does  not  go  up  the  nortli  side  of  the 
river.  Lawrence  and  Douglas  county  may  pass  resolutions  from 
now  till  the  judgment  day  for  such  a  road  and  it  will  not  interfere 
Avith  oiir  project,  as  we  are  only  endeavoring  to  build  such  roads  as 
can  be  built  with  lands  grantp<l  for  the  purpose.  There  is  no  man 
here,  either  in  Congress  or  out,  from  Kansas  or  elsewhere,  that  has 
a  single  thought  of  a  grant  of  lands  for  a  road  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river,  below  Lawrence,  and  no  resolutions,  communications  to  the 
Republican,  or  editorial  insinuations  will  put  such  a  thought  into 
their  heads.  When  the  Kansas  Valley  Railroad  Co.  was  chartered, 
the  lands  in  Johnson  county  were  not  disposed  of,  but  now  they  are, 
and  the  project  is  abandoned  by  its  former  friends.  But  the  very 
fact  of  its  having  been  abandoned  by  men  of  sense,  perhaps,  is  the 
very  reason  why  some  wise  people  about  Lawrence  should  take  it  up. 
You  say  you  are  opposed  to  granting  lands  to  aid  any  company 
vx)iv  in  existence.  The  people  of  Kansas  want  these  grants  to  build 
railroads  with,  and  nothing  else,  and  they  want  them  made  in  that 
way  which  will  secure  the  best  roads  in  the  shortest  time.  Some 
chartered  company  must  build  these  roads.  Now  is  it  for  the  interest 
of  the  people  of  Kansas  to  have  all  these  lands  granted,  given  di- 
rectly to  aid  John  Doe  &  Co.  to  build  these  roads,  so  that  money 
can  be  raised  at  once,  a  first-class  road  built,  with  first-class  rolling- 
stock  and  depot  buildings;  or  is  it  for  their  interest  to  give  them  only 
one-half  of  the  land,  giving  the  other  half  to  fifteen  or  twenty  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature,  as  the  price  of  their  honor,  thus  crippling 
the  said  John  Doe  &  Co.  so  that  they  can  either  not  build  the  road  at 
all,  or  not  until  the  lapse  of  years,  and  then  only  a  sickly  road, 
scarcely  able  to  run?  The  John  Doe  &  Co.  chartered  he  fore  these 
grants,  and  who  have  all  the  lands  granted  with  which  to  build  the 
roads,  is  the  same  firm,  or  just  as  good  a  firm,  as  the  one  that  may  be 
chartered  after  the  grants,  with  only  half  of  the  lands,  the  other  half 
having  stuck  to  the  fingers  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature.  The 
members  of  a  Kansas  Legislature  are  as  good  as  the  members  of  any 
Western  Legislature,  but  the  above  estimate  of  their  course  is  based 
upon  the  history  of  the  Northwestern  States.  Do  you  want  the 
Kansas  roads  left  in  the  condition  of  theirs — neither  built  nor  likely 
to  be?  Give  the  lands  to  the  Legislature  that  ahould  go  to  the  com- 
pany that  is  to  build  the  roads,  and  you  will  have  your  wish,  if  you 


LOCAL    AFFAIRS  261 

do.  Of  course  the  Legislature  has  the  same  supervision  over  these 
lands  in  the  one  case  as  the  other,  the  only  difference  being  that 
Congress  names  the  company  in  one  case  without  pay,  while  in  the 
other  the  Legislature  names  it  after  stealing  half  the  land  Congress 
and  the  people  of  the  Territory  designed  to  be  used  in  building  the 
roads.  But  you  ask  who  is  the  John  Doe  &  Co.  who  are  to  be  aided 
to  build  the  road  up  the  Kansas  valley?  It  is  the  firm  under  the 
name  and  style  of  the  Missouri  River  &  Rocky  Mountains  Railroad  Co., 
and  the  stock  is  controlled  entirely  by  Free-State  men,  and  I  am  quite 
positive  a  majority  of  the  stock  is  held  by  residents  of  Lawrence 
township,  or  persons  largely  interested  in  the  city,  and  by  men  who 
have  more  interest  in  the  growth  of  Lawrence  than  ten  carloads  of 

such  men  as  and  ,  who  are  making  such  a  fuss  about 

selling  out  Lawrence.  Xo  border  ruffian  has  a  dollar's  worth  of  stock 
in  the  road,  so  far  as  I  know.  The  directors  of  the  company  are 
honorable  gentlemen,  myself  excepted  if  you  please,  and  have  the 
confidence  of  both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties, —  and  this 
is  necessary  to  success,  for  no  grant  of  land  can  be  got  through  Con- 
gress without  both  Republican  and  Democratic  votes,  neither  can 
the  Delaware  lands,  or  any  portion  of  them,  be  obtained  (without 
which  no  road  can  be  built  between  Lawrence  and  the  Missouri 
river)  without  the  approval  of  the  administration.  Strike  out  this 
company  and  you  get  no  grants  this  session,  beyond  question.  It  is 
the  only  company  so  organized  as  to  have  tlie  confidence  of  the  mem- 
bers of  Congress  or  the  railroad  public,  and  the  only  one  that  can 
work  effectively  for  grants  or  any  other  purpose,  and  the  company  on 
which  the  whole  question  of  grants,  in  my  opinion,  will  hinge.  I  can- 
not give  you  all  my  reasons  for  saying  this  in  one  letter,  even  if  it 
would  be  judicious  to  give  them  at  all,  but  such  is  my  belief. 

I  am  very  glad  you  are  disposed  to  interest  yourself  in  this  matter, 
and  shall  be  as  glad  to  use  my  influence  in  such  a  way  that  your 
pecuniary  interest  shall  keep  pace  with  your  labors  and  zeal. 

Very  respectfully, 

C.  Robinson. 

Will  keep  you  posted  on  New  York  land  bill.  It  is  blocked,  at 
present,  in  committee.  Write  often.  Of  course  this  is  not  for  pub- 
lication.—  C.  R. 

Many  people  have  from  time  to  time  indulged  in  criti- 
cisms on  the  conduct  of  Governor  Robinson  in  connection 


262  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

with  the  town  of  Quindaro.  While  it  mii^ht  have  been  pru- 
dent for  him  to  keep  out  of  the  land  speculation,  it  has  been 
the  common  habit  of  Americans,  from  the  time  of  the  large 
land  companies  in  the  days  of  Washington  and  Jefferson, 
to  indulge  in  land  speculation.  This  has  been  done,  too, 
by  statesmen  of  high  rank  and  honorable  character.  The 
purposes  of  Robinson  in  building  the  town  of  Quindaro 
are  easily  discerned,  and  his  conduct  in  connection  with 
its  failure  appears  to  have  been  upright  and  honorable. 
He  was  interested  in  the  material  welfare  of  the  country, 
and,  with  many  others,  encouraged  the  building  of  towns. 
No  one  denies  that  he  was  interested  in  making  money  on 
his  own  account.  There  was  not  one  of  the  settlers  of 
Kansas  but  what  had  this  object.  They  were  like  the  Pil- 
grim Fathers  in  this  respect,  who  had  exalted  notions  of 
"  Freedom  to  worship  God,"  and  very  practical  notions  on 
increasing  their  material  Avelfare.  So  far  as  history  goes, 
a  New  England  man  never  hesitated  to  "  turn  a  penny  " 
wherever  opportunity  offered.  Robinson  was  of  the  New 
England  stock  and  the  New  England  type,  and  he,  with  his 
cotemporaries  who  were  ready  to  fight  for  freedom  in  Kan- 
sas,—  nay,  perchance  to  die  if  necessary, — ^were  not  averse 
to  the  accumulation  of  wealth  when  it  could  be  legiti- 
mately done.  In  this  they  showed  great  thrift  and  practi- 
cal wisdom. 

Nearly  every  one  who  came  to  Kansas  had  more  or  less 
experience  in  buying  and  selling  Kansas  lands.  Town- 
sites  were  established  everywhere,  and  different  groups  of 
people  bo^an  to  advertise  and  push  the  interests  of  their 
own  town  or  the  one  in  which  they  owned  lots.  Kansas 
is  dotted  over  with  the  sites  of  extinct  towns.     Some  of 


LOCAL    AFFAIES  263 

them  started  with  a  vigorous  growth,  though  soon  to  perish 
by  the  competition  of  others  more  advantageously  situated  ; 
but  the  lives  of  many  which  survived  extended  but  little  be- 
yond the  paper  state.  The  town  of  Quindaro  was  located 
on  the  banks  of  the  Missouri  river,  above  the  present  site  of 
Kansas  City,  Kansas.  Several  people  were  interested  in 
its  prosperity,  and  none  more  than  Dr.  Robinson.  Part 
of  this  interest,  to  be  sure,  was  speculative,  and  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  he  owned  some  lots  in  the  town.  But  he  had 
a  larger  interest  in  it  than  that,  for  it  was  started  with  the 
purpose  of  making  it  the  rival  of  Kansas  City,  as  an  entre- 
pot for  goods.  Kansas  City  (or  Westport),  in  Missouri, 
was  hostile  to  Kansas  Free-State  men,  and  it  was  desired 
to  establish  a  town  which  was  favorable  to  the  freedom  of 
Kansas.  But  the  scheme  was  destined  to  failure,  chiefly 
because  of  the  better  location  of  Kansas  City,  Quindaro 
being  situated  upon  a  bluff,  and  not  easily  accessible  from 
the  river.  Kansas  City  also  had  the  prestige  of  having 
long  been  a  station  in  the  overland  traffic,  which  began  vig- 
orously in  1849. 

Quindaro  started  out  vigorously,  however,  and  Eastern 
people  readily  invested  their  money  in  it.  The  promoters 
of  the  town  had  great  hopes  of  its  success,  and  really  ex- 
pected it  to  become  a  great  city.  Hence  they  were  not  slow 
in  painting  the  prospects  of  the  town  in  glowing  colors  to 
Eastern  people.  But  after  the  town  entered  on  its  collapse 
those  interested  in  it  began  to  lose,  and  there  was  something 
of  a  scramble  to  get  out.  It  is  in  this  connection  that  one 
Abelard  Guthrie  appears  against  Bobinson,  criticizing  him 
severely  in  a  diary  which  he  kept,  part  of  which  was  pub- 
lished by  Mr.  W.  E.  Connelley,  in  a  book  entitled,  "  Will- 


264:  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

iam  Walker  and  the  Provisional  Government  of  Ne- 
braska." The  diary  shows  the  secret  thoughts  of  a  disap- 
pointed, irascible  and  vindictive  man.  The  irrational,  im- 
aginative man  often  thinks  evil  of  others,  to  learn  later 
that  he  was  in  part  or  totally  mistaken.  If  he  will  place  all 
of  these  evil  thoughts  on  record  as  they  occur  to  him,  his 
diary  will  present  a  peculiar  and  erratic  appearance.  If 
such  diary  falls  into  the  hands  of  a  publisher,  it  will  show 
the  inconsistencies  and  vagaries  of  the  writer,  if  nothing 
else.  Such  appears  to  be  the  case  with  the  diary  kept  by 
Abelard  Guthrie  and  its  vindictive  attack  upon  Dr.  Rob- 
inson. This  interpretation  of  the  diary,  it  is  fair  to  say, 
is  not  due  to  tlie  partiality  of  a  biographer,  but  has  a  sub- 
stantial support  in  the  actual  history  of  tlie  town. 

The  following  statement  of  Major  O.  B.  Gunn,  of  Kan- 
sas City,  one  who  assisted  in  the  survey  of  the  town  and  was 
closely  connected  with  its  history,  carries  much  weight  in 
the  Quindaro  matter.  It  is  published  entire,  by  Major 
Gunn's  consent,  because  the  history  it  contains  cannot  be 
more  clearly  and  briefly  stated : 

"  The  town  of  Quindaro  was  located  upon  the  west  bank  of  the 
Missouri  river,  on  a  Wyandotte  allotment  of  land,  about  three  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  river.  Charles  Robinson  was  the 
president  of  the  Quindaro  Town  Company,  Abelard  Guthrie  its  treas- 
urer, and  S.  N.  Simpson  its  superintendent  or  manager. 

"  The  town  was  laid  out  in  the  fall  of  1856,  during  the  speculative 
times  near  the  close  of  the  '  Kansas  conflict."  Of  an  even  dozen  towns 
that  were  laid  out  on  the  Kansas  side  of  the  Missouri  river,  between 
the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  river  and  the  Nebraska  State  line,  only 
three  —  Wyandotte  (now  Kansas  City,  Kansas),  Leavenworth,  and 
Atchison  —  now  have  an  existence  except  in  memory. 

"  Quindaro  was  advertised  as  the  only  town  on  the  Missouri  river 
where  Free-State  men  had  control,  and  in  the  spring  of  1857  a  large 
portion  of  Northern  emigration  to  Kansas  landed  at  Quindaro. 


LOG  AIL    AFFAIRS  265 

'•'  The  town  company  started  out  with  much  energy,  built  a  fine 
three-story  hotel,  graded  the  main  street,  caused  the  erection  of  sev- 
eral fine  business  houses,  and  very  soon  a  very  thrifty  town  was  in 
progress.  But  the  failure  of  the  Ohio  Life  and  Trust  Company,  in 
August,  1857,  which  was  the  cause  of  a  widespread  panic,  put  an  end 
to  speculation  in  Kansas  toAvns,  and  many  of  them  dwindled  away, 
the  inhabitants  gradually  moved  to  other  and  more  prosperous  places, 
and  the  buildings  were  moved  upon  neighboring  farms.  It  was  es- 
pecially unfortunate  for  Quindaro  that  it  was  located  so  near  Wyan- 
dotte and  Kansas  City.  Wyandotte,  which  had  a  more  advantageous 
location  and  a  more  eligible  to^^•n-site,  started  off  in  the  spring  of 
1857  with  a  great  boom,  and  Kansas  City  was  using  every  endeavor 
to  attract  Free-State  men  and  Free-State  trade,  and  these  movements 
were  greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of  Quindaro,  and  eventually  were 
prime  factors  in  causing  its  entire  collapse. 

"  This  Avas  a  great  misfortune  to  those  who  had  settled  in  Quin- 
daro and  built  homes,  expecting  it  to  become  an  important  city,  but 
scores  of  newly-fledged  towns  in  Kansas  suffered  in  the  same  way. 
The  failure  of  the  town  was  a  sore  disappointment  to  Abelard  Guth- 
rie, who  was  largely  instrumental  in  locating  the  town  in  a  wi'ong 
place,  and  who,  it  was  said,  named  the  town  after  the  Indian  name 
of  his  wife,  '  Quindaro,'  and  in  part  upon  her  allotment  of  Wyandotte 
Indian  land.  Be  that  as  it  may,  he  was  the  treasurer  of  the  town 
company,  and  undoubtedly  believed  for  a  time  that  there  were 
'  millions  in  it.' 

"  When  the  collapse  finally  came  he  became  furious  towards 
Robinson,  and  finally  in  1859  began  suit  in  the  District  Court,  de- 
manding settlement.  The  case  was  referred  to  three  referees.  Rob- 
inson and  Simpson  to  select  one,  Guthrie  one,  and  these  two  to  select 
the  third  referee.  Robinson  and  Simpson  selected  Judge  Nelson  Cobb, 
of  Lawrence;  Guthrie  selected  Judge  Lott  Kaufman,  of  Kansas  City, 
Mo. ;  and  these  two  agreed  upon  the  writer  as  third  referee. 

"  In  due  time  the  referees  met  in  Quindaro,  and  very  patiently 
went  over  all  causes  of  complaint,  examined  all  receipts  for  money 
received  and  expended,  and  after  twenty-two  days'  sittings  we  re- 
turned a  unanimovs  verdict  for  the  defendants,  Guthrie's  own  referee 
joining  with  the  others. 

"  It  appeared  that  Guthrie,  although  treasurer  of  the  company, 
and  whose  duty  it  was  to  look  after  expenditures,  and  approve  every 
account  before  it  was  paid,  had  neglected  or  refused  to  perform  his 


266  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

duties,  and  many  vouchers  were  paid  without  his  signature;  and  his 
associates  were  justified  in  acting  without  his  cooperation  in  paying 
just  bills  when  they  became  due. 

"  Guthrie  was  highly  incensed  at  the  verdict,  and  was  very  bitter 
and  vindictive  toward  Robinson  and  the  referees.  Robinson  paid  his 
half  of  the  referees'  fees  at  $5  per  day,  but  Guthrie  never  paid  a  cent. 
He  did  not  speak  to  me  or  notice  me  on  the  streets  for  more  than  a 
year  after  the  arbitration,  and  not  until  he  became  a  candidate  for 
U.  S.  Senator  from  Kansas,  when,  the  writer  having  been  elected 
State  Senator,  Guthrie  was  compelled  in  aid  of  his  own  election  to 
seek  the  aid  of  the  writer.  Judge  Cobb  and  Judge  Kaufman,  referees; 
Charles  Robinson  and  Abelard  Guthrie,  contestants;  Charles  Chad- 
wick,  of  Lawrence,  attorney  for  Robinson;  and  A.  B.  Bartlett,  of 
Wyandotte,  attorney  for  Guthrie,  are  all  dead.  Of  all  those  who  were 
aet«rs  in  the  matter  of  arbitration,  only  S.  N.  Simpson  and  the 
writer  are  living. 

"  Although  the  arbitration  occurred  forty-one  years  ago,  the  main 
points  are  very  distinct  in  my  memory. 

"  The  verdict  can  doubtless  be  found  in  the  records  of  Wyandotte. 

"  O.  B.  GUNN, 

"  One  of  the  Referees. 
"Kansas  City,  Mo.,  Juae  24,  ]9«0." 


THE    FIKST    GOVERNOE    OF    THE    STATE  26'7 


CHAPTEK  VIII. 

THE    FIRST    GOVERNOR    OF    THE    STATE. 

Kansas  was  admitted  into  the  Union  with  liberal  privi- 
leges, on  January  29th,  1861.  Governor  Robinson  was 
sworn  into  office  on  Febrnary  9th,  and  he  called  a  session  of 
the  Legislature,  to  meet  on  March  26th,  1861.  As  nearly 
as  conld  be  determined,  the  Legislature  was  composed  of 
eighty-nine  Republicans  and  fourteen  Democrats,  although 
it  was  difficult  to  draw  party  lines  at  this  time.  After  the 
assembling  of  the  Legislature,  Governor  Robinson  sent  to 
it  his  jfirst  message,  on  March  30th.  It  was  an  able  mes- 
sage, outlining  the  duties  of  the  Legislature  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  State  Government,  and  vigorous  in  its  loyalty 
to  the  Federal  Government.    He  said : 

"  While  it  is  the  duly  of  each  loyal  State  to  see  that  equal  and 
exact  justice  is  done  to  the  citizens  of  every  other  State,  it  is  equally 
its  duty  to  sustain  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  nation  in  defending  the 
Government  from  foes,  whether  from  within  or  without,  and  Kansas, 
though  the  last  and  the  least  of  the  States  in  the  Union,  will  ever 
be  ready  to  answer  the  call  of  her  country." 

These  were  prophetic  words,  for  Kansas  furnished  more 
volunteer  soldiers  for  the  Union  army,  in  proportion  to  the 
population,  than  any  other  State.  Her  quota  Avas  more 
than  filled,  sometimes  doubled,  at  every  call.  And  Gov- 
ernor Robinson,  though  he  differed  with  the  policy  of  the 
Federal  Government  in  some  things,  gave  it  his  support  so 
long  as  he  remained  in  office. 

One  of  Xhf  firs^t  official  acts  of  Governor  Robinson  was 


268  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON 

the  appointment  of  Thomas  Ewing,  jr.,  M.  F.  Coiiway, 
Henry  J.  Adams,  and  J.  C.  Stone,  as  representatives  of 
Kansas  to  the  peace  conference  assembled  at  Washington. 
Wliile  Ewing  and  Stone  voted  for  "peace  and  compromise," 
there  was  not  a  strong  peace  sentiment  in  Kansas.  As  evi- 
dence of  this  may  be  cited  the  fact  that  the  Republican 
Congressional  convention  that  convened  on  May  2 2d, 
passed  strong  resolutions,  introduced  by  D.  R.  Anthony, 
of  Leavenworth,  upholding  the  administration  in  the  in- 
evitable conflict  just  begim,  and  expressing  the  sentiments 
of  the  convention  regarding  the  peace  party,  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  Tliat  we  spurn  as  specious  sophistries  all  suggestiong 
of  the  peaceful  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  and  pledge  our  fortunes 
and  our  honor  to  its  maintenance,  intact  and  inviolate." 

There  were  many  different  questions  to  meet  in  the  or- 
ganization of  the  new  State,  all  of  which  were  made  more 
difficult  by  the  impending  civil  war.  The  laws  were  to 
be  compiled,  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment on  account  of  admission  must  be  met,  courts  must  be 
established,  the  State  apportioned  for  senators  and  repre- 
sentatives, law^s  enacted  for  the  management  of  the  school 
fund  and  the  university  fund,  and  many  other  duties  per- 
taining to  the  formation  of  the  State  Government  per- 
formed. Moreover,  there  was  the  mustering  of  troops  to 
see  to,  the  commissioning  of  officers,  and  the  management 
of  the  Indians,  many  of  whom  were  troublesome.  Many 
difficulties  resulted  from  the  coming  of  all  these  things,  and 
more  upon  a  new  State  formed  by  people  from  all  parts  of 
the  Union,  of  different  political  views,  who  had  not  been  in 
the  same  land  together  more  than  seven  years  at  the  utmost, 
and  many  not  half  that  time.    Moreover,  the  State  was  poor 


THE    riKST    GOVEKNOE    OF    THE    STATE  269 

and  the  machinery  for  raising  revenue  imperfect.  Add  to 
this,  that  politicians  looking  for  preferment  were  plentiful, 
some  of  them  excessively  ambitious  and  even  unscrupu- 
lous, and  the  affairs  of  the  new  State  do  not  present  the 
happiest  possible  prospect,  nor  do  they  promise  serenity 
and  prosperity  to  the  State  administration.  But  no  one 
could  stand  a  stormy  time  better  than  Governor  Kobinson. 

It  was  significant  that  at  the  outset,  S.  C.  Pomeroy  and 
James  H.  Lane  were  elected  United  States  Senators  by  the 
Legislature.  This  was  in  direct  line  of  the  political  trend 
of  the  times,  for  it  appeared  from  the  first  that  Lane,  who 
was  in  harmony  with  the  political  machine,  was  ambitious 
to  be  Senator,  and  that  he  was  the  most  prominent  man 
for  the  place. 

There  was,  at  the  time,  a  belief  among  some  that  the 
term  of  the  State  officers  expired  on  January  1st,  1862, 
about  two  years  from  the  date  of  his  election ;  but  an  act 
of  the  Legislature  fixed  the  expiration  of  the  term  on  Jan- 
uary 9th,  1863,  or  practically  two  years  from  the  time 
Governor  Robinson  was  sworn  iu.  Certain  persons  who 
believed,  or  affected  to  believe,  that  this  was  illegal,  and 
desired  a  change  of  administration,  presented  a  petition 
to  the  State  Eepublican  Committee  reciting  that,  "The 
undersigned  citizens,  suffering  in  common  with  others  from 
the  impotency  or  malice  of  the  present  State  Executive, 
and  earnestly  desiring  a  State  Government  that  will  in  a 
patriotic  and  energetic  manner  defend  our  people  from  in- 
vasion," etc.,  etc.,  and  asking  them  "to  nominate  a  full 
State  ticket  of  efficient  Union  men,  .  .  .  who  will  con- 
duct the  State  Government  with  reference  to  the  good  of 


270  l-IFE    OF    CHABLES    KOBINSON 

the  whole  community  and  not  upon  mere  personal 
grounds." 

When  judged  from  a  historical  standpoint  and  com- 
pared with  the  contemporary  administration  of  other 
States,  it  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  lack  of  vigor 
in  the  administration  of  the  Kansas  "  War  Grovemor," 
or  any  evidence  of  "impotency  or  malice"  on  his  part.  It 
appears  from  the  history  of  his  war  record  that  he  moved, 
fast  enough  for  a  young  State  without  money  or  prestige, 
almost  without  State  machinery.  But  he  did  not  move 
rapidly  enough  for  ambitious  place-hunters  who  wished 
opportunities  to  win  laurels  in  politics  or  war. 

Strange  to  say,  the  Republican  State  Committee  heeded 
the  petition,  and  nominated  a  new  ticket  with  George  A. 
Crawford  heading  the  list  as  Governor.  They  professed  to 
make  the  nominations  on  the  following  platform  : 

"Resolved,  That  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  present  war,  the 
earnest  and  hearty  support  of  the  administration  in  its  efforts  to 
crush  out  the  Eebellion.  the  maintenance  of  the  Constitution,  the 
enforcement  of  laws,  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  are  the  issues 
upon  which  these  nominations  are  made." 

"SVhile  many  of  the  actors  in  this  little  drama  were 
doubtless  sincere,  there  is  strong  evidence  of  demagogy 
and  injustice,  of  much  lack  of  information  respecting  what 
ought  to  be  done,  and  of  a  wish  to  do  injustice  to  Governor 
Robinson.  An  election  of  State  officers  was  held  at  the 
same  time  as  the  Congressional  election,  but  the  State 
Board  refused  to  canvass  the  votes  for  this  State  ticket. 
George  A.  Crawford  tried,  through  his  representatives,  to 
force  the  Board  to  canvass  the  votes,  but  failed,  the  court;^ 
deciding  that  the  vote  Vv'as  illegal. 


THE    FIRST    GOVEBNOK    OF    THE    STATE  271 

But  this  was  a  small  difficulty  in  comparison  with  the 
trouble  Governor  Robinson  met  with  in  the  mustering  and 
officering"  of  troops  to  put  down  the  Civil  War.  He  an- 
swered President  Lincoln's  first  call  promptly,  and  fol- 
lowed up  vigorously  the  war  policy.  Many  did  not  like 
his  war  methods,  but  they  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
different  from  those  pursued  by  other  States,  more  favored 
by  wealth  and  position  than  Kansas. 

Undoubtedly  it  was  the  first  duty  of  the  Governor  of  a 
new  State  to  look  after  the  welfare  of  the  commonwealth 
and  its  people.  A  strong,  comprehensive  and  able  message 
from  the  Governor,  followed  by  thoroughgoing  legislation, 
marked  the  first  gubernat/orial  period  under  the  Wyandotte 
Constitution.     The  chief  results  are  as  follows : 

The  first  Legislature  compiled  the  laws  providing  for 
and  regulating  the  State  Government,  among  which  were 
resolutions  and  laws  accepting  of  the  terms  imposed  by 
Congress  for  the  admission  of  the  State  into  the  Union, 
and  dividing  of  the  State  into  districts  for  senators  and 
representatives ;  measures  creating  codes  of  civil  and  crim- 
inal procedure,  and  a  State  board  of  equalization ;  others 
establishing  a  homestead-exemption  law,  fixing  a  salary 
schedule  for  all  officers,  making  provision  for  the  manage- 
ment of  the  State  and  university  school  funds,  and  other 
important  acts.  The  Agricultural  Society  was  established, 
and  provisions  for  founding  a  university  were  made.  In 
a  word,  during  the  administration  of  Governor  Robinson 
the  whole  administrative,  legislative  and  judicial  machin- 
ery of  the  State  Govermnent  was  put  in  operation. 

After  the  call  for  troops  on  April  15th,  18G1,  the  first 
company  of  men  was  organized  by  Capt.  Samuel  Walker, 


272  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

of  Kauwakaj  Douglas  county,  who  tendered  his  services 
and  a  company  of  one  hundred  men  on  April  l7th,  two 
days  after  the  call.  A  militia  regiment  had  been  organized 
in  Linn  county  by  Charles  H.  Jennison  and  J.  E.  Broad- 
head,  in  the  previous  month.  From  this  time  on  the  com- 
panies and  regiments  were  organized  rapidly,  and  James 
Blood  and  James  C.  Stone  were  made  Major-Generals  of 
the  State  militia. 

The  most  trying  situation  of  the  whole  military  regime 
in  Kansas  arose  from  the  fact  that  Senator  Lane  was  ap- 
pointed Brigadier-General  by  President  Lincoln.  Lane 
had  desired  to  be  Senator  of  the  United  States  to  control 
the  political  affairs  of  the  State  in  relation  to  the  Union, 
and  to  be  Brigadier-General  that  he  might  in  part  control 
the  military  affairs  of  the  State.  As  he  could  not  hold  both 
offices  under  the  Constitution,  Governor  Robinson,  pre- 
suming that  Lane  would  resign  the  Senatorship  in  accord- 
ance with  his  assertions,  presented,  through  Senator  Foote, 
of  Vermont,  the  name  of  Frederick  P.  Stanton,  as  Senator 
for  Kansas  instead  of  Lane.  Whereupon  Lane  said,  ''This 
looks  like  an  attempt  to  bury  a  man  before  he  is  dead.'^ 
The  credentials  of  Lane  were  referred  to  the  judiciary 
committee,  and  he  was  seated  as  United  States  Senator. 
Subsequently,  Lane  was  obliged  to  relinquish  his  office  of 
Brigadier-General  in  order  to  hold  the  position  of  United 
States  Senator,  but  finally  was  commissioned  to  recruit 
troops  in  Kansas. 

Governor  Robinson  proceeded  to  recruit  the  First  and 
Second  regiments  for  service  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States  under  Major-General  Stone,  whom  he  had  com- 
missioned to  command  the  northern  division  of  the  Kansas 


THE    FIRST    GOVEENOK    OF    THE    STATE  273 

militia,  and  Major-General  Blood  of  tlie  sontliern  division. 
When  sworn  in  they  were  ordered  to  Missouri,  and  on 
August  10th,  18G1,  they  participated  in  the  bloody  battle 
of  Wilson's  Creek,  where  their  bravery  made  fame  for  the 
commandino;  officers,  Col.  G.  W.  Deitzler  and  Col.  R.  B. 
Mitchell  of  those  regiments,  and  honor  for  their  State. 
In  that  fatal  struggle  General  Lyon,  against  fearful  odds, 
when  he  lay  bleeding  from  two  w'ounds,  swung  his  hat 
in  the  air  and  called  on  the  troops  nearest  him  for  a  bay- 
onet charge  on  the  enemy.  The  Kansas  troops  rallied 
around  him,  and  in  a  moment  Colonel  Mitchell  fell  se- 
verely wounded.  The  Kansans  cried  out,  "  We  are  ready. 
Who  will  lead  us?"  "I  will  lead  you,"  cried  Lyon; 
"come  on,  brave  men."  At  that  instant  the  third  bullet 
struck  him  in  the  breast,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse  mor- 
tally wounded.  Colonel  Mitchell  of  the  Second  regiment 
and  Colonel  Deitzler  of  the  First  regiment  were  promoted 
to  brigadier-generals  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
Mitchell  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  but  through  the  op- 
position of  Lane  the  confirmation  of  Deitzler's  appointment 
was  prevented  for  some  time. 

By  the  direction  of  General  Fremont,  then  commanding 
the  Department  of  Missouri,  in  w'hich  Kansas  was  in- 
cluded, the  Governor  recruited  the  Eighth  regiment  for 
home  service,  to  be  stationed  on  the  border.  Captain  Wes- 
sells,  of  the  United  States  Army,  who  was  then  stationed 
at  Fort  Eiley,  was  made  colonel  of  the  regiment.  General 
McClellan  directed  Major  Baird  of  the  United  States  Army 
to  visit  Kansas  and  inspect  the  troops  in  service  there  in 
the  State.    Baird  was  so  well  pleased  with  the  appearance 


274 


I.IFK    OV    CUAKLES    BOBrN.sON 


of  this  re^irnont,  and  so  favorably  impressed  with  (Colonel 
Wessells,  that,  thr()ui»h  his  reeommendation,  General  Mc- 
Clellan  transferred  Wessells  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
where  he  was  advanced  to  the  position  of  General.  The 
vacancy  thus  made  was  filled  by  the  advancement  of  lAeu- 
tenant-Colonel  Martin,  afterward  Governor  John  A.  Mar- 
tin of  Kansas.  Thus  the  colonels  of  the  First,  Second  and 
Eighth  regiments  of  Kansas  troops  appointed  and  com- 
missioned by  the  Governor  had,  within  a  few  months  after 
their  enlistment,   received  well-merited  promotions. 

Prior  to  the  election  of  Lane  as  Senator,  he  had  ar- 
ranged with  Conway,  the  Eepresentativ^e  to  Congress,  that 
no  appointments  shonld  be  made  by  the  administration  in 
Kansas  nntil  after  the  Senators  were  elected.  After  the 
election  Senator  Lane  hastened  to  Washington,  where  he 
tried  to  carry  ont  his  plans  in  regard  to  the  appointment  of 
officers  of  the  troops  called  into  service.  He  returned 
from  Washington  to  Kansas  in  Augiist,  1861,  having  au- 
thority, as  he  claimed,  bo  recruit  and  command  a  brigade. 
It  is  quite  strange  that  the  authorities,  the  President  and 
the  Secretary  of  War,  should  authorize  a  Senator  to  re- 
cruit two  regiments  while  holding  the  office  of  Senator,  but 
that  this  was  done  is  a  matter  of  history.  Tlie  Constitu- 
tion expressly  says  that  no  person  holding  any  office  under 
the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during 
his  continuance  in  office.^  As  to  such  part  of  the  militia 
of  the  several  States  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  it  "  reserves  to  the  States  respectively 
the  appointment  of  the  officers."  How  could  a  Senator 
during  his  continuance  in  office  command   a  brigade  of 


'  ConstUnllon,  Art.  1,  Sec.  6,  Claufls  2. 


THE   riKST   GOVERNOR   OF   THE   STATE  275 

troops  in  tlie  United  States  service  and  act  as  recruiting 
officer  while  holding  office  under  the  United  States  ?  How 
could  such  a  Senator  recruit  troops  from  the  militia  of  the 
State  to  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  appoint  the  officers  of  such  troops,  doing  the  same  by 
the  authority  of  the  President,  without  violating  the  con- 
stitutional provisions  that  reserve  to  the  State  the  power 
of  appointing  such  officers?  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is 
known  that  he  did  so  command  a  brigade,  recruited  from 
the  militia ;  that  he  named  the  officers  while  he  continued 
in  office  as  Senator ;  and  that  he  must  have  done  so  either 
with  the  knowledge  and  authority  or  through  the  inad- 
vertence of  the  President. 

This  is  one  of  the  mysteries  connected  with  Kansas 
affairs  that  are  yet  to  be  explained.  How  the  great  and 
good  President  of  the  United  States,  so  sensitive  to  the 
question  of  justice  to  all  people,  should  have  failed  to 
allow  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Kansas  to  exercise  his 
rights,  and,  in  so  failing,  should  have  allowed  a  Senator 
of  the  United  States  to  violate  the  law  and  assume  uncon- 
stitutional and  illegal  privileges,  has  never  been  explained. 
Yet,  when  we  realize  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  President  in  those  trying  hours,  and  the  diffixulty  he 
had  in  managing  the  members  of  his  cabinet  like  Seward 
and  Stanton;  and  finally,  when  we  think  of  the  magnetic 
power  of  Senator  Lane,  in  whom  the  President  seems  to 
have  had  the  utmost  confidence,  we  can  e^isily  see  how  such 
a  state  of  affairs  could  have  been  brought  about. 

Governor  Robinson  placed  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
Lane's  recruiting  these  two  regiments.  After  Lane  had 
selected  the  officers,  his  son-in-law,  Col.  Adams,  went  to 


276  LIFE    OF    OHAKI.ES    KOBINSON 

the  Governor  and  asked  Lini  to  commission  the  officers  se- 
lected, and  the  Governor  did  so. 

Lane's  speeches  to  secure  recruits  were  of  a  nature  to 
show  tlie  kind  of  a  campaign  he  proposed  to  make  as 
commander  of  the  brigade.  On  one  occasion  he  said,  to 
encourage  the  enlistment  of  an  infantry  regiment :  "  When 
the  cavalry  came  out  of  Missouri  each  man  brought  out 
two  more  horses  than  he  took  in  with  him,  but  when  the 
infantry  came  out  each  man  brought  out  three  more  horses 
than  he  brought  in, —  the  one  which  he  rode  and  two  which 
he  led."  On  another  occasion  he  told  of  a  number  of  mules 
taken  in  one  day,  adding,  "  It  was  not  much  of  a  day  for 
mules,  either."  As  a  recruiting  officer  no  doubt  Lane  was 
a  success.  The  enthusiasm  which  he  put  into  an  audience 
or  a  band  of  men  was  remarkable.  No  one  has  ever  yet 
been  able  to  account  for  Lane's  popularity  as  an  orator. 
It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  he  could  stir  an  audience  of 
people  almost  to  a  frenzy.  An  old  resident  of  Kansas  said  : 
"  He  talked  like  none  of  the  others ;  none  of  the  rest  had 
that  husky,  rasping,  blood-curdling  whisper  or  that  menac- 
ing forefinger,  or  could  shriek  '  Great  God ! '  on  the  same 
day  with  him."  ^  Judge  Kingman  called  him  "  The  great 
natural  orator."  "  By  great  natural  orator,"  said  he,  ''  I 
mean  a  man  who  could  stand  up  before  five  hundred  men, 
two  hundred  and  fifty  of  whom  were  ready  to  hang  him  to 
the  next  tree,  and  at  the  end  of  a  half-hour  have  them  all 
cheering  for  him."  A  letter  of  John  J,  Ingalls  to  the 
Topoka  Common  wealth  has  this  description  of  Lane: 

"  It  would  be  liard  to  give  a  rational  and  satisfactory  analysis  of 
the  causes  of  General  Lane's  popularity  as  an  orator.     Destitute  of 

1  Noble  Pre  litis,  ia  Kansas  City  Star,  January  27th,  1894. 


THE  FIRST  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  STATE       277 

all  graces  of  an  orator,  he  possesses  but  few  even  of  its  essentials; 
he  writhes  himself  into  more  contortions  than  Gabriel  Ravel  in  a 
pantomime;  his  voice  is  a  series  of  transitions  from  the  broken  scream 
of  a  maniac  to  the  hoarse  rasping  gutturals  of  a  Dutch  butcher  in 
the  last  gasp  of  inebriation;  the  construction  of  his  sentences  is  loose 
and  disjointed;  his  diction  is  a  pudding  of  slang,  profanity  and  sole- 
cism; and  yet  the  electric  shock  of  his  extraordinary  eloquence  thrills 
like  the  blast  of  a  trumpet;  the  magnetism  of  his  manner,  the  fire 
of  his  glance,  the  studied  earnestness  of  his  utterance,  find  sudden 
response  in  the  will  of  the  audience,  and  he  sways  them  like  a  field  of 
reeds  shaken  in  the  wind.  Devoid  of  those  qualities  of  character 
which  excite  esteem  and  cement  the  enduring  structure  of  popular 
regard,  he  overcomes  the  obstacles  in  the  path  of  achievement  by 
persistent  effort  and  indomitable  will."  '■ 

Lane  finally  assumed  command,  and  started  his  cam- 
paign in  August,  1861,  and  completed  it  sometime  in  the 
autumn  following.  It  was  a  continuation  of  the  old 
Kansas  struggle  along  the  border,  but  this  time  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States  Government.  Captain  Prince, 
of  Fort  Leavenworth,  in  a  letter  to  General  Lane  savs: 
"  I  hope  you  will  adopt  early  and  active  measures  to  crush 
out  this  marauding  which  is  being  enacted  in  Jennison's 
name,  and  also  by  a  band  of  men  representing  themselves 
as  belonging  to  your  command."  On  December  10,  1861, 
General  Llalleck  wrote  to  General  McClellan :  "  The  con- 
duct of  our  troops,  and  especially  those  under  Lane  and 
Jennison,  turned  against  us  many  thousands  who  were 
formerly  Union  men."  December  16,  1861,  Halleck  wrote 
again  to  McClellan :  "  The  conduct  of  the  forces  under 
Lane  and  Jennison  has  done  more  for  the  enemy  in  this 
State  than  could  have  been  accomplished  by  20,000  of  his 
own  army.  I  receive,  almost  daily,  complaints  of  outrages 
committed  by  these  men  in  the  name  of  the  United  States, 

1  Wildei's  AnnalH,  p.  313. 


278  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBIKSON 

and  tlie  evidence  is  so  eonclnsive  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of 
their  correctness.  It  is  rumored  tliat  Lane  has  been  made 
a  brigadier-general.  I  cannot  conceive  of  a  more  injudi- 
cious appointment.  It  Avill  take  20,000  men  to  counteract 
the  appointment  in  this  State,  and  moreover,  it  is  an  offer 
of  a  premium  for  rascality  and  robbery  in  this  State." 

It  was  certainly  unfortunate  that  after  the  four  years  of 
struggle  between  Kansas  and  Missouri,  in  which  Lane's 
name  appears  so  prominent  on  the  roll  of  Kansas  heroes, 
he  should  have  been  appointed  to  lead  Kansas  forces  into 
Missouri.  In  Missouri  there  were  many  loyal  citizens, 
Union  men,  who  nevertheless  had  learned  to  hate  Kansas. 
To  them  every  man  from  Kansas  was  an  abolitionist,  and 
according  to  their  view  every  abolitionist  ought  to  be 
hanged.    Hence  the  potency  of  General  Llalleck's  remarks. 

On  February  11,  1862,  General  McClellan  submitted  to 
Secretary  Stanton  extracts  from  the  report  of  Major- 
General  Baird,  Assistant  Inspector-General  of  the  United 
States  Army,  on  the  inspection  of  the  Kansas  troops. 
Among  other  things.  General  Baird  says: 

"If  the  practice  of  seizing  and  confiscating  private  property  of 
rebels  which  is  so  extensively  carried  on  by  troops  in  Lane's  brigade 
should  be  continued,  how  is  it  to  be  arranged  so  as  to  prevent  the 
troops  being  demoralized  and  the  Government  defrauded?  The  prac- 
tice has  become  so  fixed  and  general  that  I  confess  that  orders  arrest- 
ing it  would  not  be  obeyed,  and  that  the  only  way  of  putting  a  stop 
to  it  would  be  to  remove  the  Kansas  troops  to  some  other  section. 
The  fact  that  citizens'  property  has  been  seized  and  confiscated  by 
troops  is  substantiated  by  both  private  and  official  evidence.  To  what 
extent  may  the  right  of  confiscation  be  legally  carried  that  the  dig- 
nity and  justice  of  government  be  not  at  the  menace  of  individuals 
governed  by  cupidity  and  revenge?" 

General  Hunter,  when  he  took  command  of  the  Depart- 


THE   FIRST   GOVEKNOE   OF   THE   STATE  279 

ment  of  Kansas,  found  in  the  report  of  his  adjutant- 
general  that  Lane's  brigade  was  in  a  demoralized  condi- 
tion. Lane's  regimental  and  company  officers  knew  noth- 
ing of  their  duties,  and  had  never  made  or  returned  their 
report-s.  "  Regiments  in  a  worse  condition  than  those  could 
not  possibly  be  found.  They  are  camped  in  little  better 
than  pigpens;  officers  and  men  sleep  and  mess  together; 
furloughs  in  great  numbers  are  granted  and  taken ;  drill 
abandoned  almost  wholly ;  the  men  are  ragged,  half  armed, 
diseased,  and  mutinous, —  taking  votes  as  to  whether  dis- 
tasteful orders  should  be  obeyed.  .  .  .  Public  property 
had  been  taken  Avithout  requisition.  .  .  .  Horses  in 
great  quantities  at  extravagant  prices  were  bought  under 
irregular  orders  and  paid  for  by  the  United  States,  .  .  . 
then  turaed  over  to  the  men  and  officers,  who  drew  extra 
pay  for  them  as  private  property." 

Lane  with  his  brigade  reached  Westjwrt,  Missouri,  Sep- 
tember, 1861,  when  he  reported  that  "  Yesterday  I  cleared 
out  Butler  and  Parkville  with  my  cavalry."  ^  On  Septem- 
ber 22d  he  sacked  and  burned  Osceola,  Missouri.  He  re- 
turned on  the  27th,  and  in  two  days  reached  Kansas  City. 
The  brigade  turned  the  Missouri  border  through  which  the 
march  lay  into  a  wilderness,  and  reached  its  destination 
heavily  laden  with  plunder.  "Everything  disloyal,"  said 
Lane,  "...  must  be  cleaned  out."  jS^ever  were  orders 
more  literally  or  cheerfully  obeyed.  Even  the  chaplain 
succumbed  to  the  rampant  spirit  of  thievery,  and  plun- 
dered Confederate  altars  in  the  interest  of  his  unfinished 
church  at  home.     "Among  the  spoils  which  foil  to  Lane 

'Spring  :  Kiin>a#,  p.  S7<i. 


280  LIFE    Oi-'    CilAKLES    KOBINSON 

personally  was  a  fine  carriage,  wliicli  lie  brouglit  to  Law- 
rence for  the  nse  of  his  household."  ^ 

September  Ist,  Governor  Robinson  wrote  to  General  Fre- 
mont, commandini?  the  Western  Department,  that  there 
was  no  danger  from  invasion  from  Missouri,  provided  that 
the  Government  stores  at  Fort  Scott  were  sent  to  Fort 
Leavenworth  and  that  Lane's  brigade  be  removed  from 
the  border.  He  even  relates  in  this  letter  how  a  band 
of  secessionists  coming  over  from  Missouri  stole  property 
of  citizens,  and  how  the  officers  in  command  of  the  Con- 
federates compelled  the  return  of  the  property  and  offered 
to  give  up  the  leaders  of  the  gang  for  punishment.  Robin- 
son expressed  fear  that  Lane's  brigade  would  get  up  a  war 
by  committing  depredations  in  Missouri  and  returning  to 
Kansas.^  On  October  9th,  Lane  wrote  to  Lincoln  as  fol- 
lows: "Governor  Charles  Robinson  has  constantly,  in  sea- 
son and  out  of  season,  vilified  myself  and  abused  the  men 
under  my  command  as  marauders  and  thieves."  On  the 
letter  which  Halleck  had  written  to  President  Lincoln 
remonstrating  against  the  appointment  of  Lane  as  Briga- 
dier-General because  it  would  be  "  offering  a  premium  for 
rascality  and  robbery,"  were  indorsed  these  words :  "An 
excellent  letter,  though  I  am  sorry  that  General  Halleck 
is  so  unfavorably  impressed  with  General  Lane." 

Mr.  Mark  W.  Delahay  appeared  also  to  be  trying  to 
gain  favor  by  misrepresenting  Governor  Robinson.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  at  the  Topeka  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion he  strongly  advocated  the  "black  law"  clause,  with 
which  he  said  the  Topeka  Constitution  would  go  through 

1  Sprinj; :  Kansas,  p.  2TS. 
2 Ibid.,  p.  277. 


THE   FIRST   GOVERNOR  OF   THE   STATE  281 

Congress  "  like  a  shot."  It  is  nothing  against  him  that  he 
had  political  ambitions  for  political  power,  but  this  attempt 
to  "  stand  in  "  with  the  President  of  the  United  States  by 
defaming  others  shows  that  his  ambition  for  himself  was 
of  greater  interest  to  him  than  the  success  of  the  Union. 
To  show  the  spirit  of  the  times  in  political  circles,  Dela- 
haj's  letter  to  President  Lincoln  is  given  in  full: 

Leavexworth  City,  Kansas,  Nov.  30,  1861. 

Dear  Lixcoln:  Gov.  Robinson  a  few  weeks  ago  published  a  letter 
in  which  he  charges  you  with  being  the  instigator  of  theft  and  rob- 
bery, which  he  assumes  to  have  been  committed  by  our  Kansas  sol- 
diers. Your  friends  properly  resented  the  insult  by  nominating  and 
electing  Geo.  A.  Crawford  (a  Union  candidate)  to  succeed  Robinson 
as  Governor  on  the  2d  Tuesday  of  January  next.  By  the  plain  lan- 
guage of  our  State  Constitution  his  time  expires  on  that  day,  but 
through  his  influence  the  Legislature  failed  to  provide  for  the  elec- 
tion of  his  successor  this  fall.  The  people,  however,  availed  them- 
selves of  their  constitutional  right  to  elect;  Robinson  is  now  trying 
to  induce  the  State  Board  of  Canvassers  not  to  count  Mr.  Crawford's 
vote.  He  will  also  attempt  to  influence  the  Legislature,  in  violation 
of  the  expressed  will  of  the  people,  to  recognize  him  instead  of  Mr. 
Crawford  as  Governor. 

The  appointing  patronage  which  has  been  given  him  by  the  War 
Department  in  the  organization  of  regiments  has  been  of  great  use 
to  him  against  your  friends  here.  He  is  now  raising  two  regiments 
for  New  Mexico  by  order  of  General  Fremont,  when  the  proper  pro- 
tection of  Kansas  would  more  than  occupy  his  whole  time.  The  ap- 
pointments and  outfits  for  these  regiments  involve  an  immense  amount 
of  patronage,  which  will  all  be  used  to  perpetuate  Robinson  in  office 
against  the  overwhelming  vote  of  the  people. 

This  abuse  of  your  confidence  by  your  enemy  to  overthrow  your 
friends  here  will  exhaust  all  your  patience,  I  hope,  and  will  meet 
with  proper  rebuke. 

I  hope  that  you  will  countermand  the  order  for  the  New-Mexican 
regiments,  on  the  ground  that  all  our  men  are  needed  nearer  home, 
and  that  they  already  have  soldiers  there.  And  from  this  time  on  I 
trust  the  Honorable  Secretary  of  War  will  withhold  from  Robinson 


282  l.IFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

(who  is  a  traitor  to  your  administration)  all  manner  of  control  over 
the  organization  or  commissioning  of  officers  in  advance.  Regiments 
can  be  organized  better  under  Major-General  Hunter,  and  Robinson 
will  Iiave  to  commission  those  elected  by  the  subordinates  or  desig- 
nated by  General  Hunter,  who  will  commit  no  act  of  extravagance, 
and  who  enjoys  our  confidence  and  respect.  Our  new  Governor-elect 
is  an  honorable  man,  and  will  give  the  war  and  your  administration 
a  hearty  support. 

Pardon  me  for  troubling  you,  yet  these  reflections  are  of  great 
moment  to  us  here. 

Truly  your  friend, 

Delahay. 

When  General  Hunter  took  command  of  the  Department 
of  Kansas  in  January  he  received  insti'uctions  from  Wash- 
ington that  a  southern  expedition  of  eight  or  ten  thousand 
Kansas  troops  and  four  thousand  Indians  had  been  de- 
cided on,  and  that  it  was  understood  at  Washington  that 
General  Halleck  favored  the  expedition,  but  that  Lane  was 
to  have  chief  command.  Hunter  opposed  Lane's  southern 
expeditions,  which,  it  appears,  had  been  sanctioned  by  the 
President.  When  General  Hunter  insisted  that  he  should 
command  this  expedition  in  person,  the  whole  matter  was 
dropped,  and  Lane,  who  had  contemplated  resigning  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  finally  concluded  not  to  do  so.  The  col- 
lapse of  what  General  Halleck  called  "  the  great  jayhawk- 
ing  expedition,"  by  order  of  General  Hunter,  changed 
the  aspect  of  affairs  entirely.  On  July  22d,  1862,  Lane 
was  made  commissioner  for  recruiting  in  tlie  Department 
of  Kansas,  but  no  attempt  was  made  after  this  to  make 
him  a  commander  in  the  army.  When  Lane  was  recruiting 
regiments  he  issued  commissions  right  and  left,  but  they 
were  found  to  be  worthless  without  being  signed  by  the 
Governor,  according  to  the  views  of  the  paymaster.    While 


THE   FIBST   GOVEKNOJR   OF    THE    STATE  283 

Robinson  commissioned  the  officers  of  the  first  regiments 
formed,  sometimes  at  Lane's  request,  he  finally  declined  to 
sanction  Lane's  erratic  appointments.  The  Secretary  of 
War  telegraphed  to  Governor  Robinson,  "  If  you  do  not 
issue  commissions,  the  War  Department  will."  To  which 
the  Governor  promptly  replied,  "  You  have  the  power  to 
override  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  but  you  have  not 
the  power  to  force  the  Governor  of  Kansas  to  dishonor  his 
own  State."  This  was  the  position  of  Governor  Robinson, 
and  he  held  it  firmly. 

It  may  be  added  here,  that  after  Governor  Carney,  Rob- 
inson's successor,  was  elected,  he  found  the  same  difficulty 
that  confronted  Governor  Robinson.  Carney  went  to  see 
the  President,  and  the  President  gave  him  a  letter  to  Stan- 
ton, saying,  "Will  we  at  last  be  compelled  to  treat  the 
Governor  of  Kansas  as  we  do  other  Governors  about  raising 
and  commissioning  troops  ? "  This  seemed  to  be  a  frank 
acknowledgment  of  the  fact  that  an  attempt  had  been  made 
to  overi'ide  Governor  Robinson  in  the  raising  of  troops.  It 
seemed  to  indicate  that  the  Secretary  of  War  had  treated 
the  Governor  of  Kansas  in  <:>ne  way  and  the  governors  of 
other  loyal  States  in  another.  Stanton  reluctantly  acceded 
to  the  President's  request,  and  Lane's  influence  ceased 
with  the  administration  so  far  as  the  military  affairs  of 
the  State  of  Kansas  were  concerned. 

The  Kansas  regiments  continued  to  be  organized,  and 
their  records  show  brilliant  and  brave  work  in  the  cause  of 
the  Union.  The  Republican  party  of  Kansas  stood  staunch 
and  firm  for  the  Union,  and  through  resolution  and  action 
gave  the  Federal  administration  their  hearty  support.  The 
Republican   Congressional   Convention   assembled   at   To- 


284  LIFE    Oh'    CUAKLEW    KOBINSON 

peka,  Ma3^  2 2d,  1861,  and  the  following  resolutions  were 
offered  by  D.  R.  Antliony,  expressino-  their  support  of  the 
State  administration : 

"Resolved,  by  the  Repuhlican  party  of  the  State  of  Kansas  in  con- 
vention assembled,  That  the  existing  eondition  of  national  affairs  de- 
mands the  emphatic  and  unmistakable  expression  of  the  people  of  the 
State,  and  that  Kansas  allies  herself  with  the  uprising  Union  hosts 
of  the  North  to  uphold  the  policy  of  the  administration. 

"Resolved,  That  the  grave  responsibilities  of  this  hour  could  not 
have  been  safely  postponed,  and  that  they  have  not  arrived  too  soon, 
and  that  in  the  present  war  between  government  and  anarchy  the 
mildest  compromise  is  treason  against  humanity." 

There  occurred  during  this  administration  an  unfortu- 
nate event  regarding  the  sale  of  State  bonds.  It  appears 
that  in  the  act  providing  for  the  issue  of  bonds,  provision 
Avas  made  for  the  sale  of  the  bonds  at  a  minimum  price 
of  70  per  cent.,  while  in  fact  they  were  pnt  in  the  hands 
of  an  agent  with  the  understanding  that  he  could  have 
a  commission  of  all  over  and  above  60  per  cent,  on  the 
amount  of  State  bonds.  J.  W.  Robinson,  Secretary  of 
State,  and  George  S.  Ilillyer,  Auditor,  manipulated  this 
sale,  and  they  held  that  they  did  so  according  to  the  law, 
and  that  though  the  bonds  actually  sold  for  85  per  cent., 
only  60  per  cent,  was  turned  into  the  public  treasury.  A 
committee  of  the  Legislature  which  convened  January 
14th,  1862,  consisting  of  x\nderson,  Carney,  Sidney 
Clarke,  B.  W.  Hartley,  and  H.  L.  Jones,  was  appointed  to 
consider  the  whole  matter,  and  submitted  a  report  on  this 
sale  on  February  13th,  accompanied  with  the  following 
resolution,  and  recommending  its  adoption: 

"Resolved,  That  Charles  Robinson,  Governor,  J.  W.  Robinson, 
Secretary  of  State,  and  George  S.  Hillyer,  Auditor  of  the  St-ate  of 


THE   FIEST   GOVEBNOR   OF   THE    STATE  285 

l^ansas,  be  and  they  are  hereby  impeached  of  high  misdemeanors  in 
office." 

The  following  day  this  resolution  was  adopted  in  the 
House  by  a  vote  of  sixtj-five  yeas  and  no  nays.^  P.  B. 
Plumb  was  chairman  of  the  committee  appointed  to  draw 
up  articles  of  impeachment.  This  committee  reported 
eight  articles  of  impeachment  against  J.  W.  Robinson,  and 
on  February  26th,  1862,  the  same  committee  re}X)rted 
eight  articles  of  impeachment  against  George  S.  Hillyer 
and  five  articles  against  Charles  Robinson.  The  articles 
against  J.  W.  Robinson  were  adopted  without  a  division, 
those  against  Hillyer  without  division,  and  those  against 
Governor  Robinson  by  a  vote  of  fifty-three  to  seven.  In 
the  impeachment  of  J.  W.  Robinson,  seventeen  voted  guilty 
on  the  first  article  of  impeachment,  and  four  not  guilty; 
on  the  second  article,  ten  voted  guilty  and  eleven  not 
guilty ;  on  the  third  article,  eight  voted  giiilty  and  thirteen 
not  guilty;  on  the  fourth,  five  voted  guilty  and  sixteen 
not  guilty;  on  the  fifth,  seven  voted  guilty  and  fourteen 
not  guilty ;  on  the  sixth,  twenty-one  voted  not  guilty ;  on 
the  seventh,  twenty-one  voted  not  gTiilty ;  and  on  the 
*  ighth,  twenty-one  voted  not  guilty.  Therefore,  J.  W.  Rob- 
inson was  impeached  on  the  first  article  and  acquitted  on 
the  other  seven.  The  Senate  then  removed  Secretary  Rob- 
inson from  office,  by  a  vote  of  eighteen  to  three.  George  S. 
Hillyer  was  then  tried  and  convicted  on  the  first  article 
and  acquitted  on  the  other  seven.  The  Senate  then  voted 
by  eighteen  to  two  to  remove  Auditor  Hillyer  from  office. 
The  Auditor  was  convicted  on  the  following  article  of  im- 
peachment : 

"Article  I.   That  the  said  George  S.  Hillyer,  as  Auditor  of  State  of 

'Wlldfir's  Annals,  p.  343. 


28()  LIFK    OK    CHARLES    KOr.flVSOINr 

the  Stato  of  Kansas,  was,  together  with  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the 
Governor  of  said  State,  by  the  laws  of  said  State  authorized  and  em 
powered  to  negotiate  and  sell  the  bonds  of  the  State,  the  issuance  of 
which  was  providetl  for  in  the  act  authorizing  the  negotiation  of  one 
liundrcd  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  of  the  bonds  of  the  State  of  Kansas 
to  defray  tlie  current  expenses  of  the  State,  approved  May  1st,  1861. 

"  That  the  bonds  of  the  State  of  Kansas  to  defray  tlie  current  ex- 
penses of  the  State  as  aforesaid,  vveie  prepared,  executed,  and  issued 
according  to  law. 

"That  the  said  George  S.  Hillyer,  being  so  empowered  to  sell  and 
negotiate  the  said  bonds,  did  authorize  and  empower  one  Robert  S. 
Stevens  to  negotiate  and  sell  said  bonds  to  the  amount  of  eighty-seven 
thousand  two  hundred  dollars,  at  any  price  over  (JO  per  centum  upon 
the  amount  of  said  bonds,  he,  said  Stevens,  paying  to  the  State 
no  more  than  60  per  centum  of  said  amount;  that  under  said  agree- 
ment, and  with  the  full  knowledge  and  consent  of  said  Hillyer,  said 
Stevens  proceeded  to  sell  and  deliver  a  large  amount  of  said  bonds, 
to  wit,  the  amount  of  fifty-six  thousand  dollars  of  said  bonds,  at  the 
rate  of  85  per  centum  on  said  amount  of  fifty-six  thousand  dollars, — 
all  of  which  was  well  known  to  said  Hillyer.  Said  Stevens  paid  over 
and  accounted  to  said  State  for  only  60  per  centum  upon  said  bonds  so 
sold,  which  said  agreement,  so  made  and  entered  into  by  said  Hillyer, 
was  in  direct  violation  of  the  laws  of  said  State,  in  this,  that  under 
said  laws  said  bonds  could  not  be  sold  for  less  than  70  per  centum  on 
the  amount  of  said  bonds;  and  was  in  violation  of  the  official  duty  of 
said  Hillyer,  in  this,  that  the  State  Avas  by  said  agreement  defrauded 
out  of  its  just  rights,  in  that  said  State  was  entitled  to  receive 
the  full  amount  for  which  said  bonds  were  sold,  while  in  truth  and  ia 
fact,  with  the  full  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  said  Hillyer  said 
bonds  were  sold  for  85  per  centum  upon  the  dollar,  and  the  said  State 
did  not  receive  therefrom  more  than  60  per  centum  upon  the  bonds  so 
sold;  whereby  said  Hillyer  betrayed  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  the 
State  of  Kansas,  subjected  said  State  to  great  pecuniary  loss,  and  is 
thereby  guilty  of  high  misdemeanor  in  his  said  office  of  Auditor  of 
State  aforesaid.'"  ^ 

The  trial  of  Governor  Robinson  followed,  and  on  the  first 
article  two  Senators  voted  f^iltv  and  nineteen  not  guilty ; 
cm  the  others  there  were  received  a  unanimous  vote  of  not 

1  Wllder's  Annals,  p.  ?Ai. 


THE   FIRST    GOVEKNOK   OF   THE    STATK  287 

guiltj,  with  the  exception  of  article  five,  on  which  one 
vote  pronounced  ftTiiltj.  Governor  Kobinson  was  declared 
acquitte<:l  of  all  the  articles  exhibited  by  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives against  him.  Yet,  while  Governor  Robinson 
was  acquitted  of  all  these  charges,  the  fact  that  they  had 
been  made  left  a  stain  upon  his  administration  in  the 
minds  of  some  people.  Those  who  take  the  trouble  to  in- 
quire carefully  into  the  history  of  the  whole  matter  will 
find  that  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  him.  And  indeed 
there  are  those  who,  in  spite  of  the  conviction  of  liillyer 
and  J.  W.  Robinson,  hold  that  these  men  acted  honestly 
and  fairly  in  attemptinc:  to  market  the  bonds,  believing 
that  they  could  not  be  sold  at  a  price  above  60  per  centum 
on  the  par  value.  I^evertheless,  the  credit  of  the  State  of 
Kansas  was  better  than  they  supposed,  and  the  bonds  might 
have  sold  for  more  than  60  per  centum.  Some  criticism 
attaches  to  those  officers,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
Auditor,  for  not  managing  the  business  better,  because 
those  were  officers  of  the  administration  of  which  Robinson 
was  the  head,  and  there  may  have  been  a  lack  of  alertness 
on  his  part  in  regard  to  the  bonds,  although  he  defends  him- 
self because  he  was  out  of  the  Territory  at  the  time  the 
transaction  took  place.  He  says  of  the  trial  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, by  the  Senate : 

"  It  was  shown  by  the  testimony  of  all  the  witnesses  of  the  ne<>o- 
tiationa  on  the  part  of  the  State,  that  not  only  the  Grovernor  was 
not  advised  of  the  transaction,  but  that  he  was  one  thousand  miles 
distant  from  it;  that  he  had  refused  to  sell  the  bonds,  when  asked,  for 
a  less  price  than  that  named  in  the  law.  Tlie  testimony  on  the  other 
hand  has  shown  that  the  Senator-General  (Lane),  who  was  con- 
sulting about  the  sale,  signed  a  letter  to  the  President  asking  that  it 
might  be  made,  and  his  private  secretary  was  paid  five  hundred 
dollars  and  a  promise  of  five  hundred  dollars  additional  for  assisting 


288  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    HOBINSON 

in  this  sale.     These  facts  are  published  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
trial,  and  speak  for  themselves."  ^ 

One  is  impressed  with  the  many  difficulties  of  the  posi- 
tion in  which  Governor  Robinson  was  placed  during  the 
short  period  of  his  active  administration  as  the  first  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Kansas.  Surely,  he  had  enough  op- 
position to  try  his  soul,  and  this  opposition  was  the  oppo- 
sition of  demagogues  who  did  not  fight  in  the  open. 
Possibly  he  was  not  careful  enough  to  protect  himself  from 
their  attacks.  The  only  blame  that  can  fairly  be  said  to 
attach  itself  to  Governor  Robinson,  in  connection  with  the 
illegal  sale  of  bonds,  is  the  fact  that  it  occurred  in  his  ad- 
ministration, and  while  not  himself  guilty  of  wrong-doing, 
he  should  have  been  sufficiently  watchful  and  exerted  suffi- 
cient influence  not  to  have  permitted  anything  of  the  kind 
to  occur.  Personally,  the  Governor  is  not  responsible  for 
the  official  conduct  of  the  Treasurer  and  the  Auditor  of 
his  administration,  but  the  three  were  empowered  by 
the  Legislature  to  sell  the  bonds,  and  while  he  personally 
refused  to  sell  them  at  less  than  70  per  cent.,  the  price  fixed 
by  law,  still  it  seems  clear  that  his  associates  in  office  did 
violate  the  law.  It  appears  to  the  writer  that  Governor 
Robinson's  ability  and  shrewdness,  had  they  been  applied 
to  the  point  in  question,  would  have  so  arranged  matters 
that  the  Auditor  and  Treasurer  would  not  have  found 
themselves  able  to  sell  the  bonds  without  Governor  Robin- 
son's knowledge;  and  this  criticism,  if  it  be  one  at  all,  can 
at  worst  be  said  to  involve  nothing  more  than  censure  for 
inadvertence  and  oversight  caused  by  the  numerous  de- 
mands upon  his  time  and  attention.     Such  a  criticism  is  a 

1  AddrenB  written  for  delivery  at  Leavenworth  Kennion,  Oct.  11,  12, 13,  1883. 
Proceed;  ng8  in  Iiiipeachicent  Ca?e°. 


THE  FIKST  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  STATE        289 

good  deal  like  saying  that  if  he  liad  thought  it  was  going 
to  happen,  or  that  there  was  a  possibility  of  its  happening, 
he  could  have  prevented  it.  Yet,  his  political  and  personal 
enemies  fastened  npon  this  aifair  as  offering  good  ground 
upon  which  to  attack  his  administration,  and  politically 
he  was  obliged  to  bear  the  results  of  the  attack.  James  H. 
Lane  appears  on  the  scene,  just  at  the  opportune  time,  for 
it  was  largely  by  his  suggestions  that  the  impeachment  oc- 
curred. 

After  a  careful  reading  of  all  the  details  of  history,  one 
is  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the 
management  of  the  war  could  have  been  improved,  unless 
some  way  had  been  devised  for  making  war  on  that  class 
of  traducers  who  trotted  between  Kansas  and  Washington, 
misrepresenting  affairs.  Certainly  little  blame  could  be 
attached  to  the  Governor  of  Kansas  for  the  irregularities 
of  the  border  warfare,  so  long  as  the  Federal  Government 
in  every  way  possible  encouraged  those  who  were  believers 
in  disorganized  predatory  warfare.  There  was  a  serious 
defect  in  the  management  of  the  Civil  War,  attributable 
largely  to  the  desire  of  the  officials  at  Washington  to  dictate 
the  policy  of  the  Avar  in  its  details.  General  Grant  saw 
this  fatal  mistake,  and  before  he  accepted  command  of  the 
entire  forces  obtained  concessions  in  this  direction  which 
enabled  him  to  push  the  war  to  a  successful  close.  Tlie 
same  defect  was  observed  in  the  late  Spanish- American 
War,  although  not  to  such  a  grievous  extent.  The  military 
board  of  cojJrol  might  have  been  of  use  as  a  suggestive  com- 
mittee on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  but  it  w^as  powerless  to 
win  battles.  The  President  is  indeed  Commander-in-Chief 
<;f  the  forces,  but  if  he  is  wise,  neither  he  nor  his  secretary 
—19 


290  J  AVE    Ol"    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

will  oversto))  the  boiuids  of  reason  in  attempting  to  exercise 
unduly  his  prero^a^atives  in  an  attempt  to  absorb  all  th(^ 
power  and  become  dictator. 

But  why  did  the  Federal  autliorities  treat  Kansas  dif- 
ferently from  other  States  ?  Did  it  think  the  Governor 
incompetent  or  disloyal  ?  Or,  did  it  think  him  weak,  and 
easily  overridden  by  arbitrary  authority  ?  In  either  case  it 
was  sadly  mistaken,  and  if  mistaken,  probably  misin- 
formed by  some  of  the  warrior  politicians  of  Kansas. 

]!^otwithstandina^  the  ditHculties  arising  out  of  the  Civil 
War,  therefore,  and  the  ])eeuliar  conditions  surroundinff 
the  State  administration  at  this  time,  Governor  Robinson's 
official  career  is  marked  by  strong  and  upright  service  to 
the  State ;  and  though  beset  by  more  difficulties  than  any 
other  governor  in  the  history  of  the  State  has  had  to  face, 
and  surrounded  by  as  greedy  a  horde  of  politicians  as  ever 
annoyed  a  governor,  yet  the  first  chief  executive  of  Kansas 
gave  the  State  an  administration  that  was  clean  and  pro- 
gressive, and  one  in  which  the  work  done  makes  as  fair  a 
showing  as  that  of  the  best  administrations  in  the  history 
of  the  State.  Truly  had  the  "  War  Governor  "  of  Kansas 
fulfilled  the  promise  of  his  first  message  as  the  first  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State: 

"  It  is  equally  its  duty  to  sustaiu  the  Chief  Executive  of  the 
Nation  in  defending  the  Government  from  foes,  vrhether  from  within 
or  without,  and  Kansas,  though  last  and  least  of  the  States  of  the 
Union,  will  ever  be  ready  to  answer  the  call  of  her  country." 

Governor  Robinson  cheerfully  surrendered  his  office  to 
Governor  Carney,  who  succeeded  him  on  January  12th, 
ISfio.  As  to  tlie  war  policy,  Governor  Carney  followed 
substantially  in  the  footsteps  of  Goveimor  Robinson,  but 
with  less  difficulty, — largely  for  two  reasons:    First,  be- 


THE  FIRST  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  STATE        291 

cause  he  had  less  opposition  at  home  and  at  Washino^fon ; 
and  second,  because  he  had  far  less  to  do,  Governor  Robin- 
son having  mustered  and  equip}>ed  for  the  service  thirteen 
raiments  and  several  batteries,  while  there  were  but  four 
re^ments  mustered  in  Carney's  administration,  with  the 
addition  of  two  colored  refi^iment?.  Moreover,  a?  the  war 
progressed,  methods  became  systematized  both  at  Washing- 
ton and  in  Kansas,  and  many  difficulties  disappeared  with 
the  disappearance  of  irres^ilarities. 

iSTo  other  Governor  of  Kansas  had  so  many  difficulties  to 
encounter  as  Governor  Eobinson.  The  events  of  the  last 
few  years  had  left  their  heritage  of  jealousy,  hatred,  and 
other  forms  of  bitterness.  In  the  constitutional  struggle 
there  had  been  persons  and  parties  on  hoth  sides  of  the 
slavery  question  who  had  been  at  bitter  feud  with  one  an- 
other. There  had  been  many  disappointed,  wronged,  and 
outraged  individuals  of  tlie  Free-State  party  fighting  a 
similar  class  of  the  Proslavery  party.  There  had  been 
contentions  of  politicians  with  personal  ambitions ;  bicker- 
ings and  strife  over  land  claims.  And  now,  above  all,  there 
was  the  impending  Civil  War,  in  which  Kansas  must  do 
her  part.  Much  depended  upon  the  prudence  and  wisdom 
of  the  first  Governor,  in  order  to  give  the  new  State  a  fair 
start  in  the  sisterhood  of  States.  The  long  delay  of  Con- 
gress in  admitting  Kansas  to  the  Union  was  therefore  not 
an  unmixed  evil,  as  it  gave  the  Governor  an  opportunity 
to  prepare  for  the  arduous  tasks  before  him.  He  met  all 
with  a  calm,  courageous  spirit,  started  the  machinery  of 
State  government,  and  gave  the  new  State  an  impulse  t/O- 
ward  right  government. 


292 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSOlsr 


CHAPTER  IX. 


SUBSEQUENT  EVENTS. 

Compared  with  his  previous  experiences  in  California, 
Massachusetts,  and  Kansas,  the  life  of  Governor  Robinson 
after  the  close  of  his  term  as  Governor  of  Kansas  Avas  a 
quiet  one.  Yet  it  was  a  life  of  activity  as  the  world  goes, 
for  he  was  two  terms  in  the  State  Senate,  a  candidate  for 
Congress,  a  candidate  for  Governor  of  Kansas,  and  was 
Superintendent  of  Haskell  Institute,  Regent  of  the  State 
University,  and  President  of  the  State  Historical  Society, 
— all  of  which  combined,  filled  the  intervals  of  a  busy  agri- 
cultural life.  In  addition  to  this,  he  was  more  or  less  fre- 
quently engaged  in  writing  for  newspapers  and  periodicals. 

After  the  burning  of  Robinson's  house,  (in  May,  1856,) 
which  was  situated  on  the  hill  south  of  ]^orth  College,  in 
Lawrence,  he  did  not  rebuild,  but  moved  to  his  country 
home  of  "  Oakridge,"  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
days,  except  as  he  was  called  to  and  fro  in  his  busy  life. 
At  Oakridge  he  built  the  mansion  which  is  at  present  stand- 
ing on  the  place  in  Grant  township.  "Oakridge"  is  a 
beautiful  rural  estate,  situated  about  four  miles  north  of 
Lawrence.  The  house  is  situated  on  a  hill  covered  with 
natural  oaks,  around  which  have  been  planted  maple  and 
other  deciduous  trees.  The  hill  is  a  bluff,  once  a  bank  of 
the  Kaw  when  it  reached  the  northern  limit  of  the  Kaw 
valley.  "From  the  site  of  the  mansion  one  can  see  across 
the  Kaw  valley  to  the  bluffs  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
and,  prominent  in  the  distance,  about  five  miles  "  as  the 


SUBSEQUENT   EVENTS  293 

crow  flies,"  a  little  to  the  west  of  south,  is  Mt.  Oread,  cov- 
ered with  the  University  buildings.  On  the  south  side  of 
the  river  the  town  of  Lawrence  is  snuggled  under  the  hill 
along  the  bank  and  southward.  The  view  is  magnificent : 
broad  acres  of  fertile  land,  avenues  of  trees,  the  wandering 
course  of  the  Kaw  marked  by  lines  of  trees  and  shubbery, 
and  an  occasional  glimpse  of  the  river's  shining  surface, 
with  the  hills  on  the  opposite  side  mantled  in  a  blue  haze. 
MagTiificent  sunsets,  indescribable  by  power  of  tongue  or 
pen,  are  seen  from  this  site  when  the  ''  king  of  day  "  goes 
to  rest  in  a  blaze  of  glory,  leaving  on  his  trail  indescribable 
blues,  lavenders,  golds,  and  pinks,  gorgeous  paintings  from 
the  studio  of  nature,  done  in  water,  not  oils.  In  the  autumn 
the  trees  of  "  Oakridge  "  turn  to  beautiful  browns  and  reds. 
Kansas  is  not  noted  for  the  brilliancy  of  its  autumn  foliage, 
but  "  Oakridge "  never  fails  to  end  the  autumn  season 
by  assuming  gaudy  colors  and  reflecting  a  blaze  of  color 
from  the  wooded  hills.  If  "  Oakridge  "  seems  a  trifle  se- 
cluded to  some,  it  is  never  lonely  in  its  magnificent  sur- 
roundings. Around  the  country  home  and  belonging  to  the 
Robinson  estate  are  sixteen  hundred  acres  of  land,  much  of 
it  very  fertile,  on  vt^hich  wheat,  com  and  other  crops  grow 
luxuriantly.  Governor  Robinson  was  an  excellent  farmer, 
both  theoretical  and  practical.  He  not  only  tilled  his  broad 
acres  well,  but  was  interested  in  improved  methods  of  ag- 
riculture. He  was  well  known  in  agricultural  and  horti- 
cultural circles,  and  frequently  addressed  societies  on  topics 
relating  to  these  two  great  industries. 

Here,  in  his  home  of  "  Oakridge,"  ex-Governor  Robinson 
passed  a  quiet  life,  devoting  his  attention  chiefly  to  the  man- 
agement of  his  farm  and  the  details  of  private  business. 


294  LIFE    OF    CHAHLES    ROBINSON 

Into  his  liome  came  newspapers  and  the  recent  books,  which 
kept  him  acquainted  witli  the  doings  of  the  outer  worhl. 
All  the  controversies  of  the  day  had  for  him  a  keen  inter- 
est, and  frequently,  like  an  old  war-horse,  he  sniffed  the 
battle  from  afar.  Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  engage  in  contro- 
versies, especially  when:  they  had  to  do  with  Kansas  history 
and  the  principles  involved  in  the  political  and  social  af- 
fairs of  everyday  life.  In  taking  sides  in  politics  from  this 
time  on,  his  old  instinct  to  help  the  "  under  dog  "  was  al- 
ways prominent.  This  peculiarity  was  probably  due  not 
only  to  inborn  characteristics,  but  also  to  his  life  in  the 
California  and  Kansas  struggles. 

Being  a  fanner,  Grovemor  Robinson  had  a  large  sym- 
pathy for  people  of  his  own  class.  He  understood  well  the 
difficulties  that  beset  the  farmer  of  the  West  in  turning 
over  the  prairie  sod,  the  subsequent  trials  in  fighting  against 
the  drought,  grasshoppers,  and  other  calamities  that  came 
upon  a  new  State ;  and  the  more  recent  difficulties  caused 
by  the  rapid  falling  in  prices,  or  at  least  the  decline  in  the 
comparative  price  of  farm  products  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  rise  of  manufactured  articles  and  other  commodities 
which  the  farmer  was  obliged  to  purchase  on  the  other.  He 
also  gave  help  to  the  farmers  in  their  vigorous  attempt  to 
free  themselves  from  the  latter  conditions,  which  finally 
led  to  political  turmoil  in  the  State. 

While  there  has  been  more  or  less  immigration  to  Kansas 
from  the  time  of  settlement  until  the  present  time,  there 
have  been  several  great  movements.  The  first  was  the  great 
influx  of  two  streams  of  people,  one  flowing  from  the 
North,  headed  from  far-off  New  England;  the  other  com- 
ing from  the  Southern'  States,  headed  from  the  confines  of 


SUBSEQUENT   EVENTS  295 

Georgia.  These  people  experienced  great  difficulties  in 
arranging  their  political  and  social  differences,  as  we  have 
learned  in  previous  chapters.  Many  of  these  troubles  arose 
from  the  fact  of  imperfect  socialization.  When  there  are 
suddenly  brought  together  large  groups  of  people  of  very 
different  and  decided  opinions  in  regard  to  government, 
politics,  social  and  intellectual  life,  a  period  of  conflict  in 
the  process  of  socialization  is  inevitable.  But,  through 
the  privations  of  settlement,  the  cruelties  of  strife,  and 
sufferings  engendered  by  war,  people  learn  to  know  each 
other  well  and  through  sympathy  to  harmonize  their  dif- 
ferences. After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  questions 
that  had  troubled  Kansas  were  practically  settled,  and  the 
State  entered  into  a  more  or  less  homogeneous  development. 
There  was,  it  is  true,  quite  a  vigorous  influx  of  old  soldiers 
and  others,  but  these  merely  enlarged  the  population  with- 
out changing  public  sentiment  or  disturbing  the  political 
status  of  the  country. 

But  the  rapid  railroad-building  of  subsequent  years  and 
the  enormous  advertising  of  which  the  State  was  the  sub- 
ject brought  thousands  from  all  over  the  country,  particu- 
larly from  the  JSTorthern  and  I^orthwestern  States,  who 
rushed  in  to  take  up  the  farm  lands  of  Kansas.  Thus  there 
was  brought  in  a  new  population,  which  had  to  be  assimi- 
lated and  socialized  into  conformity  with  existing  condi- 
tions. Two  results  followed  this  great  immigration.  The 
first  was  that  in  the  western  portion  of  the  State  there  were 
hastily  taken  up  lands  which  promised  fair,  but  which  from 
the  lack  of  sufficient  moisture  could  not  yield  a  living  to 
people  through  the  ordinary  process  of  raising  com  or 
wheat.     The  failure  of  crop  after  crop  on  this  semi-arid 


296  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

land  caused  niin  to  many,  forcing;  them  to  abandon  their 
farms ;  while  in  the  minds  of  those  who  remained  there  was 
developed  a  w-retched  discontent. 

The  otlier  result  of  this  immigration  was  the  fact  that 
during'  this  "  boom  "  period  of  the  80's,  money  was  readily 
obtained,  and  farmers  borrowed  largely  to  develop  the  re- 
sources of  the  country.  Then  the  town  movement,  a  pecu- 
liar disease  which  aiffected  most  of  the  towns  of  the  State 
and  made  each  one  believe  or  pretend  to  believe  that  it  was 
to  be  a  great  city  and  a  great  center,  caused  investments 
to  expand  enormously,  and  through  the  prospect  of  sudden 
riches  farms  were  mortgaged  and  towai  lots  bought,  only 
to  be  returned  to  corn-fields  and  pastures  after  the  boom  had 
collapsed.  Then  the  farmers  found  that  they  had  over- 
borrowed  Eastern  capital  and  had  a  long  period  of  liquida- 
tion before  them.  jSTo  trouble  could  have  arisen  from  this 
borrowing  money  to  develop  the  resources  of  Kansas,  al- 
though tliis  excessive  speculation  was  bad  and  could  only 
end  in  disaster  for  many  of  those  who  engaged  in  it.  Ev- 
erything would  have  gone  well  with  Kansas  at  large,  how- 
ever, had  the  soil  continued  to  produce  enormously  and 
prices  remained  fair,  but  the  sudden  depression  of  prices 
that  spread  over  the  United  States,  and  indeed  the  whole 
world,  affected  the  Kansas  farmer  very  seriously.  And 
the  dull  period  which  followed  the  collapse  of  the  real-estate 
boom,  and  the  general  panic  which  spread  over  the  United 
States,  made  it  difficult  for  the  farmer  to  raise  enough 
surplus  to  pay  the  interest  on  his  mortgages,  to  say  nothing 
about  the  principal.  Hence  it  was  that  the  farmer  found 
himself  struggling  against  enormous  odds  of  debt  with  rap- 
idly diminishing  means  of  payment,  until  he  saw  the  prod- 


SUBSEQUENT   EVENTS  297 

uct  of  his  farm  slipping;  awav  to  the  East,  and  finally  the 
farm  itself  by  degrees,  in  the  payment  of  interest. 

The  tendency  of  the  average  American  to  mix  politics 
with  his  business  leads  him  to  suppose  that  trade  depres- 
sions and  business  failures  are  largely  caused  by  the  po- 
litical situation  of  the  country,  and  there  are  always  those 
who  are  interested  in  gaining  votes  for  themselves  by  point- 
ing out  to  the  people  that  it  is  the  action  of  the  Government 
in  certain  directions  that  is  responsible  for  their  condition. 
So  under  such  conditions  as  now  prevail,  therefore,  it 
has  become  common  in  America  to  attack  the  party  in 
power,  holding  it  responsible  for  those  conditions,  or  to 
attack  the  actions  of  the  Government  for  bringing  the  peo- 
ple into  such  conditions.  "^Tiile  the  Government,  and  po- 
litical parties  as  well,  of  course  have  something  to  do  with 
the  business  of  the  country,  it  is  a  peculiar  sort  of  blind- 
ness that  comes  over  the  people  or  failure  to  understand 
economic  conditions  that  causes  them  to  so  suddenly  forget 
or  ignore  all  of  the  principles  of  business,  the  laws  of  sup- 
ply and  demand  and  of  capital  and  interest,  and  attack  the 
Government,  blaming  it  for  the  results  of  their  own  viola- 
tion of  economic  and  business  principles.  It  is  true  that 
the  farmers  had  no  money  at  this  time,  but  this  was  largely 
because  they  had  nothing  to  sell,  or  because  if  they  had 
something  to  sell  it  was  at  such  a  low  price  as  barely  to  pay 
the  cost  of  production.  Either  other  and  cheaper  modes 
of  production  must  be  foimd  or  higher  prices  must  prevail, 
or  else  farming  would  be  a  complete  failure. 

The  scarcity  of  gold  throughout  the  world  and  the  fear 
that  there  was  not  enough  to  go  around,  which  sent  nations 
scrambling  for  it,  and  the  cheapness  of  silver,  which  caused 


298 


LIFE    OF    CHAELES    BOBINSON 


them  to  discard  it,  caused  prices  in  general  to  fall  through- 
out the  world.  But  in  addition  to  all  this,  the  Western 
farmer,  as  we  have  seen,  had  to  contend  with  local  condi- 
tions even  more  poAverful,  which  left  him  practically  with- 
out an  income  and  with  a  large  debt  to  pay.  What  was  tlie 
remedy  ?  Did  not  the  Government  make  money  ?  Why 
then  should  it  not  make  money  for  them  to  use  in  payment 
of  debts  ^  And  so  there  arose  many  other  demands  than 
for  the  increase  of  the  money  in  circulation.  A  remedy 
advocated  by  many  was  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  which 
had  been  discontinued  in  1873.  Others  held  that  this 
would  only  be  a  makeshift,  and  that  the  only  remedy  would 
be  the  issue  by  the  Government  of  a  large  amount  of  paper 
money.  Governor  Eobinson  advocated  the  latter  idea. 
He  favored  the  party  tliat  was  lighting  for  free  coinage  of 
silver  and  other  remedial  legislation,  because  it  was  the 
party  that  favored  giving  the  most  money  to  the  common 
people ;  but  he  really  believed  in  the  paper  money  as  the 
ultimate  end  to  be  reached. 

The  Grange  movement,  which  was  organized  in  1866  and 
spread  with  such  rapidity  over  the  United  States  in  the 
seventies,  started  out  as  a  non-partisan  movement,  whose 
purposes  were  to  increase  the  social,  moral  and  financial 
well-being  of  the  farmers,  and  had  a  great  deal  of  influence 
in  the  process  of  socialization ;  but  finally  it  was  conceived 
in  the  minds  of  some  that  this  organization  might  be  used 
as  a  great  political  engine,  and  the  farmers  were  persuaded 
that  their  grievances  could  only  be  redressed  at  the  polls 
and  in  the  legislature.  Hence  it  was  that,  through  the  in- 
fluence of  the  farmers,  legislatures  throughout  the  Western 
States  were  elected  with  tJie  express  purpose  of  enacting 


MRS    S.   T.    D.    ROBINSON,    1864. 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS  299 

special  legislation  in  favor  of  the  farming  communities. 
While  the  Grange  accomplished  a  great  deal  in  the  social 
and  educational  way,  and  while,  by  bringing  the  consumer 
and  manufacturer  more  closely  together,  it  also  succeeded 
in  reducing  the  enormously  high  prices  for  products  man- 
ufactured in  the  East  and  sold  by  agents  throughout  the 
West,  yet  its  political  attempts  largely  ended  in  failure. 
The  legislation  which  it  brought  about  proved  rather  detri- 
mental to  the  progress  of  the  Western  States  than  advan- 
tageous to  them. 

In  the  eighties  the  Farmers'  Alliance  was  started,  largely 
on  the  same  principles  as  the  Grange  had  advocated.  It 
was,  indeed,  only  a  reecho  of  the  old  organization,  which 
had  declined  as  prosperity  had  returned  and  the  political 
phases  failed.  The  Farmers'  Alliance  sought  to  help  the 
farmer  in  every  way  possible,  and  at  first,  through  agita- 
tion and  the  arousing  of  public  sentiment,  to  influence  leg- 
islation in  their  favor.  Here  again,  as  before,  the  politi- 
cians seized  the  organization,  and  through  it  sought  to  re- 
lieve the  distressed  condition  of  the  farmer  by  specific 
legislation.  While  good  has  been  accomplished  by  the 
agitation  attendant  upon  the  Alliance  movement,  nearly  all 
the  legislation  enacted  through  its  efforts  has  been  a  partial 
or  total  failure;  and  the  Alliance  stores,  like  those  of  the 
Grange,  went  out  of  business.  In  this  case,  as  in  the  other, 
the  people  were  led  into  error  by  designing  demagogues 
and  politicians  who  were  only  seeking  to  satisfy  their 
thirst  for  power  and  spoils. 

True  to  the  governing  principles  of  his  life,  ex-Go vemor 
Kobinson  sympathized  with  the  new  movement.  He  left 
the  Kopublican  party  in  1886  as  his  ideas  grew  more  demo- 


300  LIFE    OF    CHAJSLES    KOBINSON 

era  tic  and  as  lie  saw,  according  to  his  judgment,  that  the 
Republican  party  was  not  doing  what  it  ought  to  for  the 
people.  Possibly,  too,  his  political  life  under  the  Repub- 
lican regime  had  come  to  such  a  sudden  end  that  there  was 
no  prospect  of  working  in  harmony  with  that  party.  At  any 
rate,  from  the  close  of  the  war  Governor  Robinson  had  not 
so  warm  a  feeling  for  the  Republican  party  as  might  have 
been  expected  on  the  part  of  one  so  well  versed  regarding 
the  conditions  of  its  origin,  from  both  a  theoretical  and 
practical  standpoint.  However,  it  was  in  accordance  with 
the  independent  spirit  of  the  man,  who  rebelled  at  the  re- 
straint of  a  political  regime. 

He  was  elected  on  the  Republican  ticket  to  the  State  Sen- 
ate in  1874,  and  again  in  1876  to  a  second  term.  While  the 
Republican  party  at  this  time  was  almost  the  only  politi- 
cal power  in  the  State,  and  though  Governor  Robinson,  as 
a  member  of  the  Senate,  took  a  deep  interest  in  all  matters 
which  interested  the  State,  he  had  but  little  to  do  with 
the  present  organization.  In  1886  he  was  induced  to  leave 
that  party  and  enter  upon  a  political  campaign  as  candidate 
for  Congress  against  E.  H.  Funston,  but  he  failed  of  elec- 
tion. In  1890  he  was  induced  to  run  for  Governor,  sup- 
ported by  the  Democrats,  and  the  Populists  and  Green- 
backers.  He  again  failed  to  be  elected;  but  in  1892  he 
helped  organize  the  fusion  of  the  Democrats  and  Populists, 
which  ended  in  the  election  of  the  Populist  Governor 
Lewelling. 

While  Governor  Robinson  did  not  formally  leave  the 
Republican  party  until  1886,  he  had  followed  the  liberal 
wing  of  the  party  after  1872,  and  had  gradually  become 
more  and  more  estranged  from  the  old  party  \mtil  his  final 


^A 


c^i^     /t:^^    -z,  t>^^  -i^ 


^_    /^/^,. 


EX-GOVERNOR    CHARLES    ROBINSON,   1872. 


SUBSEQUENT    ETENTS  301 

separation  from  it  in  1886.  From  that  time  on  he  Avas  a 
counselor  to  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party,  to  which 
he  most  closely  adhered,  and  also  to  the  leaders  of  the  Popu- 
list party. 

In  his  campaign  for  Congress,  and  more  especially  for 
Governor,  he  attacked  the  tariff  policy  of  the  United  States. 
He  held  that  the  tariff  was  being  used  as  a  tool  to  enhance 
the  power  and  increase  the  wealth  of  the  rich ;  that  the 
burdens  of  taxation  were  falling  upon  the  poor  by  the 
spread  of  monopolistic  power ;  and  while  he  would  not  ob- 
ject to  a  moderate  revenue  being  raised  by  the  tariff,  he 
believed  that  laborers  were  not  being  protected  by  it  and 
that  the  poor  people  were  paying  the  taxes. 

While  Governor  Eobinson  was  always  active  with  pen 
and  voice  in  the  political  affairs  that  concerned  the  people, 
his  last  public  office  in  the  State  was  that  of  Senator,  in 
1876,  and  his  last  public  campaign  was  for  Governor  in 
1890;  although  he  held  the  position  of  Superintendent 
at  Haskell  Institute,  an  appointment  made  by  the  Federal 
Government. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  act  of  Governor  Eobinson 
while  in  the  State  Senate  was  the  introduction  of  a  bill  re- 
lating to  the  common  schools.  Of  the  many  bills  intro- 
duced by  him  that  became  laws,  some  of  them  in  reference 
to  local  matters  in  Douglas  county  and  others  having  an 
importance  throughout  the  State,  this  one  is  of  the  most 
importance.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  man  who  had  so 
much  to  do  with  the  establishing  of  the  first  public  and  pri- 
vate schools  in  the  State,  who  by  his  courage  and  cool 
judgment  before  and  during  the  Civil  War  made  it  possi- 
ble for  the  people  of  Kansas  to  have  free  schools,  and  who 


302 


l.ll'i!;    OF    CHAKLi:S    KOKINSON 


used  his  powerful  influence  in  the  advancement  of  higher 
education  in  the  State,  should  have  prepared  and  secured 
the  passage  of  a  hiw  for  the  regulation  of  these  schools. 
This  law  purported  to  include  all  the  Kansas  school  laws 
in  existence  at  that  time,  together  with  such  changes  as  were 
desirable.  It  therefore  served  to  briug  together  all  the 
law  on  the  subject,  as  well  as  to  enact  new  law.  It  is  upon 
this  act  tliat  much  of  our  present  school  law  is  based,  al- 
though many  changes  have  been  made  as  occasion  has  re- 
quired. The  law  covers  all  of  the  following  subjects: 
State  and  county  superintendents, — duties  and  salaries; 
school  districts, — when,  how  and  by  whom  organized;  dis- 
trict officers, — duties,  how  and  when  elected;  schools, — 
branches  taught,  length  of  term,  who  are  pupils ;  teachers' 
institutes, — how,  when  and  where  held;  certificates, — 
three  grades,  given  by  whom;  graded  schools;  libraries; 
schools  in  cities  of  first  and  second  class, — board  of  educa- 
tion, powers,  officers,  duties,  levying  tax,  issuance  of  bonds  ; 
cities  of  third  class, — defined,  how  governed ;  district 
bonds, — how  issued,  for  what  purpose,  how  paid ;  school 
lands, — when  sold,  how  sold,  and  price ;  school  funds. 
The  law  was  comprehensive,  and  sufficiently  complete  to 
fully  organize  the  public-school  system  of  the  State. 

The  Quantrell  massacre,  which  occurred  on  August  21st, 
1863,  was  the  most  atrocious  affair  that  has  happened  in 
the  whole  history  of  Kansas.  The  enmity  which  existed 
along  the  border  on  the  part  of  a  certain  class  of  reck- 
less people  of  Missouri,  against  Kansas,  and  especially 
against  Lawrence,  never  died  out,  and  with  its  continuance 
was  the  ever-present  desire  for  revenge.    The  justice-loving 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS 


503 


people  of  Missouri  and  Kansas,  as  well  as  those  of  the  whole 
world,  were  startled  at  its  horrible  cruelty.  But  the  raiders 
knew,  and  the  people  of  Lawrence  knew,  that  it  was  not 
an  accident  of  the  Civil  War.  Not  that  there  is  a  valid 
excuse  in  Christendom  for  such  a  raid  and  massacre ;  but 
it  was  caused  by  desii^ing  ruffians  who  had  long  nursed 
their  hatred  and  cultivated  their  desire  for  revenge. 

x\t  the  time  of  the  raid  Governor  Robinson  was  living 
at  the  liead  of  Massachusetts  street.  On  that  morning  he 
left  his  home  to  go  to  the  stone  bam  which  stood  near 
what  was  afterward  the  home  of  the  late  B.  W.  Wood- 
ward. He  had  proceeded  as  far  south  as  Quincy  street, 
when  rapid  firing  was  heard  to  the  east  of  him.  People 
came  running  and  said,  "The  bushwhackers  have  come ;  run 
for  your  life !  "  He  proceeded  to  the  stone  barn,  which 
sheltered  him  for  a  time,  but,  seeing  buildings  burning 
near  him,  and  supposing  that  the  barn  would  soon  share 
the  same  fate,  he  moved  out  to  the  top  of  the  hill.  Here 
he  saw  two  men  shoot  Mr.  Martin  and  then  ride  away 
toward  the  eastern  part  of  town,  where  the  whole  band  of 
guerrillas  were  forming  on  the  high  ground  near  where 
now  stands  the  Friends'  meeting-house.  As  he  returned 
to  the  main  street  again,  a  scene  of  indescribable  horror 
met  his  gaze.  The  town  was  burned  and  sacked,  and  hon- 
ored citizens  lay  dead  or  dying  in  every  direction.  With- 
out any  opportunity  for  defense,  citizens  were  murdered 
on  sight,  their  homes  plundered  and  burned.  There  can 
be  no  estimate  placed  upon  the  atrocious  work  of  those  brief 
three  hours,  except  to  say  that  it  was  worse  than  the  deeds 
of  savages,  and  that  it  could  not  have  been  done  except 
through  a  spirit  of  revenge.     It  was  the  result  of  years 


304  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON 

of  raidirii,'  :m<]  invasion  by  un-military  bands  of  men  who 
committed  nn-military  deeds.  Without  doubt  remote 
causes  conld  be  detected  prior  to  1861,  but  the  immediate 
occasion  Avas  the  raiding  in  Missouri  of  "  Jayhawkers." 

On  Sunday,  August  21st,  1892,  the  anniversary  of  the 
Quantrell  Raid,  after  the  publication  of  ''  The  Kansas  Con- 
flict," Governor  Robinson  gave  an  address  at  the  services 
held  in  Central  Park  in  commemoration  of  the  most  atro- 
cious massacre  on  record  in  modern  times  and  among  civil- 
ized people.  In  this  address  Governor  Robinson  gave  his 
personal  recollections  of  the  event,  and  then  proceeded  to 
show  that  the  Quantrell  raid  was  but  a  sequel  to  other 
events ;  that  it  was  nothing  more  than  an  attempt  to  retali- 
ate for  the  terrorism  practiced  by  desperadoes  on  the  border 
hailing  from  Kansas.  Governor  Robinson  received  severe 
criticism  for  his  bold  assertions  respecting  the  Quantrell 
raid,  and,  true  to  the  habit  of  his  life,  he  took  up  the  pen 
in  vindication  of  his  position,  and,  ao  usual,  referred  his 
readers  to  what  he  actually  knew  existed  in  the  years  of 
1861  to  1863. 

While  Governor  Robinson  contributed  frequently  to  the 
papers  concerning  the  historical,  political  and  social  affairs 
of  the  State  and  nation,  his  greatest  work  was  "  The  Kan- 
sas Conflict."  He  spent  much  time  and  labor  in  collecting 
material,  and  wrote  with  much  care.  When  the  book  was 
finally  published  it  received  many  interesting  reviews  and 
much  favorable  comment  by  the  press.  There  was  also  con- 
siderable sharp  criticism  of  the  book,  because  it  was  written, 
so  his  critics  said,  from  a  partisan  standpoint,  and  was  con- 
troversy ratJier  than  history.     In  reality,  "  The  Kansas 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS 


305 


Conflict "  is  not  a  complete  history  of  early  Kansas,  but  a 
complete  and  authoritative  account  of  particular  phases 
of  it  It  presents  the  principal  issues  in  the  struggle  for 
freedom  in  Kansas,  and  substantiates  the  position  of  the 
writer  by  numerous  quotations  from  authorities.  The 
book  is  well  written,  argumentative^  and  strong.  It  will 
always  prove  a  monument  of  history  to  those  studying  the 
Kansas  conflict.  There  are  comparatively  few  really  good 
bocks  on  Kansas  history.  Among  these  should  be  men- 
tioned those  already  referred  to :  ''  Kansas ;  its  Interior 
and  Exterior  Life,"  by  Mrs.  Kobinson ;  "'  Kansas,"  by  Mr. 
Spring ;  Connelley's  "  Territorial  Governors  "  ;  Wilder's 
''Annals,"  a  compendium  of  facts  and  dates ;  Dr.  Cordley's 
"  History  of  Lawrence  " ;  and  the  one  under  discussion, 
''  The  Kansas  Conflict."  It  ?s  not  intended  to  ignore  the 
many  excellent  things  in  a  number  of  other  books,  but  these 
represent  the  best  accounts,  and  all  combined  give  a  fair 
representation  of  neaily  all  of  importance  that  happened 
in  the  early  history  of  the  State. 

"  The  Kansas  Conflict "  produced  a  profound  impression 
wherever  it  went,  among  friends  and  foes.  Senator  John  J. 
Ingalls  thought  it  a  remarkable  book,  and  said  so.  Favor- 
able comments  were  made  by  many  others,  who  were  non- 
partisans in  Kansas  history.  One  prominent  man  declared 
that  he  would  not  read  the  book,  as  he  was  on  the  other  side, 
— in  reality  a  severe  criticism  upon  the  man  himself,  who 
thus  assumed  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  learned  from  his 
opponents;  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  slur  upon  the  book, 
as  if  it  were  a  partisan  production. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  well  to  state  that  the  book  is  an  argu- 
ment of  a  case  in  which  the  plaintiff  is  the  Free-State  cause 

—20 


306 


HFK    01'    CltAKLKS    KOBliVbOJS 


and  the  defeiiJant  is  the  Proslavery  party;  and  in  the  ar- 
raignment, little  opportunity  is  given  for  the  defense,  as  the 
overwhelming  evidence  for  the  plaintiff  is  final,  Nor  is  the 
author  slow  to  vindicate  his  course  in  the  Kansas  struggle, 
nor  to  defend  himself  against  the  attacks  of  his  enemies. 
This  is  carried  so  far  as  to  throw  the  book  out  of  historical 
proportion,  and  leave  many  events  of  the  history  of  the 
times  untouched  or  meagerly  represented.  But  the  author 
carried  out  his  purpose,  which  was  not  to  write  a  complete 
history  of  Kansas,  but  to  set  right  popular  belief  concern- 
ing the  great  steps  in  the  conflict  between  slavery  and  free- 
dom in  Kansas.  The  book  is  a  truthful  representation  of 
this  phase  of  history,  although  there  is  much  to  be  said  in 
addition  if  the  entire  history  of  the  times  is  presented. 
The  first  part  of  the  book  readily  passes  for  plain  narration, 
but  the  author  goes  from  this  to  pure  argumentation,  sub- 
stantiated by  historical  facts.  The  book  stands  as  Robin- 
son's view  of  the  conflict,  and  the  story  is  told  so  well  that 
whatever  criticism  a  reader  may  have  to  make,  he  must  ad- 
mit the  main  thesis,  that  non-resistance  to  Federal  author- 
ity and  a  free  ballot  with  an  honest  count  were  the  two  great 
causes  of  the  salvation  of  Kansas, — causes  whose  reality 
every  one  who  studies  Kansas  history  properly  will  be 
obliged  to  admit, —  causes  that  will  not  be  overshadowed 
by  military  "  bluffing,"  deeds  of  crime,  nor  personal  ambi- 
tions. 

It  is  a  vigorous  book,  a  lasting  book,  characterized  by 
pungent  writing,  in  which  the  author  attempts  to  set  forth, 
by  arg-ument  and  proof,  the  real  character  of  this  struggle. 
In  it  he  gives  a  graphic  picture  of  the  early  abolition  days, 
of  his  struggle  in  California,  and  the  details  of  the  strug- 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS  307 

2,-le  in  Kansas.  In  every  instance  where  iie  reviews  the 
services  of  Brown  and  Lane  in  this  book,  he  does  not  ask 
the  pnblic  to  relj  entirely  on  his  judgment  in  the  case,  but 
quotes  freely,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  work, 
newspapers,  documents  and  speeches  to  prove  his  view  of 
the  matter  in  question.  Perhaps  no  other  book  has  brought 
so  clearly  before  the  people  the  real  issue  in  the  Kansas 
struggle  and  the  actual  progress  of  that  struggle.  And 
perhaps  of  all  the  writings  of  the  Governor,  this  work  rep- 
resents more  clearly  his  views  upon  the  chief  matters  that 
concerned  his  life  than  all  others  of  his  work  combined, 
whether  writings,  speeches,  or  addresses. 

Yet  there  is  something  lacking  in  the  book ;  for  the  pub- 
lic would  like  to  know  more  concerning  his  personal  life 
and  character.  J^ot  being  a  biography,  it  could  not  give  the 
personal  details  of  his  life  in  many  respects.  Neverthe- 
less, being  a  history  of  which  he  was  an  important  part,  it 
could  not  fail  to  represent  him  in  the  greatest  part  of  his 
life-work. 

The  controversy  over  the  temperance  question  and  the 
prohibitory  law  called  forth  the  argumentative  powers  of 
Governor  Robinson.  While  he  was  always  a  strong  advo- 
cate of  temperance,  he  opposed  the  prohibitory  law  be- 
cause he  thought  it  an  impractical  method  of  dealing  with 
the  question.  It  also  appeared  to  him  to  be  an  infringe- 
ment upon  the  personal  liberty  of  citizens  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  it  would  not  only  defeat  its  own  purpose,  but 
would  lead  to  other  evils  and  create  a  disregard  for  law. 
He  expressed  himself  freely  in  the  defense  of  his  position 
in  a  series  of  articles  covering  the  entire  operation  of  the 
law.     The  articles  are  strong,  and  vehement  almost  to  vin- 


308 


LIFE    OF    CIIAKLES    ROBINSON 


dictiveness  in  the  denunciations  of  the  shams  of  pretended 
enforcement  and  the  methods  taken  for  the  evasion  of  the 
law.  Wliile  Governor  Robinson  was  honest  in  his  views, 
and  thought  and  wrote  from  conviction,  he  is  less  happy  in 
the  position  taken  here  than  in  many  other  controversies 
that  engaged  his  attention,      (See  Chapter  XII.) 

Robinson  had  a  wide  sympathy  with  the  laboring  people 
who  were  struggling  for  higher  wages.  Had  he  been  a 
selfish  man,  he  would  have  looked  after  the  interests  of  tlie 
farming  population  alone,  but  he  was  interested  in  all  move- 
ments which  had  for  their  object,  justice  to  humanity.  He 
had  become  preeminently  a  people's  man,  opposed  to  all 
invasions  of  the  people's  rights,  real  or  imaginary.  When 
the  Pullman  strike  occurred,  followed  by  the  railway  strike, 
during  the  leadership  of  the  American  Railway  Union,  he 
at  once  took  sides  with  the  strikers  against  the  latter  in 
a  vigorous  article  entitled  "  Corporate  Power."  He  ad- 
vocated restrictions  of  corporations  to  prevent  robbery. 
In  this  article  he  states  that  "Another  cause  of  discontent 
is  the  robbery  of  the  people  by  the  corporation  laws.  These 
laws  have  filled  the  land  with  thieves  and  robbers  who  are 
more  merciless  in  their  exactions  than  was  ever  feudal  lord 
of  his  vassal."  He  held  that  if  highway  robbery  were 
stopped  and  exact  justice  meted  out  to  all  classes,  there 
would  be  no  cause  for  strikes.  He  declared  that  the  alter- 
native to  this  was  to  deprive  the  people  of  education  and 
reduce  them  to  abject  slavery.  He  said  the  government 
must  make  the  choice  between  these  two  methods,  but  if  it 
hesitated  too  long  the  people  would  take  the  matter  in  their 
own  hands  and  attempt  to  redress  their  grievances  by  force. 

Governor  Robinson  was  interested  in  the  history  of  Kan- 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS  309 

sas,  and  was  ever  on  the  alert  for  its  truthful  representation. 
It  is  quite  natural  that  one  who  had  had  so  much  to  do  with 
making  history  should  have  had  an  interest  in  its  records. 
He  was  a  member  and  director  of  the  Kansas  Historical  So- 
ciety from  1878  to  the  time  of  his  death,  and  served  one 
term  as  its  president.  He  was  instrumental  in  contribut- 
ing to  its  records  in  various  ways.  Others  were  more  ac- 
tively engaged  in  its  foundation  and  supjwrt  than  himself, 
but  none  felt  more  deeply  its  importance  to  the  State. 

Governor  Robinson  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Loyal 
Legion,  a  military  order,  having  the  headquarters  of  the 
eommandery  of  the  State  of  Kansas  at  Leavenworth,  The 
order  was  composed  of  those  statesmen  and  soldiers  who  had 
rendered  distinguished  services  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  in 
the  Civil  War.  Many  of  the  most  distinguished  army  of- 
ficers and  statesmen,  including  nearly  all  of  the  war  govern- 
ors, were  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion. 

While  at  Oakridge,  Governor  Robinson  took  much  inter- 
est in  the  affairs  of  the  rural  community  in  which  he  lived, 
and  especially  in  the  young  people  of  the  neighborhood. 
He  took  part  in  the  frequent  entertainments  in  the  school- 
house  near  his  home,  and  superintended  the  Sunday-school 
each  Sunday  afternoon.  His  kindly  interest  in  the  young 
people  of  the  neighborhood  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  had 
been  known  to  come  from  Topeka,  during  his  term  as  State 
Senator,  to  attend  the  gathering  at  the  school-house,  return- 
ing to  Topeka  on  the  night  train  in  order  to  be  on  hand  the 
next  day  for  senatorial  duty.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
local  grange,  and  was  interested  in  the  farmers'  meetings. 
He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Good  Templars,  an  order  that 
held    frequent    meetings    at    the    Robinson    school-house. 


310  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

Lat-er,  in  the  great  Fanners'  Alliance  movement,  he  at- 
tended the  meetings  of  farmers,  and  when  the  Alliance  went 
into  politics  with  the  Populist  movement  his  sympathies 
were  with  them. 

Dr.  Robinson  was  in  nature  and  spirit  an  abolitionist, 
nor  was  he  afraid  at  any  time  to  announce  his  views,  and, 
so  far  as  history  records,  he  never  compromised  with  the 
slavery  element  at  any  time.  Nevertheless,  he  was  in- 
clined to  peace  if  possible,  and  was  always  generous  towards 
his  enemies.  In  December,  1863,  he  received  a  letter  from 
Leavenworth  asking  him  to  address  a  public  meeting  in 
that  town,  upon  "  The  expediency  of  extending  the  elective 
franchise  to  the  colored  population  of  the  State."  The  in- 
vitation also  asked  him  to  present  his  views  by  letter  in  case 
he  eould  not  come  in  person.  In  reply  to  this  invitation, 
he  says : 

"Having  received  my  education  and  early  convictions  of  political 
rights  in  the  heart  of  Massachusetts,  where  suffrage  knows  no  dis- 
tinction of  color  or  race,  I  can  see  but  one  side  to  the  proposition 
in  question. 

"  The  white  and  colored  people  have  a  common  origin,  are  endowed 
alike  with  intellect,  with  moral  and  religious  natures,  and  have  a 
common  destiny.  If  this  proposition  is  correct,  it  follows  from  ne- 
cessity that  both  alike  are  entitled  to  equal  civil,  political,  moral  and 
religious  rights,  according  to  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  by  our  ancestors  and  according  to  the  unmis- 
takable laws  of  God  himself,  who  is  no  respecter  of  persons.  No 
valid  argument  can  be  produced  against  the  right  of  suffrage  for  the 
colored  man.  Prejudice  has  suggested  various  objections,  such  as 
ignorance,  vice,  etc.  But  if  the  -Japanese  or  Hindoos,  who  know  noth- 
ing of  our  language,  customs  or  institutions,  can  become  sufficiently 
enlightened  in  five  years  to  vote,  surely  the  native  colored  man,  after 
a  pupilage  of  twenty-one  years,  ought  not  to  be  excluded  on  account 
of  ignorance. 


MRS.   S.   T.   D.   ROBmSON,    U 


SUBSEQUENT    EVENTS  311 

"  As  a  peaceable,  law-abiding  people,  aeeording  to  my  observa- 
tioD.  they  compare  favorably  with  the  white  race. 

"  Will  the  people  of  Kansas  extend  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the 
colored  man?  I  think  they  will.  A  majority  of  the  people  of  this 
State  are  in  favor  of  equal  rights  to  all,  as  our  history  demonstrates. 
At  the  first  constitutional  convention,  held  in  Topeka,  the  politicians 
believed  it  would  be  unpopular  to  leave  out  of  the  constitution  the 
word  '  white.'  Accordingly,  bvit  a  few  voted  against  its  insertion. 
Those  few  are  counted  out  of  the  Free-State  party,  and  stigmatized 
as  abolitionists  by  the  political  weathercocks.  The  convention  to 
nominate  State  officers,  however,  put  in  nomination,  these  same 
abolitionists.  Not  satisfied  that  this  was  the  voice  of  the  people,  a 
ticket  was  put  in  the  field  called  the  Anti-Abolition  ticket.  This 
failing  by  a  large  vote,  the  weathercocks  veered  suddenly  to  the 
north,  where  they  have  remained  ever  since.  The  word  '  white '  was 
inserted  in  subsequent  constitutions,  more  to  conciliate  favor  at 
Washington  than  to  conform  to  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  the  State. 
As  there  is  no  longer  any  good  reason  for  retaining  the  word  in  our 
Constitution,  and  as  the  antislavery  men,  who  were  such  from  educa- 
tion and  conviction,  are  in  the  majority  and  will  favor  striking  it 
out,  and  as  all  the  political  adventurers  and  demagogues  have  be- 
come for  the  sake  of  position  more  radically  anti-slavery  than 
Garrison  himself,  in  profession  at  least,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in 
procuring  a  two-thirds  vote  in  the  Legislature  and  a  majority  of  the 
j>eople  in  favor  of  negro  suffrage." 

However  much  men  may  differ  witli  Governor  Robin- 
son in  polities,  religion,  and  public  policy,  no  one  who  will 
examine  his  career  can  help  admiring  him  as  a  citizen  and 
a  patriot.  Industrious  in  managing  his  own  affairs,  he 
still  had  time  for  public  service  when  called  to  it,  and  after 
it  was  over  he  went  back  to  the  plow  more  cheerfully  than 
he  entered  public  life.  If  his  defeat  for  Governor  of  the 
State  in  1890,  or  his  earlier  defeat  for  Congress,  caused 
him  great  disappointment,  no  one  knew  it.  He  would 
rather  have  been  defeated  on  the  Democratic  ticket  than 
have  been  elected  on  the  Republican,  Wcause  he  believed 


312 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBIPTSOIf 


that  the  latter  was  not  faithful  to  its  trust.  He  thought 
in  each  case  that  if  elected  he  could  serve  his  country  well. 
If  not  elected,  it  was  well.  He  was  not  in  the  ordinary 
sense  an  office-seeker,  but,  like  a  true  patriot  of  the  old 
school,  he  was  ready  to  respond  to  his  country's  need,  and 
suffer  and  even  die  if  need  be,  for  his  principles,  as  the  his- 
tory of  his  life  shows. 


CONTBOVEKSIES 


313 


CHAPTER  X. 

COSrTEOVEESIES. 

The  life  of  Robinson  would  not  be  complete  without 
an  exposition  of  tlie  various  controversies  about  Kansas  his- 
tory that  engaged  his  attention  during  the  latter  years  of  his 
life.  However,  in  referring  to  these  the  writer  makes  no 
attempt  to  settle  them,  but  merely  wishes  to  point  out  the 
attitude  which  Robinson  assumed  in  the  chief  controver- 
sies concerning  early  Kansas  history.  To  do  this  satisfac- 
torily it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  briefly  to  the  causes  of 
some  of  these  controversies,  whose  chief  points  turn  on  the 
policies  and  actions  of  Brown  and  Lane  in  Kansas. 

In  the  early  period  of  Kansas  history  there  were  Lane 
and  anti-Lane  people  down  to  the  time  of  Lane's  death  in 
1866.  There  was  also  a  variety  of  opinions  concerning 
the  deeds  and  services  of  John  Brown  in  Kansas.  Wliat- 
ever  value  his  services  were  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
Kansas,  he  took  a  different  view  of  the  struggle  from  a 
large  majority  of  the  Free-State  men.  Lane  also  repre- 
sented a  radical  element  of  the  Free-State  party.  After 
the  early  struggle  had  passed  and  the  Free-State  cause  had 
won,  various  writers  took  up  the  history  of  the  conflict  from 
different  points  of  view  and  from  somewhat  partisan  stand- 
points, which  brought  about  many  conflicting  opinions  and 
led  to  many  controversies. 

While  the  differences  of  opinion  always  existed,  the  real 
beginning  of  the  controversy  was  made  prominent  by  the 
testimony  of  Gov.  Robinson  before  the  select  committej?  of 


314 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


the  Senate,  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  invasion  and  seiz- 
ure of  pnblic  property  at  Harper's  Ferry.  This  committee 
carried  on  its  investigations  early  in  the  year  of  1860. 
Robinson  was  summoned  as  a  witness,  sworn  and  examined 
on  February  10th  of  that  year.  In  this  examination  Rob- 
inson was  called  to  testify  respecting  the  purpose  of  Brown. 
He  pointed  out  that  Brown  had  tokl  him  that  he  had  not 
come  to  Kansas  for  the  purjjose  of  settling  at  all:  ''He 
would  never  have  come  there  had  it  not  been  for  the  diffi- 
culties, and  had  he  not  expected  those  difficulties  would 
result  in  a  general  disturbance  in  the  country ;  and  that  was 
what  he  desired.  He  desired  to  see  slavery  abolished,  and 
he  hoped  that  the  two  sections  would  get  into  a  conflict 
which  would  result  in  abolishing  slavery."  As  the  exam- 
ination proceeded  Robinson  stated  further :  "  I  cannot  re- 
call his  language  again  ;  but  I  understood  him  that  he  ex- 
pected the  difficulties  there  would  result  in  a  collision  be- 
tween the  North  and  the  South ;  I  understood  him  to  be 
in  favor  of  encouraging  or  fanning  the  disturbances  there 
until  that  would  result.  I  understood  that  he  thought  that 
vvas  an  opportunity  to  get  at  slavery  in  the  country  and 
abolish  it;  and  he  came  there  for  that  purpose,  and  not 
simply  to  operate  in  Kansas,  and  for  Kansas  alone.  That 
is  where  he  and  I  differed,  and  we  could  not  agree." 

This  testimony  placed  Brown  outside  of  the  general 
policy  of  the  Free-State  people  in  Kansas.  In  answer  to 
the  question  as  to  whether  others  sympathized  with  Brown 
or  united  with  him  in  this  policy,  Robinson  replied  in  the 
affirmative.  Pressed  for  a  more  definite  answer,  Robinson 
named  James  Redpath  as  one  who  favored  and  abetted 
Brown  in  his  attempt  to  get  up  an  insurrection.-^     Further 

'  Report  of  Senate  ConsmSttee,  No.  278,  Thirty-Pixth  Congress,  p.  1. 


CONTEOVEKSIES 


316 


on  in  the  testimony  Robinson  stated  that  "  There  was  a 
movement  got  np  there  at  one  time  to  massacre  all  the  pro- 
slavery  men  in  the  Territory."  He  proceeded  to  explain 
that  this  attempt  failed.  Further  investigation  developed 
the  fact  that  Redpath  had  been  a  bitter  denunciator  of 
Robinson  and  of  all  his  followers  until  he  had  a  falling-out 
with  General  Lane;  then  Redpath  made  a  confidant  of 
Robinson,  telling  him  of  Lane's  plans.  In  this  interview 
Redpath  told  Robinson  that,  as  a  statesman,  Robinson 
could  not  have  done  differently,  but  that  "  they  had  differ- 
ent objects  in  view." 

This  testimony  enraged  Redpath,  excited  the  Lane  men, 
and  disturbed  many  of  Robinson's  followers,  who  feared 
that  he  had  exposed  the  Free-State  cause  to  criticism. 
This  testimony  called  out  a  bitter  attack  from  Redpath 
and  criticism  from  other  sources,  and  Robinson  took  up 
the  pen  in  his  own  defense  and  w^as  able  to  show  that  he 
stated  the  truth  as  he  was  sworn  to  do.  But  the  real  con- 
troversy about  Brown  did  not  occur  until  after  the  state- 
ment of  James  Townsley,  one  of  the  men  who  accompanied 
Brown  in  the  Pottawatomie  massacre,  which  appeared  in 
the  Lawrence  Journal,  December  10th,  1879.  It  was  a 
firebrand  in  the  camp  of  Brown's  followers  and  admirers. 
Townsley  gave  a  detailed  description  of  the  massacre, 
which,  as  Sanborn  said,  w^as  in  the  main  correct.  It  caused 
people  to  shudder  at  the  horrors  of  the  affair. 

A  fierce  controversy  arose  in  the  following  years  con- 
cerning the  policy  and  services  of  Brown  in  Kansas.  Rev. 
David  Utter's  article  on  Brown,  appearing  in  the  North 
American  Review,  in  November,  1883,  aroused  a  storm  of 
criticism.     Utter  used  vigorous  language,  calling  Brown  a 


316 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON" 


"  murderer  and  midnight  assassin."  Whereupon  Sanborn, 
John  Brown,  jr.,  Hinton  and  others  took  up  the  defense 
of  Brown.  Utter  was  aided  in  his  own  defense  by  many 
of  his  friends,  who  were  glad  to  see  the  excessive  laudation 
of  Bro^\Ti  checked.  Kobinson  was  drawn  into  the  contro- 
versy, in  which  he  uses  vigorous  language  against  those 
who  intentionally  or  inadvertently  perverted  history. 
Finally,  induced  by  a  statement  in  the  Springfield  (Mass.) 
Republican,  by  F.  B.  Sanborn,  respecting  the  Pottawatomie 
massacre,  in  which  Sanborn,  referring  to  Brown's  services 
ill  Kansas,  asserts  "  The  hour  and  the  man  had  come," 
Robinson  in  1884  commenced  a  series  of  articles  in  the 
Kansas  Herald,  on  "  The  Man  and  the  Hour,"  in  which 
he  gives  an  exposition  of  early  Kansas  history,  and  indi- 
cates the  part  Brown  took  in  the  struggle. 

In  beginning  this  series  of  letters,  Governor  Robinson 
said: 

"  My  object  is  not  to  disparage  anyone,  but  to  give  my  views  of 
the  events  at  this  period,  with  causes  and  effects  as  seen  from  my 
standpoint.  I  do  not  propose  to  influence  public  sentiment  of  to-day, 
but  to  put  on  record  facts  to  be  considered  by  the  writers  of  history 
fifty  years  hence.  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  that  no  history 
of  Kansas  worthy  of  tlie  name  can  be  written  before  that  time,  for 
not  until  then  will  hero-worship  die  out  and  the  heroes  find  their 
proper  level." 

Governor  Robinson  throughout  this  entire  series  of  let- 
ters, though  severely  critical,  was  eminently  fair  in  stating 
the  truth  from  the  standpoint  of  his  experience.  He 
thought  that  the  facts  were  not  always  given,  and  conse- 
quently history  was  distorted.  While  he  seemed  anxious 
that  a  correct  understanding  of  the  early  struggles  of  the 
people  of  Kansas  should  be  handed  down  to  posterity,  and 


CONTKOVEESIES 


317 


wrote  for  that  purpose,  lie  was  especially  indignant  at  the 
attempt  of  certain  writers  to  show  that  Brown  was  the 
chief  factor  in  the  battle  for  freedom  in  Kansas.  The 
claims  that  were  made,  that  the  blows  struck  by  Brown  in 
his  guerrilla  warfare  saved  Kansas  to  Freedom  did  in- 
justice to  himself  and  other  leaders  of  the  Free-State  cause, 
and  he  very  properly  resented  them  with  a  very  vigorous 
pen. 

It  was  further  maintained  by  some  of  the  champions  of 
Brown,  that  victory  was  won  by  the  savage  retaliatory 
measures,  and  that  the  people  were  protected  by  the  deeds 
of  Brown  and  his  followers.  Robinson  held  in  the  contro- 
versy that  these  vigorous  measures  rather  increased  than 
diminished  the  difficulties.  However  the  final  judgment 
of  histery  may  determine  the  value  of  the  guerrilla  warfare, 
the  facts  of  history  show  conclusively  that  there  was  a 
reign  of  terror  from  the  Pottawatomie  massacre  in  May, 
1856,  to  the  coming  of  Geary  in  the  following  September. 
Robinson  was  at  Leavenworth  at  the  time  of  the  news  of 
the  deed  at  Pottawatomie,  and  it  caused  great  excitement 
there,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  wdiich  led  to  the  attempt 
to  hang  him. 

It  would  be  but  just  to  say,  however,  that  the  deeds 
of  Brown  were  not  the  sole  causes  of  the  predatory  warfare. 
Admitting  that  he  inaugurated  the  fierce  war  of  retaliation 
which  taught  the  Proslavery  people  that  Free-State  men 
could  shoot  as  well  as  talk,  and  fight  to  the  death  if  need 
be,  in  the  defense  of  their  cause ;  recognizing  that  instead 
of  checking  the  depredations  of  lawless  bands,  he  had  a 
tendency  to  increase  them ;  and  that  a  leading  historian 
is  correct  in  stating  that  "  The  news  of  the  horrid  affair 


318 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 


spread  rapidly  over  the  Territory,  carrying  with  it  a  thrill 
of  horror  such  as  the  people,  used  as  they  had  become  to 
deeds  of  murder,  had  not  felt  before,"  ^  it  certainly  cannot 
be  claimed  that  Brown  and  his  followers  were  the  sole  cause 
of  the  state  of  anarchy  that  followed.  We  must  keep  in 
mind  the  facts  that  Buford's  and  Titus's  men  had  arrived 
from  the  South  with  a  view  of  contesting  the  Territory  in 
behalf  of  slavery,  and  to  practice  a  savage  warfare ;  that 
the  people  of  Missouri  had  not  yet  given  up  the  idea  of  ex- 
terminating "Abolitionists"  by  physical  force;  that  the 
sack  of  Law^rence,  in  which  the  Free-State  Hotel  and 
printing-presses  were  destroyed  and  Governor  Robinson's 
house  burned,  greatly  incensed  the  Free-State  men  and 
aroused  their  fighting  qualities;  that  the  arrest  and  im- 
prisonment of  Robinson  and  other  leaders  of  the  Free-State 
cause  increased  the  boldness  of  the  invaders ;  and,  finally, 
that  the  news  of  the  attack  on  Sumner  by  Brooks  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  on  account  of  the  defense  of  Kansas 
by  the  former,  added  fuel  to  the  flames. 

Certain  it  is,  that  the  methods  of  the  border  ruffians 
prevailed  throughout  the  summer  of  185G.  Armed  bands 
from  Missouri  and  the  South  burned  homes  and  robbed 
and  murdered  unoffending  citizens,  and  this  mode  of  war- 
fare was  met  by  the  Free-State  men,  who,  stung  to  resist- 
ance through  the  long  category  of  burning  wrongs,  finally 
armed  for  defense.  There  were  hot-headed  and  reckless 
Free-State  men.  who  were  more  than  willing  to  meet  with 
armed  resistance  the  cruel  attacks  of  the  ruffians  of  Mis- 
souri. While  the  authorities  of  the  South  favored  the  Pro- 
slavery  movement  in  Kansas,  there  were  many  noble  people 

1  Andreas,  p.  131. 


CONTKOVEESIES  319 

in  Missouri  wlio  opposed  the  cruel  guerrilla  warfare. 
However,  in  the  summer  of  1856  the  worst  elements  of 
ruffianism,  urged  on  by  such  unprincipled  men  as  Atchison 
and  String-fellow,  came  into  Kansas  and  were  met  and  held 
in  check  with  the  utmost  difficulty.  All  through  the  sum- 
mer of  1856,  settlers  were  terrorized  by  the  presence  of 
armed  bands  of  Missourians,  and  these  were  met  by 
reckless  bands  of  Free-State  men.  Cabins  were  burned, 
depredations  committed,  and  people  could  travel  nowhere 
in  safety.  The  troubles  gradually  grew  worse,  until  the 
strife  culminated  on  the  14th  of  September  by  the  arrival 
of  twenty-seven  hundred  Missourians  before  the  city  of 
Lawrence.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  timely  arrival  of  Gov- 
ernor Geary,  Lawrence  would  have  been  destroyed  and 
possibly  the  Free-State  cause  permanently  lost. 

The  real  point  at  issue,  however,  between  Robinson  and 
the  admirers  of  Brown,  was,  that  while  the  latter  claimed 
that  the  victory  was  won  by  retaliatory  warfare,  Robinson 
claimed  that  it  was  due  to  the  conservative  element  of  the 
Free-State  party,  who,  through  long  suffering,  avoided 
open  rupture  with  the  Federal  authorities.  It  is  well 
known  that  Brown  advocated  open  resistance  to  the  author- 
ities, while  Robinson  opposed  it.  \Miile  Robinson  was  de- 
tained as  a  prisoner  at  Lecompton,  Brown  and  also  Lane 
offered  to  rescue  him.  Robinson  in  each  case  refused  to  be 
rescued,  because  it  would  bring  the  Free-State  cause  into 
rebellion  with  the  Federal  authorities.  It  is  the  greatest 
fact  in  the  history  of  Kansas,  that  the  conservative  policy 
won  and  that  the  final  triumph  Vv^as  recorded  in  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Federal  authorities  and  the  victory  at  the  ballot- 
box.    In  all  of  this,  "Governor  Robinson  stood  as  the  repre- 


320 


LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON 


t^entative  of  the  cool,  clear-lieaded,  conservative  settlers, 
ready  to  die  if  necessary  for  Freedom,  willing  and  able  to 
save  the  State  at  all  hazards,  bnt  seeking  the  wisest  method 
of  action  in  order  to  prevent  bloodshed."  In  speaking  of 
this  point,  George  W.  Martin,  Secretary  of  the  Kansas 
Historical  Society,  in  his  review  of  "  The  Kansas  Con- 
flict," says :  "  The  Proslavery  men  were  all  Missourians, 
non-residents  and  invaders,  and  the  policy  of  their  leaders 
was  to  bring  the  Free-State  men  in  conflict  with  the  General 
Government.  The  Free-State  men  w^ere  further  embar- 
rassed by  the  efforts  of  John  Brown  to  the  same  end.  Brown 
having  acknowledged  that  his  mission  in  Kansas  was  to 
precipitate  a  conflict  between  the  sections,  as  he  subse- 
qnently  attempted  at  Harper's  Ferry."  ^ 

One  other  point  of  controversy  which  furnished  the 
ground  of  resistance  of  Robinson,  was  the  attitude  of  writ- 
ers concerning  the  Pottawatomie  massacre.  The  deed  was 
so  atrocious  that  the  defenders  of  Brown  for  a  number  of 
years  denied  his  connection  with  it.  Even  Wendell  Phil- 
lips said  that  Brown  w^as  twenty  miles  from  Pottawatomie 
at  the  time ;  Hintou  claimed  that  Brown  was  thirty  miles 
away ;  and  Redpath  also  claimed  that  Brown  was  twenty- 
five  miles  away.  Another  refuge  of  some  of  Brown's  ad- 
mirers was  in  the  assertion  that  the  savage  deed  was  com- 
mitted by  Indians ;  but,  having  been  obliged  finally  to 
admit  that  BrowTi  was  present,  the  next  step  was  to  assert 
that  he  was  in  command  but  did  not  commit  the  crime. 
However,  Connelley,  in  his  recent  "  Life  of  John  Brown," 
takes  the  ground  that  he  was  present  and  in  command ; 
hence  that  he  was  guilty  of  the  whole  massacre   even 

1  Kansas  City  G.izette,  1892. 


CONTEOVEBSLES  321 

thougli  he  did  not  strike  a  blow.  The  final  position  of  the 
defenders  of  this  deed  is,  that  it  was  necessary  to  terrorize 
the  Proslavery  men  in  order  to  cause  a  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties, and  to  beat  back  the  hordes  of  Missourians  by  force 
of  arms  in  order  to  save  the  Free- State  cause.  All  of  these 
points,  except  the  recent  version  of  Connelley,  Governor 
Eobinson  attacked  with  a  vigorous  pen,  assuming  that  they 
were  all  wrongly  taken. 

On  the  other  hand,  Robinson  was  accused  of  inconsist- 
ency because  it  is  alleged  that  he  approved  of  the  Potta- 
watomie affair  when  it  was  committed,  and  subsequently 
severely  criticized  the  deed.  In  answer,  Robinson  denies 
having  ever  approved  Brown's  work  at  this  massacre,  but 
he  did  write  him  a  letter  dated  at  Lawrence,  September 
14th,  1856,  commending  his  work  at  the  battle  of  Osawato- 
mie.  This  letter  is  now  in  the  collection  of  the  State  His- 
torical Society  of  Kansas. 

When  John  Brown  brought  a  letter  from  Amos  A.  Law- 
rence, of  Boston,  to  Charles  Robinson,  in  which  it  was 
stated  that  if  Robinson  thought  Brown  was  to  be  trusted 
he  could  give  him  arms  and  money,  Robinson  refused  to 
help  Brown,  because  the  latter  showed  by  his  utterances 
that  he  was  ready  to  fight  the  Federal  Government  and  to 
precipitate  a  revolution.  That  is,  the  policy  of  Brown 
being  in  direct  opposition  to  the  policy  of  Robinson,  the 
latter  was  not  in  sympathy  with  him.  But  it  appears  that 
in  1878  Robinson  wrote  to  James  Hanway  as  follows: 
"I  never  had  much  doubt  that  Captain  Brown  was  the 
author  of  the  blow  at  Pottawatomie,  for  the  reason  that  he 
was  the  only  man  that  comprehended  the  situation  and  saw 
the  absolute  necessity  of  some  such  blow  and  had  the  nerve 

—21 


322  LIFK    OF    CHARLES    UOBINSON 

to  strike  it,"  Again,  in  the  summer  of  1877,  in  a  public 
speech  at  Osawatomic,  Robinson  gave  expression  to  simi- 
lar sentiments;  also  in  1859-60,  in  a  speech  at  Lawrence, 
he  is  said  to  have  uttered  something  similar.  But,  after 
the  testimony  of  Mr.  Townsley  appeared,  Robinson  changed 
his  attitude.  From  this  time  on  he  ceases  to  praise  Brown 
for  the  act  and  to  excuse  the  savageness  of  the  deed.  In 
two  letters  published  in  the  Boston  Transcript  in  1884,  he 
explains  his  attitude,  and  why  he  changed  his  opinion.  In 
the  Transcript  of  June  12th,  he  said: 

"  Until  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Townsley  appeared,  many  Free-State 
men  apologized  for  the  massacre  on  the  ground  that  the  men  killed 
were  worthy  of  death  for  their  crimes.  With  these  apologies  I  sym- 
pathized, supposing  what  Redpath  and  others  said  was  true.  This 
was  the  testimony  on  which  the  case  chiefly  rested  till  Townsley's 
was  given.  Had  Redpath's  statements  proved  true  as  to  the  character 
and  conduct  of  the  men  killed,  I  should  have  continued  to  apologize 
for  the  men  who  committed  the  deed,  although  it  never  could  be 
justified.  But  I  have  now  become  satisfied  that  Redpath's  account  is 
all  fiction,  except  the  statement  that  the  men  were  killed.  I  believe 
these  men  had  committed  no  crime,  and  had  threatened  to  commit 
none.  Townsley's  statement  that  Brown  wanted  him  to  go  up  the 
creek  five  or  six  miles  and  point  out  the  cabins  of  all  the  Proslavery 
men,  that  they  might  make  a  clean  sweep  as  they  came  down,  shows 
conclusively  that  he  was  ready  to  kill  any  Proslavery  man,  guilty  or 
not  guilty,  and  hence  shows  that  his  purpose  was  to  inaugurate  war, 
and  not  to  make  a  free  State." 

In  the  same  paper  on  August  15th  he  expressed  himself 

as  follows : 

"  For  Mr.  Sanborn's  information,  I  will  say  that  I  entertain  no 
malice  toward  his  hero,  having  apologized  for  him  probably  a  thou- 
sand times,  and  never  lifted  a  finger  to  oppose  any  honors  to  his 
memory  by  the  State  or  nation.  While  I  believed  the  men  butchered 
were  bad  men,  belligerents  as  described  by  Redpath  and  others,  I 
excused  the  killing  as  best  I  could,  and  contemplated  writing  out  a 


CONTKOVEESDES  323 

statement  to  be  filed  with  our  Historical  Society,  setting  forth  the 
outrages  committed  by  these  and  similar  men.  But  before  I  found 
the  time  to  write  this  statement  I  became  satisfied  from  new  and 
conclusive  evidence  that  these  men  were  innocent  of  all  crime  or 
threatened  crime,  and  that  their  taking-off  was  not  intended  for  the 
protection  of  the  Free-State  men  from  their  outrages  and  such  as 
theirs,  but  was  intended  by  Brown  as  an  act  of  offensive  war.  When 
I  became  satisfied  on  these  points,  I  abandoned  the  work  and  ceased 
apologies  for  Brown." 

While  the  whole  Brown  controversy  engendered  bitter 
feelings  on  the  part  of  some  of  those  engaged  in  it,  that 
feeling  is  practically  gone.  ^Vhile  there  were  many  misun- 
derstandings and  misrepresentations  concerning  the  facts 
in  the  case,  it  is  but  just  to  say  that  those  engaged  in  the 
controversy  really  intended  to  give  truthful  representa- 
tions of  the  case  from  their  own  standpoint.  Many  errors 
were  corrected  and  points  of  discrepancy  removed  by  the 
controversy.  Every  one  now  sees  with  a  clearer  vision  the 
full  import  of  Brown's  presence  in  Kansas,  and  under- 
stands more  thoroughly  the  reason  for  Robinson's  attitude 
toward  him.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  Eobinson  is  honest  in  his 
convictions,  and  acted  conscientiously  in  his  changing 
views  of  the  situation,  evidently  brought  about  by  more 
light  upon  the  subject,  and  possibly,  too,  by  the  admirers 
of  Brown  who  persistently  held  to  what  Robinson  deemed 
false  positions. 

At  any  rate,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Brown  had  no 
intention  of  becoming  a  citizen  of  Kansas,  but  that  he  came 
to  Kansas  incidentally  to  help  his  sons  fight  their  battles, 
and,  purposely,  to  use  Kansas  as  a  lever  to  move  the  walls 
of  slavery.  One  only  need  follow  his  course  to  be  con- 
vinced of  his  object.  He  was  at  Lawrence  during  the 
Wakarusa  War,  which  occurred  in  the  autumn  of  1855. 


324:  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

He  held  full  command  at  the  Pottawatomie  massacre  in 
May,  1856.  He  was  with  the  expedition  which  captured 
Fort  Saunders  and  at  the  attack  at  Fort  Titus, —  two  of 
the  Proslavery  strongholds.  He  assisted  in  the  capture  of 
Captain  Pate  near  Black  Jack,  and  rendered  other  assist- 
ance at  Osawatomie.  He  was  also  with  the  expedition 
that  went  to  Lecompton,  and  had  a  small  force  near  Topeka, 
July  4th,  1856,  when  Col.  Sumner  dispersed  the  Pree- 
State  Legislature.  He  was  at  Lawrence  at  the  threatened 
attack  in  Septemher,  1856,  but  soon  after  left  Kansas,  and 
did  not  return  until  ISTovemher,  1857.  In  September,  1857, 
he  was  in  Tabor,  Iowa,  with  arms  and  ammunition  which 
Lane  and  Whitman  were  urging  him  to  bring  forward  with 
all  possible  speed,  but  this  he  could  not  do  for  lack  of  funds. 
He  was  in  the  Territory  only  a  few  days  in  1857,  but  re- 
turned again  in  January,  1858.  In  December  of  this  year 
Brown  made  a  raid  into  Missouri,  destroying  property  and 
liberating  slaves.  It  appears  that  there  were  two  divisions 
of  the  men  in  this  raid.  Brown  commanding  one.  The  di- 
vision which  he  did  not  command,  shot  and  killed  a  slave- 
owner. 

George  A.  Crawford  saw  Brown  after  this  raid,  and  re- 
monstrated with  him  for  such  conduct.  Crawford  told 
him  that  Kansas  was  at  peace  with  Missouri,  and  that 
Free-State  men  composed  the  Legislature  and  were  making 
the  laws.  He  pointed  out  to  Brown  that  even  in  the  dis- 
turbed counties  of  Linn  and  Bourbon  the  Free-State  men 
were  in  the  majority  and  had  elected  the  officers,  and  that 
without  peace  no  immigration  would  come  from  the  l^ortli 
or  the  South.  Soon  after  his  Missouri  raid,  on  December 
20th,  1858,  Brown  left  Kansas,  dropped  from  view  for  a 


CONTKOVEESIES 


325 


short  time,  and  then  made  his  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry. 
While  Brown  was  absent  from  Kansas  in  the  intervals  of 
1856-57-58,  he  was  procuring  arms  and  ammunition  and 
maturing  plans  for  his  subsequent  raid  on  Harper's  Ferrj. 

'No  writer  would  attempt  to  detract  from  the  mysterious 
power  of  John  Brown,  nor  take  from  him  his  legitimate 
place  in  American  history.  He  was  bold,  courageous,  and 
even  fearless  in  his  attacks  upon  slavery,  and  he  demon- 
strated that  he  would  fight  and  die  for  what  he  believed 
to  be  right.  Without  doubt  he  hastened  the  final  struggle 
between  the  ISTorth  and  the  South,  and  by  his  Harper's 
Ferry  attack  became  a  national  character.  But  the  real 
points  at  issue  are  the  extent  of  his  services  to  the  Free- 
State  cause,  and  his  real  position  in  Kansas  history.  Some 
have  held  that  his  presence  in  the  Territory  was  of  vital 
importance  to  the  Free-State  movement,  and  that  he  was 
the  real  spirit  of  the  Kansas  struggle.  Others  have  held 
that  he  was  a  detriment  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in  Kansas, 
because  his  policy  was  directly  opposite  to  the  policy  of 
the  conservative  element  which  finally  won.  A  third  group 
of  writers  are  willing  to  concede  a  real  service  to  Kansas, 
but  hold  that  Brown's  movements  were  of  minor  importance 
to  the  chief  events  which  made  Kansas  a  free  State,  and 
that  his  actions  had  a  tendency  to  make  war  rather  than  to 
establish  peace. 

The  Free-State  men  were  often  in  a  quandary  whether 
to  take  the  field  in  open  war  or  to  follow  a  policy  of  non- 
resistance.  In  the  summer  of  1856,  with  the  conservative 
leaders  in  prison  or  out  of  the  Territory,  and  Lane  and 
Brown  left  at  large,  both  of  whom  believed  in  a  policy  of 
war,  the  battles  of  this  season  were  inevitable.    But,  even 


326 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 


throughout  the  summer,  the  point  that  saved  Kansas  was 
the  avoidance  of  open  contact  with  the  Federal  authority. 
Had  either  the  Lane  or  Brown  policy  been  followed,  an 
open  rebellion  would  have  occurred,  which,  although  it 
might  have  plunged  the  nation  into  civil  war,  could  not 
have  established  a  free  State  in  Kansas  unless  following 
the  general  results  of  a  national  strife. 

The  attitude  of  the  friends  of  James  H.  Lane  in  showinar 
his  great  service  to  the  State,  and  the  injustice  which  Eob- 
inson  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Lane  while  the  latter  was 
United  States  Senator,  made  Robinson  ever  ready  to  take 
up  his  pen  and  wield  it  unmercifully  against  all  attempts 
to  make  Lane  the  hero  of  Kansas.  It  is  well  known  that 
Lane  frequently  advised  open  war.  He  held  that  the  in- 
vasion from  Missouri  creating  the  "bogus  Legislature" 
and  the  Constitutional  Convention,  was,  to  use  his  own 
words,  "  an  act  of  war,  actual  war."  Hence  he  advised 
the  destruction  of  the  convention  by  force  of  arms.  Rob- 
inson took  occasion  to  show  up  Lane's  military  filibustering 
and  political  inconsistencies.  In  his  Kansas  Conflict  "he 
makes  of  Lane  a  braggadocio,  disturber,  and  a  trimmer." 
Yet  he  recognized  Lane's  services  in  the  Wakarusa  War. 
Subsequently,  Lane's  vaulting  ambitions  and  wild  schemes 
caused  much  uneasiness  to  Robinson  and  other  conservative 
Pree- State  men. 

Joel  K.  Goodin,  as  secretary  of  several  conventions  and 
of  the  Free-State  Executive  Committee,  had  much  to  do 
with  the  shaping  of  affairs  in  Kansas,  and  he  well  knew 
the  movements  from  the  beginning.  Under  date  of  I^ovem- 
ber  30th,  1881,  he  writes:  "We  in  the  country  had  to 
undergo  many  severe  privations  in  running  after  Lane's 


CONTEOVERSIES 


327 


orders,  messages  and  commands  as  self-imposed  military 
dictator.  .  .  .  Eor  years  I  could  not  agree  with  him, 
and  was  constantly  in  his  way  in  the  Executive  Committee, 
thwarting  his  ridiculously  impracticable,  reckless  and  ex- 
travagant, and  sometimes  atrocious  plans  and  suggestions." 
In  his  speeches  and  writings,  and  especially  in  "  The  Kan- 
sas Conflict,"  Robinson  took  occasion  to  point  out  what 
would  have  been  the  evil  consequences  from  following 
Lane's  erratic  course.  One  can  discover  the  undercurrent 
of  bitterness  mingled  with  grim  humor  in  all  of  Robinson's 
criticism  of  Lane.  Being  without  fear  himself,  and  be- 
lieving Lane  to  be  cowardly,  he  appeared  to  take  delight 
in  showing  up  Lane's  frailties.  Mindful,  too,  of  Lane's 
political  intrigiies  toward  him,  Robinson  was  unmerciful  in 
his  attacks  upon  these.  He  not  only  showed  that  Lane 
was  not  the  man  who  saved  Kansas,  but  that  Lane  detracted 
somcAvhat  from  the  real  Free-State  cause. 

After  the  intense  and  heated  discussions  which  appeared 
early  in  the  eighties,  the  historical  horizon  was  cleared  of 
controversy  for  a  time,  but  a  later  renaissance  of  Lane  and 
Brown  since  Robinson's  death  has  brought  the  whole  sub- 
ject once  more  to  public  view.  One  of  the  latest  criticisms 
of  Robinson  was  given  by  Col.  T.  W.  Higginson,  in  the 
Atlantic  Monthly  for  May,  1897,  under  title  of  "  Cheerful 
Yesterdays."    He  says : 

"  I  formed  a  very  unfavorable  impression  of  Governor  Geary  and 
a  favorable  one  of  Governor  Robinson,  and  lived  to  modify  both  opin- 
ions. The  former,  though  oscillating  in  Kansas,  did  himself  great 
credit  afterwards  in  the  Civil  War;  while  the  latter  did  himself  very 
little  credit  in  Kansas  politics,  whose  bitter  hostilities  and  narrow 
vindictiveness  he  was  the  first  to  foster.  Jealousy  of  the  influence 
of  Brown,  Lane  and  Montgomery  led  him  in  later  years  to  be  chiefly 


328 


LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 


responsible  for  that  curious  myth  concerning  the  Kansas  conflict 
which  has  taken  possession  of  many  minds,  and  completely  per- 
verted the  history  of  the  State  written  by  Professor  Spring, —  a 
theory  to  the  effect  that  there  existed  from  the  beginning,  among 
the  Free-State  people,  two  well-defined  parties, —  the  one  wishing  to 
carry  its  ends  by  war,  the  other  by  peace;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
was  no  such  division." 

It  is  fortunate  that  Col.  Higginson  used  the  word  '*■  im- 
pression" in  the  heading  of  this  paragraph,  as  it  would 
scarcely  do  for  serious  history.  As  the  record  of  Geary  in 
Kansas,  as  well  as  in  California,  in  the  Civil  War,  and 
in  Pennsylvania,  is  marked  by  direct  and  straightforward 
conduct.  Col.  Higginson  could  not  have  been  a  very  keen 
observer  in  regard  to  Geary's  service  when  he  speaks  of 
his  "  oscillating  in  Kansas."  As  to  his  favorable  impres- 
sions of  Governor  Robinson,  he  had  an  opportunity  to 
judge  of  the  character  of  the  man,  as  he  met  him  soon  after 
Robinson  was  released  from  the  prison  at  Lecompton,  and 
he  saw  him  subsequently  in  Boston  and  ISTew  York.  It 
is  not  surprising  that  Col.  Higginson  formed  a  favorable 
opinion  of  Robinson  at  that  time,  for  he  was  loved  and 
respected  by  all  who  knew  him,  except  his  enemies,  and 
even  they  had  a  wholesome  respect  for  his  manly  course. 
It  is  evidently  the  John  Brown  controversy  that  caused 
Col.  Higginson  to  change  his  impression.  Robinson  must 
have  been  too  severe  in  his  attack  on  Higginson's  idol.  It  is 
certainly  not  historical  to  assert  that  Robinson  was  the  first 
to  foster  "  bitter  hostilities  and  narrow  vindictiveness." 

But  there  are  other  impressions  of  Mr.  Higginson  which 
seem  to  be  erroneous.  In  1879,  soon  after  the  Quarter- 
Centennial  Celebration  of  Kansas,  he  said  in  a  letter  to  the 
Boston  Transcript  that  the  crisis  in  the  struggle  between 


CONTKOVEKSIBS 


329 


freedom  and  slavery  for  the  possession  of  Kansas  occurred 
in  1856,  and  tliat  freedom  owed  its  success  to  the  leadership 
of  Lane,  Brown,  and  Montgomery.  It  is  true  that  the  mil- 
itary crisis  did  occur  on  the  14th  of  September,  1856, 
when  twenty-seven  hundred  Proslavery  men  approached 
Lawrence  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  it ;  and  the  appear- 
ance of  Geary  with  Federal  troops  saved  the  cause.  Lane 
left  the  country  on  the  11th  of  September,  going  North  and 
East,  and  not  returning  to  Kansas  until  the  spring  of  1857. 
Montgomery  did  not  figure  in  the  Kansas  conflict  until 
after  this,  and  his  principal  work  was  done  long  after  Col. 
Higginson  said  the  crisis  was  reached.  In  any  event,  there 
was  no  occasion  for  Governor  Robinson  to  be  jealous  of 
him.  Montgomery  and  Brown  both  continued  fighting 
until  after  the  conservative  policy  of  the  Free-State  men 
had  won  the  victory,  and  the  Free-State  men  were  obliged 
to  beg  them  to  desist.  Further.  CoL  Higginson  holds  Rob- 
inson responsible  for  the  "curious  myth  concerning  the 
Kansas  conflict,"  that  there  were  two  well-defined  parties, 
"  the  one  wishing  to  carry  its  ends  by  war,  and  the  other  by 
peace."  Every  one  conversant  with  Kansas  history  knows 
that  there  were  two  distinct  policies  urged  by  the  radical 
and  conservative  elements,  respectively,  of  the  Free-State 
party  in  Kansas ;  and  this  is  all  that  Governor  Robinson 
ever  maintained.  There  were  different  groups  adhering 
more  or  less  determinedly  to  each  policy.  Let  any  person 
follow  the  history  of  conventions,  the  actions  of  the  Free- 
State  men,  the  desires  of  some  to  make  war  on  the  Federal 
Government  and  to  precipitate  a  rebellion,  and  the  attempts 
of  the  conservative  party  to  prevent  it,  and  he  will  be  easily 
convinced  of  the  facts  in  the  case. 


330 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 


The  history  of  Kansas  by  Professor  Spring  is  not  a  myth, 
nor  does  it  deal  in  myths.  There  are  some  errors  in  it, 
mainly  of  point-of-view  and  proportion,  hut  the  writer  was 
a  careful  scholar,  Avho  searched  the  records  far  and  near 
for  material,  and  endeavored  to  give  an  accurate  account  of 
affairs  without  fear  or  favor.  Governor  Robinson  had 
nothing  to  do  with  its  creation,  except  as  he  was  a  maker 
of  history.  "  The  Kansas  Conflict,"  written  by  Governor 
Robinson,  is  not  a  myth  any  more  than  a  modem  battle- 
ship, bristling  with  guns  and  opening  on  the  enemy,  is  a 
myth.  It  is  wonderfully  backed  by  the  bulwarks  of  truth 
and  historical  fact.  It  may  be  a  bit  partisan  in  spij'it,  for 
it  does  not  pretend  to  be  a  complete  history  of  Kansas,  but 
to  deal  with  special  phases  of  the  conflict  from  Robinson's 
point  of  view.  It  must  be  admitted  by  all,  that  the  book 
is  sufficiently  pungent  and  critical  toward  those  who  mis- 
represent or  seek  to  distort  history.  The  course  of  Lane 
in  Congress,  the  revelations  of  Brown's  course  in  Kansas, 
and  the  persistent  course  of  certain  writers  who  seemed  to 
have  obtained  wrong  impressions,  were  sufficient  to  arouse 
the  antagonism  of  the  War  Governor  of  Kansas,  who  hated 
shams  and  grieved  at  the  distortion  of  the  truth. 

In  1884,  thirty  years  after  the  struggle  began  and  suffi- 
cient time  having  elapsed  for  the  truth  to  become  fixed,  be- 
fore the  publication  of  Spring's  "  Kansas  "  and  before  the 
publication  of  "  The  Kansas  Conflict,"  Governor  F.  P. 
Stanton,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Kansas  affairs, 
stated  at  the  Old  Settlers'  Meeting  at  Bismarck  Grove,  as 
follows : 

"  I  was  not  in  the  counsels  of  the  Free-State  party,  and  knew  their 
designs  only  through  their  public  aTowals.     It  is  well  understood,  I 


CONTROVEESIES  ^^^ 

believe,  that  they  were  divided  in  opinion.  One  party  in  the  conven- 
tion, under  the  lead  of  J.  H.  Lane,  was  in  favor  of  extreme  and  vio- 
lent measures,  and  proposed  to  put  the  Topeka  Government  into  im- 
mediate operation;  the  other  was  understood  to  be  headed  by  Gover- 
nor Charles  Robinson,  and  to  advise  a  more  moderate  line  of  policy, 
being  so  far  willing  to  confide  in  our  pledges  as  to  try  their  strength 
at  the  polls  in  the  October  election.  There  was  a  bitter  contest  be- 
tween the  two  sections  of  the  Free-State  party,  and  according  to  our 
information  there  was  imminent  danger  that  the  Lane  party  would 
prevail. 

"But  at  any  rate,  the  counsels  of  the  moderate  men  prevailed. 
The  extremists  Avere  withheld  from  the  execution  of  their  dangerous 
designs,  and  the  masses  of  the  Free-State  party  were  induced  to 
participate  in  the  October  elections,  and  thus  get  control  of  the 
Territorial  Government  instead  of  embarking  in  a  rebellion  against 
the  United  States. 

"  You  placed  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his  administration  and  all  these 
Democrats  who  supported  him  in  the  wrong,  and  thus  placing  them  in 
the  wrong  before  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world,  you  were  ena"bled  to 
defeat  them  and  break  them  up." 

After  a  careful  review  of  the  whole  controversy,  a  fair 
estimate  of  the  situation  would  seem  to  be  as  follows: 
Brown  sought  the  liberation  of  the  slaves,  and  endeavored 
to  use  the  Kansas  trouble  as  a  means  of  forwarding  his 
plan  of  bringing  about  a  conflict  between  the  IN'orth  and 
the  South.  Incidentally,  he  performed  certain  services  in 
the  struggle  for  freedom  in  Kansas,  which  must  always  be 
acknowledged.  His  policies  were  not  adopted  by  the  Free- 
State  party.  Lane's  political  ambition  was  the  ruling  pas- 
sion of  life.  In  his  attempt  to  satisfy  it  he  also  performed 
services  in  the  struggle  for  freedom.  His  plans  were  fre- 
quently thwarted  by  the  Free-State  people.  Kobinson  was 
the  original  leader  of  the  conservative  group  of  Free-State 
people  who  wished  to  build  up  a  free  commonwealth  by 
settlement  and  development  of  industries,  voting,  and  non- 


332 


LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 


resistance  to  Federal  authority.  The  policy  of  tlie  con- 
servative element  won,  but  this  fact  must  not  ignore  the 
political  services  of  Lane  nor  the  independent  warfare  of 
Brown.  While  they  differed  in  policy  and  plan  from  the 
conservative  element  of  the  party,  still,  at  times,  they 
strengthened  the  cause  of  freedom  by  enthusiasm  or  cour- 
age, and  taught  the  Free-State  people,  by  warlike  methods, 
to  resist  invasion.  But,  in  acknowledging  the  services  of 
Brown  and  Lane,  it  must  be  maintained  that  it  was  the  con- 
straint placed  upon  them  by  the  conservative  element 
which  made  their  services  valuable.  The  life  of  John 
Brown  has  been  a  favorite  theme  of  his  admirers,  and  has 
never  failed  to  awaken  an  interest  among  the  American 
people;  but  there  is  no  American  character  about  which 
there  is  such  a  diversity  of  opinion.  By  some  he  has  been 
placed  alongside  of  Jesus  Christ,  by  others  he  has  been  por- 
trayed as  a  murderer,  a  liar,  and  a  thief.  Owing  to  the  en- 
thusiasm of  sentiment,  his  historical  position  has  never 
been  permanently  established.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  it 
will  be  found  between  the  extreme  views  of  his  enthusiastic 
admirers  and  his  detractors. 

However,  progress  is  being  made  in  historical  judgment. 
In  1860  there  was  published  "  The  Life  of  John  Brown," 
by  Eedpath,  which  aroused  considerable  controversy.  In 
1880  came  the  "  Reminiscences  of  Old  John  Brown,"  by 
G.  W.  Brown,  M.  D.,  a  scathing  criticism  on  his  life  and 
services.  In  1885  Spring's  "  Kansas"  aroused  much  con- 
troversy, and  in  the  same  year  appeared  "  The  Life  and 
Letters  of  John  Brown,"  by  F.  B.  Sanboi-n,  in  which  Brown 
appears  at  his  best.  Then,  in  1892,  was  published  "  The 
Kansas  Conflict,"  by  Charles  Robinson,  which  is  a  severe 


CONTEOVEESIES  333 

criticism  of  Brown  and  his  methods.  This  was  followed 
by  "  John  Brown  and  His  Men,"  by  Richard  J.  Hinton, 
in  1894.  Subsequently  both  Rhodes  and  Burgess  gave  im- 
partial historical  representations  of  Kansas  history.  But 
the  most  recent  specific  work  on  Brown  is  that  of  William 
E.  Connelley,  which  occurred  in  1900,  and  which,  in  many 
respects,  is  superior  to  the  hero-worship  of  former  days. 
But  there  are  evidences  that  the  final  word  has  not  yet  been 
uttered,  although  it  would  seem  that  the  subject  had  re- 
ceived undue  attention  at  the  hands  of  American  writers. 
What  is  especially  needed  is  the  elimination  of  the  per- 
sonal element  of  history  and  the  abandonment  of  historical 
tradition.  Also,  a  careful  discrimination  should  be  made 
between  the  feelings  and  sentiment  of  the  people,  and  a 
careful  measurement  of  historical  facts.  While  Governor 
Robinson  gave  his  version  of  certain  affairs,  a  version  which 
he  deemed  to  be  correct,  and  usually  was  found  so,  his  con- 
tributions to  history  were  limited  to  certain  phases  of  the 
struggle,  l^or  did  he  ever  pretend  to  write  a  complete 
history  of  Kansas  ;  but  without  his  writings  and  his  vigor- 
ous controversies  it  would  have  been  exceedingly  difficult  to 
give  a  correct  idea  of  the  Free-State  cause  and  the  attitude 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Free-State  party.  The  controversies 
carried  on  by  himself  and  others  have  helped  to  form  a  true 
estimate  of  his  life  and  character,  and  throughout  it  all  his 
importance  to  Kansas  History  has  been  shown  to  be 
greater  as  historical  truth  becomes  dominant. 


334  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSOIf 


CHAPTER  XL 

PEOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION. 

De.  Robinson  was  early  identified  with  the  educational 
affairs  of  Kansas,  and  he  never  lost  interest  in  them 
throughout  his  busy  life.  Like  other  patriots  seeking  to 
develop  free  government  and  a  commonwealth  composed 
of  liberty-loving  people,  he  recognized  the  necessity  of  edu- 
cation to  the  perpetuation  of  free  institutions.  He  knew 
well  that  the  foundations  of  the  Republic  are  rendered  se- 
cure only  through  individual  life  and  character  developed 
by  means  of  liberal  education.  Moreover,  he  understood 
how  essential  were  educational  opportunities  to  attract  sub- 
stantial families  to  a  new  community.  He  was  not  want- 
ing in  foresight  in  building  up  a  new  community,  and 
therefore  he  took  every  available  opportunity  to  advance 
the  cause  of  education.  But  what  was  still  more  to  his 
credit  as  a  fine  specimen  of  manhood,  he  felt  a  keen  interest 
in  the  lives  and  personal  success  of  individuals,  and  espe- 
cially did  he  feel  for  those  who  needed  help.  Believing 
in  the  necessity  of  education,  he  was  prepared  to  start  a 
school  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 

It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  the  first  school  in  Law- 
rence was  in  Dr.  Robinson's  back  office  in  the  Emigrant  Aid 
Building,  Avhich  stood  a  little  north  of  where  now  stands 
the  Lawrence  I^ational  Bank.  It  was  begun  January  16th, 
1855,  by  Edward  P.  Fitch,  of  Hopkinton,  Massachusetts, 
less  than  six  months  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  group  of 
emigrants  from  N"ew  England.     There  were  about  twenty 


PBOMOTEK    OF    EDUCATION 


335 


pupils ;  the  teaclier  was  paid  by  private  subscriptions.  In 
the  spring  of  1855  there  accompanied  Dr.  Robinson  from 
the  East  Miss  Kate  Kellogg,  who  came  to  teach  the  summer 
and  autumn  school.  She  began  to  teach  on  June  16th,  in 
the  same  building,  her  salary  being  paid  by  Dr.  Robinson. 
A  third  term  in  the  Emigrant  Aid  Building  was  taught  by 
Miss  Lucy  M.  Wilder,  who  was  teaching  when  the  town 
was  entered  by  border  ruffians  in  1856.  Her  school  was 
scattered  that  day,  but  was  soon  reassembled  when  quiet 
was  restored.  In  the  summer  of  1856  Miss  Henrietta 
Ross,  from  Massachusetts,  opened  a  school  over  Eaxon's 
meat  market.  In  the  following  year,  on  March  30  th,  the 
Quincy  High  School  was  opened  in  the  Emigrant  Aid 
Building,  and  on  the  second  of  April  was  moved  to  the 
basement  of  the  Unitarian  Church.  This  school  was 
taught  by  C.  L.  Edwards,  who  conducted  the  public  school 
in  1857-'58,  assisted  by  Lucy  M.  Wilder,  Sarah  A.  Brown, 
Lizzie  Haskell,  and  in  the  primary  by  Miss  Oakley.  The 
fall  term  opened  September  6th,  and  continued  twelve 
weeks,  the  winter  term  being  opened  December  13th,  witli 
Miss  Haskell  and  Miss  H.  M.  Felt  in  the  High  School. 

In  September,  1863,  after  the  Quantrell  raid,  which  oc- 
curred August  21st,  Misses  Mary  and  Caroline  Chapin 
came  to  Lawrence,  and  opened  a  school  for  girls  in  the  fol- 
lowing winter.  Dr.  Robinson  and  George  W.  Deitzler  paid 
the  tuition  of  several  pupils  in  this  school.  Mrs.  S.  T.  D. 
Robinson  writes  charmingly  of  the  entrance  of  the  Chapin 
sisters  into  Kansas : 

"  Mr.  Charles  Chapin  had  a  very  pleasant  home  in  Quindaro,  and 
his  sisters,  Mary  Vj.  and  Caroline  E.,  came  occasionally  from  Mil- 
waukee, where  they  had  founded  the  Milwaukee  Female  College,  to 
visit  him.    It  had  been  in  successful  operation  for  seven  years,  when, 


336  LIFE    OF    CHABLES    ROBIJ<iSON 

tired  of  the  fogs  and  damp  of  Milwaukee,  they  turned  their  thoughts 
toward   the  brighter  skies  and  clearer  airs  of  Kansas. 

"  One  day  in  October,  1863,  when  the  hunter's  moon  was  ap- 
proaching its  full,  Mr.  Chapin  and  his  sister  Mary  came  up  to  see 
us  and  talk  over  the  matter  of  their  coming  to  Lawrence,  and  to  learn 
whether  the  circumstances  so  soon  after  the  Quantrell  raid  would 
favor  the  opening  of  a  girls'  school  in  Lawrence.  General  Deitzler 
and  Governor  Robinson  were  enthusiastic  over  the  matter,  and  fa- 
vored the  enterprise  with  all  their  hearts.  They  were  mindful  also 
that  money  was  needed  for  the  success  of  the  plan,  and  they  each 
paid  the  tuition  for  several  of  the  girls.  Miss  Chapin  was  delighted 
with  Kansas,  and  in  the  brightness  of  those  evenings  in  which  she 
reveled  she  said,  *  The  Kansas  moon  is  brighter  than  the  Milwaukee 
sun.'  In  the  early  winter  the  Misses  Chapin  came  and  began  the 
school.     Miss  Elizabeth  E.  Watson  accompanied  them." 

These  were  small  beginnings  in  education,  but  great  in 
their  final  results.  Lawrence  thus  took  the  lead  in  educa- 
tional matters,  and  it  was  a  fitting  outcome  of  these  early 
efforts  that  the  University  should  finally  be  located  at  this 
place.  While  schools  were  established  much  earlier  in 
Kansas  in  connection  with  missions, — probably  the  first 
one  was  at  Wyandotte,  in  1844,  taught  by  J.  M.  Armstrong, 
— yet  in  the  real  movement  that  made  Kansas  a  State,  Law- 
rence took  the  lead  in  educational  matters,  and  Dr.  Robin- 
son appears  as  the  first  promoter  of  education  in  the  Terri- 
tory. 

But  Dr.  Robinson  was  not  contented  with  the  establish- 
ment of  private  schools  nor  of  ordinary  public  schools, — 
he  desired  a  university.  Slowly  but  surely  each  successive 
step  in  education  led  up  to  the  university.  The  ambitions 
for  a  university  were  thoroughly  supported  by  Amos  A. 
Lawrence,  who  was  instrumental  in  establishing  a  college 
at  Lawrence.  Dr.  Robinson  had  the  entire  confidence  of 
Mr.  Lawrence,  and  also  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  the 


PROMOTER    OF    EDUCATION  337 

town ;  hence,  he  was  a  very  prominent  factor  in  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  school.  While  Amos  A.  Lawrence  was 
the  treasurer  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Company,  and  desirous 
of  the  prosperity  of  the  town  bearing  his  name,  the  educa- 
tional project  received  from  the  very  first  the  earnest  sup- 
port and  attention  of  Dr.  Robinson. 

In  1856  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  requested  Dr.  Robinson 
to  spend  money  for  him  in  laying  the  foundation  for  a 
school  building  on  the  north  part  of  Mt.  Oread,  which  is 
now  the  site  of  North  College.  In  explaining  his  plans  to 
Rev.  E.  ISTute,  in  a  letter  dated  Dec.  16th,  1856,  Mr.  Law- 
rence says :  "  You  shall  have  a  college  which  shall  be  a 
school  of  learning  and  at  the  same  time  a  monument  to  per- 
petuate the  memory  of  those  martyrs  of  liberty  who  fell 
during  the  recent  struggles.  Beneath,  their  dust  shall  rest. 
In  it  shall  burn  the  light  of  liberty,  which  shall  never  be 
extinguished  until  it  illumines  the  whole  continent.  It 
shall  be  called  the  '  Free-State  College,'  and  all  the  friends 
of  freedom  shall  be  invited  to  lend  it  a  helping  hand." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  in  the  movement  of  emi- 
grants westward  over  the  Alleghany  range  into  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley,  from  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  State 
of  Ohio,  the  idea  of  a  college  w^as  uppermost  in  their  minds. 
Scarcely  had  the  first  smoke  begun  to  curl  upward  from  the 
chimneys  of  the  rude  cabins,  or  the  first  furrow  of  virgin 
soil  been  turned  for  the  prospective  crop,  before  they  began 
to  talk  about  schools.  And  while  these  schools  might  be  of 
a  meager  nature,  yet,  from  the  beginning,  the  dreams  and 
aspirations  of  the  prominent  men  were  always  for  a  college 
or  a  university.  The  liberal  land  grants  of  the  Federal 
Government  to  the   States  on  their  admission  into  the 

—22 


338 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


Union,  for  the  foundation  of  public  schools  crowned  witii 
a  university,  made  it  possible  for  tbem  to  make  early  be- 
ginnings in  the  higher  education.  Those  who  were 
thoughtful  for  the  welfare  of  the  new  town  of  Lawrence, 
and  in  fact  for  the  new  commonwealth  of  Kansas  which 
was  being  built,  earnestly  advocated  the  establishment  of 
schools.  Mr.  Lawrence,  after  whom  the  town  was  named, 
was  a  far-sighted,  practical  man,  and  he  saw  that  in  estab- 
lishing schools  in  the  TeiTitory  of  Kansas  he  would  be  lay- 
ing the  foundation  of  a  power  for  freedom  greater  than  the 
force  of  arms. 

As  a  foundation  of  this  Free-State  college,  Mr.  Law- 
rence gave  the  sum  of  $10,000,  which  was  in  the  form  of 
two  interest-bearing  notes.  This  fund  was  to  accumulate 
until  it  had  become  sufficiently  large  for  the  foundation  of 
a  school.  On  February  llth,  1857,  Mr.  Lawrence  consti- 
tuted Charles  Robinson  and  S.  C.  Pomeroy  trustees  of  this 
fund,  amounting  then  to  $12,696.14,  for  the  purpose  of  ad- 
vancing education  and  religion  in  the  Territory.  The 
following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  trusteeship : 

Boston.  February  14th,  1857. 
To  Messrs.  Charles  Robinscn  and  S.  C.  Pomeroy,  Trustees  — 
Gentlemen:  Inclosed  with  this  are  two  notes  of  five  thousand  dol- 
lars each,  of  the  Lawrence  University,  of  Wisconsin,  which,  with  the 
interest  added,  amount  to  eleven  thousand  six  hundred  and  'Vim 
dollars  as  of  to-day;  also  a  certificate  of  stock  in  the  New  England 
Emigrant  Aid  Company  (par  $2,000),  worth  one  thousand  dollars  or 
more  at  the  present  time; — in  all,  twelve  thousand  six  hundred  and 
ninety-six  dollars  and  fourteen  cents,  which  has  been  transferred 
to  yourselves  to  be  held  by  you  in  trust,  and  the  income  to  be  used  for 
the  advancement  of  the  religious  and  intellectual  education  of  the 
young  in  Kansas  Territory.  Until  I  shall  give  directions  to  the  con- 
trary, I  wish  one-half  of  the  income  to  be  applied  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  best  system  of  common  schools,  by  organizing  in  every 


PKOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION 


339 


settlement  those  who  shall  be  in  favor  of  its  adoption,  as  soon  as 
the  school  funds  shall  be  received  from  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment; also,  by  giving  aid  to  a  school  in  Lawrence  which  shall  serve 
as  a  model  to  others.  The  other  half  of  the  income  to  be  used  for  the 
establishment  of  Sunday  schools  and  furnishing  them  with  the  books 
of  the  Sunday  School  Union,  of  Philadelphia.  In  the  event  of  my 
decease  without  giving  any  other  directions  than  the  above,  I  wish 
the  fund  to  be  used  in  the  manner  designated  by  me  in  a  letter  to 
Rev.  E.  Nute,  Dec.  1st,  1856. 

The  state  of  your  laws  prevents  me  from  making  a  formal  in- 
strument of  trust  at  this  time,  and  I  have  only  to  say  that  by  accept- 
ing the  office  of  trustees  you  will  confer  a  favor  on  me,  while  you 
will  be  serving  the  interest  of  the  Territory  in  which  we  have  all 
taken  so  much  interest,  and  for  which  you  have  endured  and  risked 
so  much.  I  rely  implicitly  on  your  honor  to  retain  the  property  ia 
your  safe-keeping,  and  to  carry  out  the  plan  herein  specified.  In  the 
event  of  your  resignation  of  the  office  of  trustee  at  any  time,  or  your 
removal  from  the  Territory,  I  wish  for  the  privilege  of  appointing 
your  successors.  Hereafter,  I  may  give  my  views  more  in  detail.  You 
can  draw  on  the  treasurer  of  the  Lawrence  (Wisconsin)  University 
at  any  time  for  a  year's  interest,  in  any  one  year.  I  have  refrained 
from  drawing,  because  they  have  required  all  their  funds  for  their 
new  building.  Recently  one  building  has  been  burnt,  and  on  this 
account,  as  well  as  from  a  desire  to  prevent  all  embarrassment  to 
the  institution,  I  wish  that  the  payment  of  the  principal  sum  may 
not  be  urged,  so  long  as  the  interest  is  received.  If  Kansas  should 
mot  become  a  "  Free  State  "  as  soon  as  admitted  to  the  Union,  I  wisTi 
the  property  returned  to  me  or  my  heirs. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Amos  A.  La.wbence. 

It  is  thought  by  those  who  know  of  the  confidential  re- 
lations of  Charles  Robinson  to  his  particular  friend,  Mr. 
Lawrence,  that  it  was  Dr.  Robinson's  suggestion  and  in- 
fluence which  put  it  in  the  mind  of  Amos  A.  Lawrence  to 
lay  the  foundation  of  a  college.  Possibly  they  were  both 
inspired  with  the  same  thought,  yet  it  is  well  understood 
that  Amos  A,  Lawrence  was  greatly  interested  in  the  foun- 


340 


LIFE    OF    CHAKXES    BOBINSON 


dation  of  the  State  in  the  name  of  freedom.  He  was  an 
antislavery  man  heart  and  soul,  and  he  used  his  wide  in- 
fluence to  aid  Kansas  in  her  early  struggles.  In  a  memo- 
rial service  held  in  his  honor  at  Lawrence  in  1886,  Gov- 
eraor  Robinson  said  of  him : 

"  Upon  the  22d  of  last  August,  in  a  little  town '  in  Massachusetts, 
ended  a  life  full  of  benediction  and  goodness.  Kansas  has  especial 
reason  to  mourn  the  loss  of  this  great  philanthropist.  When  slavery 
was  threatening  to  encroach  upon  the  virgin  soil  of  Kansas,  Eli 
Thayer  sounded  the  alarm.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  was  one  of  the  first 
to  enlist  in  the  cause.  As  treasurer  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Association 
he  contributed  greatly  to  the  financial  needs,  but  still  more  was  the 
moral  weight  which  his  name  and  well-known  ability  added  to  the 
side  of  freedom.  He  supplied  the  money  with  which  to  buy  guns  to 
bea';  back  the  proslavery  army  which  was  invading  the  soil  of  Kansas. 
In  the  agitation  which  spread  over  the  North,  Mr.  Lawrence  played 
a  most  important  part.  He  stood  in  close  relationship  with  President 
Pierce,  and  Amos  A.  Lawrence  did  more  than  any  other  man  to 
secure  the  release  of  prisoners  held  for  treason  and  to  procure  the 
order  withdrawing  the  Missouri  army  from  before  Lawrence,  thus  not 
only  saving  this  city,  but  also  the  other  towns  of  Kansas.  Mr.  Law- 
rence gave  ten  thousand  dollars  endowment  to  a  college  at  Lawrence. 
On  account  of  this  the  State  University  was  located  here  and  Law- 
rence was  made  the  pleasant  and  prosperous  city  it  is.  His  name  will 
be  known  and  honored  as  one  of  the  non-residents  who  took  the  most 
interest  and  did  the  most  work  for  our  State." 

Gov.  Robinson  might  have  added  that  when  the  congre- 
gation of  Plymouth  Church  was  weak  and  struggling,  Mr. 
Lawrence  gave  one  thousand  dollars  toward  the  erection 
of  a  suitable  house  of  worship. 

In  every  effort  toward  the  foundation  of  schools,  no  mat- 
ter who  originated  the  movement,  Governor  Robinson  was 
a  prominent  supporter.  First  an  attempt  was  made  by  the 
Presbyterian  Church  of  America  to  found  a  university  at 

'  Brookllne. 


PKOMOTER    OF    EDUCATION  341 

Lawrence.  The  board  of  directors  was  formed  for  the 
organization  of  this  college.  Charles  Robinson  was  among 
the  number  of  trustees.  Appropriate  committees  were 
named,  and  a  plan  was  made  for  the  erection  of  a  building 
36x60  and  two  stories  high.  This  was  desired  as  a  wing 
of  the  main  building,  the  total  to  cost  $50,000.  A  good 
deal  of  interest  was  manifested  in  this  matter,  and  a  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  Legislature  in  1859,  chartering 
the  Lawrence  University,  with  a  board  of  trustees.  Under 
this  charter  the  board  met  January  22d,  1859,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  organization  of  a  university.  They  elected 
officers,  established  chairs,  chose  professors,  and  also  es- 
tablished a  medical  department.  The  trustees  of  the  city 
of  Lawrence  offered  a  quitclaim  deed  to  the  trustees  of  the 
Lawrence  University,  on  condition  that  a  building  should 
be  erected  at  Lawrence  one  year  from  date,  and  that  a  school 
should  be  commenced  six  months  from  date.  The  trustees 
failing  to  comply  with  these  conditions,  the  property  would 
revert  to  the  city  of  Lawrence.  By  a  bit  of  shifting  and 
advertising,  the  Quincy  High  School  was  made  preparatory 
to  this  Lawrence  University,  and  this  preparatory  school 
was  opened  in  the  basement  of  the  Unitarian  Church ;  but, 
after  continuing  three  months,  it  failed  for  lack  of  patron- 
age. 

About  this  time  the  Congregational  Church  of  Kansas 
determined  to  establish  a  college  in  Kansas  Territory.  Ac- 
cordingly, steps  were  taken  to  found  the  Memorial  College, 
at  Lawrence,  to  commemorate  the  triumph  of  liberty  over 
slavery  in  Kansas.  Dr.  Charles  Robinson  was  a  member 
of  the  board  of  trustees  of  this  institution,  and  the  trustees 
of  the  "Amos  A.  Lawrence  fund,"  with  the  consent  of  the 


342  LIFE    OF    CHABLES    EOBINSON 

giver,  si^ified  their  willin^ess  to  make  over  this  fund 
to  the  Memorial  College,  on  condition  that  the  Congrega- 
tional Church  should  have  control  of  the  institution.  The 
undertaking  failed  on  account  of  the  drouth  of  1860  and 
hard  times.  In  the  mean  time  the  Presbyterians  had  been 
pushing  forward  their  work  as  rapidly  as  possible,  but  the 
hard  times  and  other  discouragements  caused  them  at  last 
to  give  it  up.  However,  the  people  of  Lawrence,  being  un- 
willing to  see  the  plan  of  Lawrence  College  given  up,  or- 
ganized a  new  board  of  trustees,  of  which  Charles  Kobin- 
eon  was  a  member,  and  a  new  institution  was  chartered 
by  the  Territorial  Legislature  of  1861,  This  was  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  The  new  institution 
was  called  the  Lawrence  University  of  Kansas,  The 
Presbyterians  surrendered  their  university  building  to  the 
Episcopalian  University.  But  the  Civil  War  came  on  and 
interfered  with  the  work,  and  nothing  more  was  done  for 
several  years.  Subsequently,  when  the  State  University 
was  founded,  the  claims  of  the  Episcopal  Church  were 
given  to  it. 

At  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  various  charitable 
and  educational  institutions  of  Kansas,  each  prominent 
town  tried  to  secure  the  location  of  one  or  more  institutions, 
Lawrence,  on  account  of  the  part  it  had  borne  in  the  early 
struggle  for  freedom,  the  relation  of  Amos  A,  Lawrence  to 
the  town,  and  his  gift  to  form  a  Eree-State  college,  had 
just  claims  to  the  University,  By  history,  educational 
traditions,  service  and  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  freedom, 
the  town  was  entitled  to  this  distinction.  A  strong  oppo- 
sition to  this  claim  of  Lawrence,  however,  was  offered  by 
tbe  town  of  Manbattan.     The  citizens  of  Manhattan  as- 


PBOMOTEB    OF    EDUCATION 


343 


serted  that  tlie  Methodists  had  already  established  there  a 
school  called  Bluemont  College,  which  could  be  used  as  a 
foundation  for  the  University.  A  bill  establishing  the 
University  at  this  place  passed  both  houses  of  the  Legisla- 
ture in  1861,  but  it  was  promptly  vetoed  by  Governor  Kob- 
inson.  Subsequently  the  Agricultural  College  was  located 
at  Manhattan,  and  Lawi-ence  lost  her  first  rival  for  the  cov- 
eted prize.  But  another  rival,  in  Emporia,  soon  appeared, 
and  in  the  Legislature  of  1863  a  bill  was  introduced,  lo- 
cating the  University  at  Emporia.  The  late  Judge  J.  S. 
Emery,  of  Lawrence,  finally  moved  to  substitute  the  word 
"  Lawrence  "  for  ''  Emporia,"  and  the  bill  passed  to  a  vote 
which  resulted  in  a  tie.  The  presiding  officer,  Hon.  Ed- 
ward Eussell,  of  Doniphan  county,  decided  in  favor  of 
Lawrence.  The  bill  then  passed  the  Senate,  and  became  a 
law  by  the  signature  of  Governor  Carney,  February  20th, 
1863.  Thus  was  won,  not  without  a  struggle,  the  Univer- 
sity of  Kansas  to  LavTrence,  whose  citizens  began  earnestly 
to  fulfill  the  conditions  of  the  law  establishing  it  on  a  sure 
foundation.^ 

One  of  the  provisions  of  the  bill  for  the  location  of  the 
University  was  that  a  site  of  forty  acres  should  be  donated 
by  the  town  where  it  was  located;  and  another  provision 
was  that  an  endowment  be  made  of  $15,000,  $5,000  of 
which  was  to  be  deposited  with  the  Treasurer  of  State 
within  six  months  after  the  passage  of  the  bill ;  otherwise 
the  provisions  of  the  act  should  be  null  and  void.  At  this 
point  Charles  Eobinson  came  forward  with  a  proposition 
to  furnish  the  required  forty  acres  from  his  land  outside 
of  the  city,  on  condition  that  the  Council  would  deed  to 

iLawBof  1803,  p.  116. 


344 


LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON^ 


liim  half  a  block  of  land  south  of  the  school  foundation 
on  Mt.  Oread.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  and  Robin- 
son secured  to  the  State  the  transfer  of  what  is  now  the 
University  campus.  Twenty-one  acres  of  this  land,  lying 
south  of  the  claim  which  Dr.  Robinson  had  preempted,  be- 
longed to  Mrs.  Robinson,  she  having  purchased  it  from 
J.  F.  Morgan.  For  her  share  of  this  land  Mrs.  Robinson 
received  $600  from  the  citizens  of  Lawrence.  Subse- 
quently, Governor  Robinson  gave  an  additional  ten  acres 
of  land  to  the  University  without  qualifications. 

It  was  more  difficult  to  secure  the  endowment  of  $15,000, 
as  this  was  a  large  sum  in  those  days  of  small  beginnings. 
The  "Amos  A.  Lawrence  fund,"  hitherto  mentioned,  was 
turned  over  as  an  endowment  to  the  new  University,  but, 
being  in  the  form  of  notes,  it  was  difficult  to  cash  these  se- 
curities without  considerable  delay.  Although  this  amount 
could  not  be  collected,  the  interest,  amounting  to  $4,400, 
was  available.  Mr.  Lawrence  offered  $10,000  cash  for 
the  two  notes,  and  the  remainder  of  the  fund  could  be  raised 
from  a  note  of  $600  held  by  Governor  Robinson  against 
the  Congregational  Church  at  Lawrence,  this  sum  arising 
from  interest  on  the  fund.  But  not  any  of  these  funds 
except  tlie  $4,400,  as  mentioned  above,  were  available  in 
time  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  legislative  act.  At 
this  juncture  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  came  forward  and 
gave  their  note  for  $5,000,  the  required  amount.  Then 
came  the  Quantrell  raid,  on  August  21st,  in  which  the  citi- 
zens of  Lawrence  lost  their  property,  and  this  rendered  the 
security  of  the  note  void.  Governor  Carney,  of  Leaven- 
worth, met  the  emergency  by  cashing  the  citizens'  note. 
This  made  it  possible  to  secure  the  deposit  sufficient  to 


TEOMOTEK    OF    EDUCATIOIf 


345 


locate  the  University  at  Lawrence,  whicli  was  formally  done 
by  the  Governor  on  ]^ovember  2d,  1863. 

As  soon  as  the  bill,  locating  the  University  at  Lawrence, 
became  a  law,  the  Governor  appointed  a  commission  con- 
sisting of  S.  M.  Thorpe,  Josiah  Miller,  and  I.  T.  Goodnow, 
to  select  a  site  and  report  to  him  on  or  before  the  1st  day 
of  May,  1863.  They  performed  their  work  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all  concerned,  and  gave  in  a  report  within  the 
allotted  time.  In  1864  a  bill  was  passed  organizing  the 
University,  Charles  Robinson  being  made  a  member  of  the 
board  of  trustees.^ 

The  board  of  regents  began  the  organization  of  the  Uni- 
versity on  March  21st,  1865,  by  electing  Rev.  R.  W. 
Oliver  as  chancellor,  and  on  motion  of  I.  T.  Goodnow  it 
was  decided  to  open  a  preparatory  school.  Steps  were 
taken  to  complete  the  building  begun  by  the  Presbyterians, 
known  as  !N'orth  College.  There  was  much  difficulty  in 
collecting  sufficient  funds  for  this,  but  finally  enough  was 
obtained,  from  several  sources.^  The  land  on  which  this 
building  stood,  with  the  exception  of  two  and  three-fourths 
acres  belonging  to  the  city  of  Lawrence,  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  regents  as  a  gift  of  the  city.  The  remainder 
was  secured  by  bond  for  deed  to  James  H.  Lane,  who  sub- 
sequently made  a  generous  gift  of  the  land  to  the  Univer- 
sity. 

'In  the  organization  of  the  University,  provided  by  the  law  of  1864,  the  members 
of  the  first  Board  of  Kegents  were  as  follows :  Charles  Eobinson,  J.  D.  Liggett,  E.  J. 
Mitchell,  Geo.  A.  Crawford,  J.  S.  Emery,  A.  H.  Horton,  0.  B.  Lines,  S.  O.  Thacher, 
Geo.  A.  Moore,  .John  A.  Steele,  .John  H.  Wataon,  and  Samuel  A.  Kingman.  Bnt  before 
the  Board  hold  Its  first  meotinfi,  on  March  21st,  1865,  the  membership  had  been  greatly 
changed,  being  composed  o£  Robinson,  Liggett,  Emery,  Thacher,  Lines,  as  above,  aod 
K.  M.  Bartholomew,  0.  K.  HolUday,  G.  W.  Paddock,  W.  A.  Starrett,  V.  P.  Mitchell,  J.  S. 
Weaver,  with  I.  T.  Goodnow,  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  and  R.  A.  Barker, 
Secretary  of  State,  ex  officio  members. 

2lt  consisted  of  $fiOO  on  Congregational  note  ;  >4,720  interest  collected  on  Amo3  A. 
Lawrence  notes  ;  $1,000  interest  on  endowment  fund,  Amos  A.  Lawrence  notes ;  St 
Louis  relief  fund,  $9,500  ;  Boston  relief  fund,  $2,500 ;  Carney  relief  fund,  $1,000. 


346  LIFE    OF    CHAHLES    BOBINSON 

It  was  not  until  July  19th,  1866,  that  the  first  faculty, 
consisting  of  Prof.  D.  H.  Robinson,  E.  J.  Rice,  and  F.  H. 
Snow,  were  elected.  Professor  D.  H.  Robinson  spent  the 
remainder  of  bis  life  in  the  service  of  the  University,  pass- 
ing away  in  1896.  Professor  Snow  bas  given  tbirty-four 
years  of  service,  twenty-four  as  instructor  and  ten  as  chan- 
cellor. Prof.  E.  J.  Rice  resigned  bis  position  in  1867. 
It  was  througb  tbe  influence  of  Governor  Robinson  that 
Professor  Snow  was  chosen  for  tbe  place.  Time  bas  shown 
tbat  in  this  be  acted  wisely,  as  Cbancellor  Snow  bas  been 
of  eminent  service  to  the  University  and  to  tbe  State  as  an 
educator,  and  especially  as  a  scientist.  From  tbe  opening 
of  the  first  session,  during  wbich  twenty-six  young  ladies 
and  twenty-nine  young  men  were  enrolled,  to  tbe  present 
time,  Cbancellor  Snow  bas  been  a  devoted  servant  of  the 
University  and  woven  his  life  into  its  very  being. 

From  tbis  beginning  of  the  University  to  tbe  time  of 
bis  deatb,  Governor  Robinson,  witb  tbe  exception  of  a  sbort 
interval,  was  a  regent  of  tbe  University.  He  watched  over 
it  from  the  beginning,  tbrougb  its  early  and  later  struggles 
and  its  steady  growth.  It  bas  advanced  from  tbe  bumble 
position  of  a  preparatory  scbool  witb  a  few  students  and 
tbree  instructors  to  a  magnificent  institution  of  1,200  stu- 
dents and  over  seventy  instructors,  witb  scbools  of  Arts, 
Law,  Medicine,  Engineering,  Pbarmacy,  and  Fine  Arts, 
tbe  pride  and  strengtb  of  tbe  State.  As  regent.  Governor 
Robinson  served  on  tbe  building  committee  in  tbe  construc- 
tion of  tbe  first  main  building.  Eraser  Hall ;  and  be  occu- 
pied many  other  important  places  in  relation  to  tbe  build- 
ing of  tbe  University. 

In  1889,  in  recognition  of  bis  eminent  services  to  tbe 


BUST   OF    ROBINSON,    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    CHAPEL. 


PEOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION 


347 


University  and  the  cause  of  education,  as  well  as  on  account 
of  his  acknowledged  ability  in  many  directions,  the  board 
of  regents  conferred  upon  him  the  honorary  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  This  was  an  unusual  act  for  the  regents, 
as  it  was  the  first  and  last  honorary  degree  of  the  kind  ever 
issued.  Governor  Robinson  was  not  a  member  of  the  board 
when  it  was  granted.  Another  worthy  tribute  to  Governor 
Robinson  in  recognition  of  his  educational  services  was 
given  by  the  Legislature  of  Kansas  in  1895,  when  it  passed 
an  act  to  appropriate  $1,000  for  a  bust  of  ex-Governor  Rob- 
inson, to  be  placed  in  the  University  chapel.  In  accord- 
ance with  this  act,  Governor  John  W.  Leedy  appointed 
Mrs.  Sara  T.  D.  Robinson,  Hon.  B.  W.  Woodward,  and 
Charles  Chadwick,  Esq.,  members  of  the  commission  to  se- 
lect an  artist  to  execute  the  bust.  They  secured  as  artist 
Mr.  Lorado  Taft,  whose  work  was  accepted.  At  the  un- 
veiling of  this  marble  bust,  which  now  stands  at  the  left  of 
the  organ  in  the  chapel,  appropriate  services  were  held, 
during  which  Hon.  B.  W.  Woodward,  representing  the 
committee,  Hon.  Chas.  F.  Scott,  representing  the  regents, 
and  Governor  John  W.  Leedy,  representing  the  State, 
made  appropriate  speeches.  Perhaps  the  address  of 
Charles  F.  Scott  was  as  true  an  estimate  of  Governor 
Robinson  as  ever  escaped  the  lips  of  man.  So  clearly  does 
it  picture  the  principal  phases  of  his  life  and  character, 
that  it  is  quoted  to  considerable  length,  as  follows : 

"  The  story  of  the  life  of  Charles  Eobinson  is  so  familiar  here, 
■where  the  greater  part  of  that  life  was  lived,  that  it  need  not  be 
rehearsed.  It  is  a  heroic,  almost  romantic  story.  It  is  the  story  of  a 
MAK,  a  man  who  took  early  a  man's  place  in  the  world  and  held  it 
staunchly  and  sturdily  to  the  end.  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  misunder- 
stood when  I  say  it  is  the  story  of  a  fighter,  a  man  so  constituted 


348  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON" 

that  he  must  take  one  side  or  the  other  of  every  question  upon  which 
men  divided;  and  who,  having  chosen  his  ground,  must  maintain  it 
earnestly  and  aggressively  against  every  challenger.  It  is  the  story 
of  a  wise  counselor,  of  one  whose  brain  was  always  cool  and  clear, 
no  matter  what  fires  might  be  flashing  from  the  blue  eyes. 

"  As  nearly  as  any  man  I  ever  knew,  Charles  Robinson  deserved 
the  tribute  which  the  Laureate  paid  to  the  Iron  Duke  when  he  said 
of  him  that  he  '  stood  foursquare  to  all  the  winds  that  blew.'  He 
came  as  near  standing  by  himself,  balanced  by  his  own  judgment,  re- 
quiring no  strengthening  support  from  other  men  either  as  indi- 
viduals or  as  aggregated  into  parties  or  churches  or  societies  of  any 
kind.  At  various  times  in  his  life  he  worked  with  various  political 
parties,  but  when  the  particular  object  of  the  work  was  accomplished, 
he  put  the  party  aside,  apparently  with  as  little  concern  as  he  would 
lay  down  a  tool  that  he  was  done  with.  The  fear  of  being  called  incon- 
sistent never  troubled  him.  In  fact,  no  fear  of  any  kind,  either  moral 
or  physical,  ever  troubled  him.  He  said  what  he  thought  ought  to  be 
said  with  as  small  regard  to  consequences  as  he  did  what  he  thought 
ought  to  be  done.  And  if  the  words  of  to-day  contradicted  those  of 
yesterday,  that  did  not  concern  him,  for  the  words  of  both  yesterday 
and  to-day  were  honest  words.  He  did  not  know  what  policy  meant, 
so  far  as  the  word  might  be  applied  to  his  own  fortunes.  He  knew, 
doubtless,  as  well  as  everybody  else  knew,  that  he  sacrificed  all  the 
political  honors  which  a  grateful  and  admiring  people  would  have 
been  proud  to  bestow,  when  he  severed  his  connection  with  the  domi- 
nant party.  But  the  thought,  if  it  occurred  to  him,  never  bade  him  a 
moment's  pause. 

"  Men  of  the  ancestry  and  mold  and  temper  of  Charles  Robinson 
do  not  have  to  hold  public  office  in  order  to  be  a  part  of  the  public 
life  of  their  community  or  commonwealth.  More  than  thirty  years 
before  his  death,  Governor  Robinson  laid  down  the  only  executive 
office  he  ever  held,  and  retired  to  his  farm;  but  as  a  private  citizen 
he  was  hardly  less  a  factor  in  the  affairs  of  the  State  than  he  had 
been  as  its  chief  executive.  As  a  contributor  to  the  newspapers  and 
a  frequent  speaker  at  the  hustings  and  on  the  platform,  he  con- 
tributed his  share  to  the  discussion  of  the  questions  that  during  all 
those  thirty  years  made  Kansas  the  most  interesting  spot  on  earth, 
writing  and  talking,  not  to  gain  some  personal  end,  but  because  the 
convictions  within  him  must  have  utterance." 

At  the  close  of  his  eventful  life  Governor  Robinson  left 


PKOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION  349 

the  greater  part  of  his  fortune  as  a  gift  to  the  University, 
which  he  had  nourished  in  its  infancy,  supported  with 
vigor  in  its  3'outh,  and  which  he  saw  in  his  own  declining 
years  begin  to  assume  the  full  stature  of  vigorous  life. 
He  had  in  mind  a  university  for  the  people,  and  held  that 
this  was  the  only  kind  the  State  could  support.  During 
the  latter  years  of  his  regency  he  grew  impatient  of  the 
methods  and  policy  of  the  University,  and  finally  resigned, 
— partly  because  of  ill-health,  and  partly  because  he  felt 
out  of  harmony  with  the  University  methods.  Perhaps 
he  was  thinking  of  the  old  style  of  college  as  a  type  rather 
than  the  modern  university  which  has  grown  up  in  the  last 
few  years.  He  also  seemed  to  feel  that  the  University  was 
growing  away  from  the  needs  of  the  people,  just  as  the  two 
old  parties  had  done,  according  to  his  views.  He  opposed 
the  policy  of  his  old-time  friend.  Chancellor  Snow^,  much 
to  the  grief  of  the  latter.  It  is  a  small  matter,  but  the 
writer  would  not  be  true  to  the  task  did  he  not  refer  to 
some  of  the  unpleasant  phases  of  life  as  well  as  to  those 
that  are  pleasing  to  relate.  Whether  his  estrangement 
was  caused  by  listening  to  poor  advisers,  or  whether  he 
had  reached  the  age  when  "  fear  cometh  "  and  confidence 
or  faith  in  men  or  institutions  fails,  it  is  difficult  to  de- 
termine. But,  once  having  made  up  his  mind  that  the 
University  was  not  fulfilling  its  mission  to  the  great  com- 
mon people,  he  was  true  to  his  life  in  opposing  its  policy. 
After  a  careful  consideration  of  his  attitude,  gleaned  from 
conversation  with  him  and  others,  it  appears  to  the  writer 
that  his  judgment  was  not  clear,  as  a  large  majority  of  the 
students  of  the  University  were  from  the  farm,  and  fully 
one-half  at  the  time  were  self-supporting.     It  was  then  as 


350 


LIFE    OF    CHAELES    BOBINSON 


now,  a  great  democratic  institution,  representing  people 
from  nearly  every  walk  of  life,  but  most  largely  repre- 
senting the  industrial  classes.  In  addition  to  his  dissatis- 
faction, he  had  a  feeling  that  there  was  much  work  to  be' 
done  that  his  declining  health  would  not  permit  him  to  do, 
and  he  resigned,  not  without  regret,  his  place  on  the  board 
of  regents. 

The  criticism  of  the  friends  of  the  University  would  in 
any  event  fall  lightly  on  one  who  had  done  so  much  for  the 
University,  and  under  the  circumstances  it  is  overwhelmed 
by  the  magnanimity  of  the  man  in  leaving  the  greater  part 
of  his  estate  to  the  institution  which  was  the  cherished 
idol  of  his  heart  and  a  living  monument  of  his  great- 
mindedness.  ISTo  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  adapta- 
tion of  means  to  an  end  could  stand  between  him  and  his 
great  purpose.  Some  day,  no  doubt,  there  will  rise  on 
Mt.  Oread  a  magnificent  structure  of  stone  and  iron  bear- 
ing the  name  of  RoBiisrsoN^,  a  worthy  tribute  commemo- 
rating his  life  and  his  service  to  the  State  of  Kansas,  re- 
minding generations  to  come  of  the  great  part  he  took  in 
the  building  of  the  commonwealth.  For,  holding  in  mind 
all  of  his  services  to  Kansas  in  the  establishment  of  a 
colony  at  Lawrence,  in  the  struggle  with  the  border  ruffians, 
in  the  foundation  of  the  Territorial  Government,  in  the 
Constitutional  struggle,  in  his  position  as  the  first  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State,  and  in  his  subsequent  life  as  Charles 
Robinson,  citizen,  one  must  say  that  the  crowning  work 
of  his  life,  and  that  which  will  last  the  longest  in  the  memo- 
ries of  the  members  of  a  grateful  republic,  was  the  services 
to  the  cause  of  education.  Here,  on  Mt.  Oread,  is  built 
a  monument  to  liberty  and  education,  whose  foundations 


PKOMOTEK    OF    EDUCATIOST  351 

"were  laid  in  the  early  struggles  for  freedom  in  Kansas,  and 
whose  superstructure  will  be  built  by  future  generations 
of  loyal  citizens  of  the  State.  This  monument,  though 
erected  to  the  lives  of  many  men,  will  also  contain  en- 
graved in  prominent  letters  the  name  of  Chakles  Rob- 
inson. 

An  important  educational  work  in  which  ex-Governor 
Robinson  was  engaged  in  his  later  years  was  the  super- 
intendency  of  Haskell  Institute,  one  of  the  prominent 
Indian  schools  of  the  Federal  Government,  located  at  Law- 
rence. This  institution  was  founded  by  the  United  States 
Government,  and  its  location  at  Lawrence  was  secured 
in  part  by  the  citizens  of  that  city,  but  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  Hon.  Dudley  Haskell,  member  of  Congress 
from  the  Second  District,  after  whom  the  Institute  is 
named.  When  founded,  in  1884,  the  Institute  had  but 
few  students,  and  its  property  consisted  of  280  acres  of 
land  on  which  were  built  three  stone  buildings,  122x62 
feet,  used  as  a  school-house,  boys'  dormitory  and  girls' 
dormitory,  respectively.  When  he  entered  upon  his  new 
duties.  Governor  Robinson  found  that  the  school  was  in 
disrepute  among  those  it  was  intended  to  help.  The  in- 
dustrial departments  included  a  small  cobbler's  shop  and 
a  carpenter's  shop,  in  addition  to  the  farm  department. 
The  Indians  of  Kansas  i^nd  the  Territory  were  hostile  to 
the  management,  and  parents  refused  to  send  their  chil- 
dren. For  this  reason  the  attendance  was  much  below 
what  it  should  be,  and  the  pupils,  knowing  that  they  would 
1)6  ridiculed  when  they  returned  home,  and  not  having  been 
taught  in  such  a  way  that  they  could  care  for  themselves, 
were  disheartened  and  discouraged  at  the  poor  success  of 
their  attempts  to  live  the  lives  of  white  men. 


362  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

At  this  time  the  question  of  Indian  education  and  its 
results  was  attracting  the  attention  of  many  of  the  fore- 
most educators  of  America.  Though  the  institutions  at 
Hampton  and  Carlisle  had  won  considerable  success  in 
Indian  education,  it  was  yet  to  be  determined  whether 
after  all,  the  kind  of  education  they  were  getting  would 
bring  in  actual  life  the  real  results  which  were  claimed 
for  it ;  and  therefore  the  problem  of  Indian  education 
was  worthy  the  attention  of  any  man.  When  Charles 
Robinson  accepted  the  position  offered  him  by  Secretary 
Lamar,  he  did  so  with  several  express  objects  in  view. 
His  first  aim  was  to  make  Haskell  Institute  an  industrial 
school  in  every  sense  of  the  term,  believing  tliat  an  indus- 
trial education  was  the  one  best  fitted  for  making  useful 
citizens  of  the  young  Indians.  With  the  change  of  man- 
agement in  Haskell  Institute,  new  life  w^as  put  into  the 
institution.  The  school  now  increased  its  popularity 
with  the  Indians,  and  doubled  its  attendance.  Througlj 
Robinson's  influence  new  buildings  were  added  for  school 
purposes, — dormitories,  shops,  and  warehouses.  All  de- 
partments of  industrial  training  were  instituted,  includ- 
ing departments  for  wagon-making,  shoemaking,  tailoring, 
carpentering,  printing,  dressmaking,  and  a  laundry  and 
bakery.  At  this  time,  also,  210  acres  of  land  were  added 
to  the  property,  about  half  of  the  entire  farm  now  being 
fenced.  Governor  Robinson  also  turned  his  attention 
toward  making  the  place  more  pleasant  for  the  young  In- 
dians. The  buildings  constructed  under  his  directions 
were  erected  with  careful  regard  to  tlie  relationship  of  the 
buildings  one  with  the  other,  and  large  lawns  were  laid 
out,  sodded  and  filled  with  shade  trees  grown  on  Robinson's 


PBOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION  353 

own  farm.  But,  after  Dr.  Kobinson  had  for  several  years 
conducted  this  institution  so  satisfactorily  to  all  interested, 
he  was  at  length  compelled  to  resign  his  trust,  owing  t-o 
declining  health. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  his  plan  of  emphasizing 
industrial  education  at  Haskell  was  the  one  that  has  been 
advocated  and  practiced  with  great  success  by  his  success- 
ors. He  also  advocated  the  division  of  the  Indian  reser- 
vations into  small  farms,  so  that  each  Indian  could  be 
given  a  piece  of  land  to  till,  and  thus  practice  an  independ- 
ent life.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  this  idea  came  out 
prominently  in  the  Indian  severalty  bill,  known  as  the 
Dawes  Bill,  which  subsequently  passed  Congress  and  be- 
came a  law.  The  work  of  breaking  up  the  tribes,  tribal 
relations,  and  the  reservations,  and  of  making  common 
citizens  out  of  the  Indians,  is  the  Indian  problem  now  be- 
fore the  American  people.  In  order  to  solve  this  prob- 
lem, education  of  a  practical  nature  is  essential,  and  there- 
fore Governor  Robinson  and  other  superintendents  of  Has- 
kell have  urged  instruction  in  the  agricultural  and  indus- 
trial arts.  The  efforts  of  the  present  superintendent  of 
Haskell  to  enlarge  the  work  in  industrial  education  is  well 
known  in  Kansas,  and  indeed  throughout  the  United 
States.^ 

Thus  we  find  that  Dr.  Robinson  was  identified  with 
nearly  every  early  educational  movement  in  Lawrence, 
from  the  time  of  its  foundation  till  the  time  of  his  death. 

'Haskell  Institnte  has  grown  into  a  flourishing  school  of  over  600  pupils.  Its  line 
of  progress  has  been  that  suggested  by  Governor  Robinson,  namely,  industrial  educa- 
tion.   It  has  been  the  saving  of  Indian  education. 

—23 


354  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

In  the  memorial  services  held  at  the  University  in  honor 
and  memory  of  Governor  Robinson,  Dr.  Cordley  said: 

"  In  every  movement  toward  a  college  made  in  Lawrence,  Grovernor 
Robinson  was  a  prominent  actor.  There  were  three  efforts  before 
the  State  University  was  suggested.  He  was  active  in  every  one  of 
them.  Whether  the  movement  was  by  the  Presbyterians  or  the  Con- 
gregationalists  or  P]piscopalians,  he  could  always  be  depended  upon  to 
cooperate.  Though  he  belonged  to  neither  of  these  bodies,  he  co- 
operated with  each  of  these  in  turn,  willing  to  join  with  any  body  of 
men  who  aimed  to  build  a  worthy  college.  He  was  a  member  of 
every  one  of  these  boards  of  trustees,  and  an  active  sympathizer  with 
their  plans.  When  the  State  University  was  proposed  and  the  other 
plans  all  merged  in  this^  it  was  in  full  accord  with  his  ideas,  and  he 
joined  in  the  effort  with  great  earnestness.  He  offered  to  turn  over  to 
the  State  the  funds  of  which  he  was  the  custodian,  and  also  to  add  still 
larger  donations  of  his  own.  The  beautiful  site  on  which  these  build- 
ings stand  was  his  gift  to  the  State.  If  the  State  was  as  wise  as 
he  was  liberal,  she  would  lose  no  time  in  securing  the  entire  circle 
of  the  hill,  and  thus  come  in  possession  of  the  most  magnificent  site 
of  any  university  in  these  United  States  of  America.  She  would  thus 
literally  round  out  the  noble  gift  of  the  first  Governor  of  our  State, 
and  do  a  deed  for  which  all  the  future  would  call  her  blessed.  It 
would  be  an  act  whose  significance  would  be  more  marketl  with  every 
year  that  passed. 

'■'  Governor  Robinson's  interest  in  the  University  was  not  con 
fined,  however,  to  gifts  of  money  or  land.  He  gave  it  also  time  and 
thought.  He  was  always  ready  to  give  it  his  personal  service  when- 
ever that  service  was  called  for.  He  was  a  member  of  the  first 
board  of  regents,  and  I  am  not  able  to  say  how  many  terms  after- 
that  he  was  his  own  successor.  In  his  capacity  as  regent  he  was  un- 
tiring in  his  attention.  He  was  not  only  present  at  meetings  of  the 
board,  but  would  spend  time  and  money  and  travel  in  aid  of  the 
institution.  When  the  first  faculty  was  chosen  he  proposed  the  name 
and  secured  the  election  of  a  young  man  in  Massachusetts  as  Pro- 
fessor of  Natural  Science.  Then  he  used  his  best  arts  of  persuasion 
to  induce  that  young  man  to  accept  the  position  offered  him.  That 
young  man  came  and  entered  upon  his  work,  and  did  it  so  well  that 
he  distinguished  himself  and  the  institution  with  which  he  was  con- 
nected.   So,  among  the  contributions  of  Governor  Robinson  to  Kansas 


PKOMOTEE    OF    EDUCATION  355 

University  may  be  properly  included  her  honored  Chancellor,  Fraak 
H.  Snow. 

"  While  the  name  of  Governor  Robinson  is  written  upon  the  early 
history  of  this  State  in  letters  that  can  never  be  effaced,  because 
they  penetrate  to  the  very  substance  itself,  his  thought  and  life  are 
also  wrought  into  this  University  in  the  way  that  is  most  enduring, 
because  they  are  a  part  of  the  very  foundation  and  structure.  Hia 
name  is  linked  with  the  very  first  thought  of  a  college  in  Lawrence, 
and  can  be  traced  down  the  whole  history  of  its  development.  He 
seemed  to  be  following  the  plain  logic  of  events,  when  he  made  this 
institution  the  final  heir  of  the  estate  he  left  behind  him.  He  showed 
in  his  last  act  where  his  heart  all  along  had  been.  He  wished  his 
last  gift  to  go  where  his  chief  interest  had  been.  He  seemed  to  real- 
ize that  this  was  his  best  monument,  and  only  followed  the  instinct 
of  his  life  when  he  crowned  it  with  his  last  benefaction." 

Many  instances  might  be  given  where  his  unostenta- 
tious giving  has  aided  public  enterprises,  like  the  city 
library,  or  individuals  struggling  for  an  education.  His 
public  life  was  but  an  echo  of  his  private  practice  in  push- 
ing forward  all  interests  which  make  for  the  advancement 
of  the  individual  or  society.  But  here  as  elsewhere,  he 
must  be  the  judge  as  to  the  helpfulness  of  the  cause :  if  in 
his  judgment  it  was  useless,  he  held  it  to  be  his  right  to 
repudiate  it. 

While  supporting  every  educational  cause  of  the  State, 
his  whole  life  was  an  object  lesson  of  freedom,  of  liberty, 
of  earnest  conviction,  of  help  to  those  who  needed  help, 
of  strength  to  the  strong  and  of  support  to  the  weak.  And 
such  a  life,  full  of  work  and  earnestness  of  purpose,  pre- 
sented to  each  succeeding  generation  as  they  study  how 
the  great  commonwealth  of  Kansas  was  built  by  the  united 
action  of  scores  of  brave  men  and  willing  hands,  will  show 
what  a  single  life  may  accomplish  in  tlie  great  work  of 
state-buildini;. 


356  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBrNSOH 


CHAPTER  XII. 

CHARACTEK. 

In  concluding  this  memorial,  it  is  perhaps  fitting  to  add 
a  few  words  respecting  the  character  of  Governor  Robin- 
son, setting  forth  views  gathered  from  his  actual  service  to 
humanity,  and  gleaned  from  the  opinions  of  those  who 
knew  him  best.  As  one  who  belongs  to  another  generation 
from  those  who  endured  the  hardships  of  the  early  struggle 
for  freedom  in  Kansas,  I  approach  the  life  of  one  who 
was  an  actor  in  these  stirring  scenes,  with  becoming  rev- 
erence. It  is,  at  most,  but  a  small  tribute  that  this  gen- 
eration can  pay  to  a  preceding,  but  that  tribute  is  best 
made  by  reverence  and  honor  to  those  w^ho  fought  the  early 
battles,  who  endured  the  early  struggles,  that  we  of  this 
day  might  enjoy  the  blessings  resulting  from  such  sturdy 
warfare,  and  might  thus  have  weapons  with  which  to  fight 
successfully  the  battles  of  truth  in  our  own  day  and  gen- 
eration. 

In  a  general  estimate  of  the  life  of  Governor  Robinson 
there  must  first  be  recorded  the  evidence  of  a  strong  indi- 
vidual character,  a  bold,  hardy  spirit,  able  to  give  and  take 
blows  for  what  he  deemed  the  right.  In  consequence  of 
this  strong  individuality  he  was  misimderstood  by  both 
his  friends  and  his  enemies.  This  quality  made  it  diJffi- 
cult  for  him  to  follow  with  zeal  any  party  or  creed.  It 
was  sufficient  for  him  t-o  ask  his  own  consciousness  what 
was  right  in  any  matter,  and  to  act  accordingly.  Parties 
might  change  or  hold  to  old   doctrines, —  Robinson  fol- 


CHABACTER  357 

lowed  the  iron  course  of  conviction.  If  he  hurt  the  party 
or  made  enemies,  it  was  small  matter  to  him.  What  was 
right,  what  was  justice  in  the  case,  were  his  criterions 
for  action.  Possibly  he  could  have  made  life  easier  for 
himself,  possibly  there  were  times  when  he  could  have 
accomplished  more  by  being  more  flexible  and  more  politic, 
but  he  would  not  have  been  true  to  his  convictions,  and 
they  were  law  to  him. 

The  estimate  which  his  friends  and  his  enemies  united 
in  passing  upon  his  character  ought  to  be  a  fair  estimate 
of  its  real  worth  and  meaning.  Governor  Robinson  never 
had  a  large  personal  following.  He  is  not  a  subject  of 
hero-worship  at  all.  Men  of  his  stamp  never  are,  because 
it  is  impossible.  It  is  only  the  person  who  has  a  strongly 
partisan  nature,  who  has  qualities  of  bold  leadership,  and 
who  possesses  a  desire  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  colunm, 
—  it  is  only  such  a  person  that  brings  about  him  a  crowd 
of  admirers  who  would  follow  him,  right  or  wrong,  to  the 
death.  The  man  with  the  cool,  calculating  judgment,  who 
will  change  his  policy  according  to  conditions  because  the 
right  thing  to-day  may  not  be  the  right  thing  to-morrow, 
may  have  many  admirers,  but  he  will  have  few  worship- 
pers. Such  a  course  implies  a  bit  of  austerity  which  for 
the  right's  sake  or  for  the  truth's  sake  would  strike  down 
alike  friend  or  foe.  Such  was  the  character  of  Charles 
Robinson,  and  while  there  are  no  blind  worshippers  of  his 
life  or  his  character,  there  are  thousands  of  admirers  and 
strong  friends  who  acknowledge  the  value  of  his  services 
to  the  community. 

Among  the  leaders  of  the  border  ruffians  of  the  Pro- 
slavery  days  were  those  who  always  acknowledged  Robin- 


368 


LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    F.OBINSON 


wn  as  the  leader  of  the  opposition.  The  testimony  of  Eli 
Thayer  and  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  presented  elsewhere  in 
this  volume,  gives  him  credit  for  being  the  same  clear- 
headed leader  of  affairs.  Joel  K.  Goodin  said,  after 
Robinson's  death : 

"  No  better  representative  of  constancy  to  every  material  interest 
of  the  State  and  his  city  has  either  had  than  in  the  person,  the 
life,  the  watchings  and  activities  of  Charles  Robinson.  No  truer  or 
braver  man  has  breathed  its  pure  air,  been  its  more  earnest  cham- 
pion or  a  gieater  benefactor  to  the  extent  of  his  abilities.  His  hand 
and  heart  were  ever  open  to  the  demands  of  philanthropy  and  the 
objects  of  meritorious  charity.  He  lived  outside  of  the  narrow 
limits  of  party  or  sectarian  prejudice  in  both  politics  and  religion. 
The  universal  fatherhood  of  God  and  brotherhood  of  man,  was  a 
faith  that  took  faster  hold  upon  him  inspiring  to  action  than  any 
of  the  tenets,  religious  or  political,  of  the  day.  He  shirked  no  duty, 
evaded  no  responsibility,  but  intelligently  met  and  battled  for  every- 
thing which  he  believed  to  be  right.  His  convictions  were  to  him 
laws,  commands  to  active  exertion,  and  his  courage  never  failed 
him.  Hence  he  was  no  time-server,  apologist  of  wrong  in  high  or 
low  places,  but  frank  to  a  fault,  cost  what  it  may.  He  was  constant 
in  his  friendships,  upright  in  his  dealings,  hospitable  under  all 
circumstances,  and  his  integrity  was  sterling.  He  was  a  leader 
of  leaders,  safe  in  coimsel,  and  foremost  in  executive  ability." 

In  paying  his  tribute  to  the  life  of  Robinson,  Rev.  Rich- 
ard Cordley,  time-honored  citizen  and  beloved  pastor  of 
Lawrence,  referring  to  the  early  struggle  in  Kansas,  said : 

"  The  man  whose  steady  counsel  more  than  anything  else  ac- 
complished this  result,  was  Governor  Robinson.  When  history 
comes  to  measure  events  by  their  importance,  she  will  put  the  name 
of  Charles  Robinson  high  in  the  scales  of  diplomatic  generalship. 
Whether  any  other  policy  would  have  made  Kansas  free,  no  man  can 
tell.  But  the  policy  that  did  accomplish  that  result  was  suggested 
by  Governor  Robinson,  and  matured  and  interpreted  and  applied  by 
him  during  the  two  turbulent  years  when  the  question  was  at  issue. 


CHABACTEE 


369 


He   will   always,   therefore,   be   a   marked   figure   in   the   history   of 
Kansas." 

In  this  same  line  of  tliouglit,  a  writer,  correspondent  of 
an  Eastern  paper  at  the  time  of  the  early  struggle,  and  re- 
ferring to  the  Free-State  convention  held  in  1855,  said : 

"  The  president  of  the  convention  was  C4overnor  Charles  Eobin- 
son.  From  the  first  he  had  been  considered  the  leader  of  the  Free- 
State  movement,  and  was  looked  to  for  counsel  in  every  diflScult 
emergency.  He  was  always  cool  and  clear-headed  in  the  midst  of 
danger,  and  no  emergency  disheartened  him.  He  was  a  man  of  fine 
presence  and  large  experience.  In  the  popular  sense  of  the  word  he 
was  not  eloquent,  but  he  had  a  way  of  talking  to  a  crowd  in  such  a 
plain,  straightforward  manner  that  few  men  carried  conviction  more 
readily  than  he.  He  was  usually  conservative,  preferring  to  gain  his 
end  by  management  rather  than  by  force.  It  was  largely  due  to  the 
moderate  counsel  of  such  a  man  as  he  that  there  was  no  more  vio- 
lence and  bloodshed  during  those  critical  times.  He  was  a  good  pre- 
siding officer,  and  in  the  stormiest  debate  he  was  never  bewildered." 

But  more  remarkable  than  the  testimony  of  friends 
is  a  recent  testimony  of  a  man  on  the  other  side  of  the 
conflict.  A  remarkable  tribut-e  of  his  old  enemy.  General 
Jo.  O.  Shelby,  given  soon  after  the  death  of  Governor 
Robinson,  is  especially  worthy  of  notice  here.  Referring 
to  an  incident  of  the  Wakarusa  War,  Shelby  said : 

"  I  saw  Governor  Robinson  occasionally  after  that.  We  fought 
him.  but  he  was  as  lovable  a  man  as  there  ever  was  in  this  section 
of  the  country.  He  tried  to  prevent  the  war,  but  he  always  stood 
for  the  Union  when  it  came  to  a  show-down.  He  opposed  radical 
men  like  Lane  almost  as  much  as  he  did  the  hot-headed  fellows  on 
our  side.  We  knew  what  he  was  doing,  and  he  never  mistreated  a 
Southern  man  who  came  into  his  hands.  He  was  a  man  whom  I 
shall  always  remember  with  admiration." 

In  recent  years  some  have  tried  to  show  that  the  posi- 
tion that  Robinson  assumed  in  the  early  struggles  was 


360 


LIFE    OF    CIIAKLES    KOBINSON 


not  of  great  importance  in  making  Kansas  a  free  State; 
that  there  were  none  who  were  for  radical  destructive  war 
in  opposition  to  Robinson's  conservatism.  But  there  are 
many  witnesses  that  testify  to  the  real  situation, —  wit- 
nesses who  could  have  no  other  motive  than  to  tell  the 
truth,  I.  T.  Goodnow,  writing  under  date  of  June  1st, 
1891,  said: 

"  Without  Eli  Thayer  the  emigrants  would  uot  have  come,  and 
without  Charles  Robinson  it  would  have  been  in  vain  that  they  did 
come.  Cool,  clear-headed  and  brave,  he  could  see  the  end  from  the 
beginning,  and  the  sure  way  to  reach  it.  While  others  were  all  excite- 
ment, he  was  perfectly  self-possessed  and  knev/  the  right  thing  to  do, 
and  did  it.  To  his  mind  two  things  were  perfectly  clear :  First,  there 
was  to  be  no  resistance  of  the  United  States  Government;  secondly, 
the  Territorial  laws  made  by  a  bogus  Legislature  were  to  be  ignored. 
To  carry  out  these  principles  required  clear  heads,  and  many  times  a 
passive  resistance  worthy  of  the  early  martyrs.  His  great  idea  was 
in  every  case  so  to  manage  that  the  Proslavery  men  should  be  in  the 
wrong  and  the  Free-State  men  in  the  right.  The  first  must  be  the 
aggressor,  and  the  second  the  passive  sufferer,  or  act  only  in  self- 
defense.  In  this  way  alone  he  could  secure  the  united  sympathy  and 
support  of  the  North."' 

This  fully  explains  Grovernor  Robinson's  non-resistance 
policy.  It  was  to  be  patient  until  the  proper  time,  and 
then  attack  the  right  party  in  self-defense.  This  v/ould 
account  for  his  services  in  sending  men  with  his  indorse- 
ment to  secure  Sharps  rifles  for  the  use  of  the  Free-State 
men.    Valuable,  indeed,  did  they  prove  in  time  of  danger. 

In  support  of  this  same  view  of  Robinson  and  his  ser- 
vices to  the  Free-State  cause  is  the  testimony  of  Joel  K. 
Goodin,  who  was  so  prominent  in  the  Free-State  movement 
as  secretary  of  conventions.  Writing  under  date  of  1892, 
he  said: 

"The  policy  outlined  and  adhered  to  ah  initio  of  the  conservative 


CHABACTER  361 

element  of  early  Kansas,  to  steer  clear  from  conflict  with  the  General 
Government  and  at  the  same  time  fail  to  recogniz;e  the  '  bogus  laws ' 
formulated  by  foreign  invaders  and  political  nondescripts,  seemed 
so  hard  to  be  understood  by  the  masses,  and  so  little  heeded  by  the 
hot-headed  among  us,  that  we  were  many  times  confronted  with 
imminent  danger  of  losing  the  prize  sought  for,  as  well  as  hopes 
entertained  of  building  up  in  this  center  of  the  Union  a,  State 
devoted  to  freedom,  progressiveness,  and  a  grander  civilization 
than  those  we  had  left  behind." 

It  was  during  tliese  perilous  times  in  which  the  path 
between  success  and  faihire  was  so  narrow  and  difficult 
that  a  single  misstep  would  have  changed  the  result  and 
for  the  time  being  lost  Kansas  to  freedom.  It  was  not  a 
time  for  rashness  and  bravado  to  succeed,  but  rather  for 
firmness,  adroitness,  and  coolness  of  counsel.  Colonel 
S.  F.  Tappan,  who  was  an  active  man  throughout  the 
early  struggle  and  saw  clearly  the  dangers  faced  by  the 
Free-State  men,  because  he  faced  them  and  knew  them 
himself,  wrote  about  these  times  for  the  Denver  Tribune, 
under  date  of  September  9th,  1883.  Among  other  things 
he  said,  referring  to  Robinson: 

"  Having  referred  to  the  early  history  of  Kansas,  the  long  pro- 
tracted struggle  of  its  people  to  consecrate  its  soil  to  freedom, 
efforts  at  last  rewarded  by  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Federal 
Union  as  a  free  State,  it  seems  appropriate  to  make  a  brief  refer- 
ence to  the  man  who  more  than  any  other, —  in  fact,  more  than  all 
others, —  by  being  patient  as  well  as  heroic,  patient  under  the  most 
adverse  and  trying  circumstances,  patient  when  persecuted,  patient 
when  victorious,  patient  in  council,  patient  in  battle,  and,  more 
than  all,  patient  in  prison,  so  shaped  and  directed  the  policy  of  the 
Free-State  men  as  to  bring  about  the  most  desired  object,  the  free- 
dom of  Kansas." 

It  was  for  this  patience  that  Robinson  has  been  cen- 
sured by  his  critics.      They  think  he  should  have  been 


362 


LIFE    OF    CJIAKLES    KOBINSON 


"  more  of  a  fighter/'  and  by  actual  revolution  struck  a 
blow  for  freedom.  But  not  one  dare  say  that  his  failure 
to  do  this  was  on  account  of  fear.  Then  why  did  he  not 
become  more  aggressive  against  the  Proslavery  people? 
Simply  because  he  saw  that  to  do  so  would  bring  the  hordes 
of  invaders  upon  an  almost  defenseless  community,  and  be- 
cause the  Proslavery  people  had  the  support  of  the  Federal 
Government.  Under  such  circumstances  an  open  fight 
would  have  brought  certain  ruin  to  the  Free-State  cause. 
All  that  could  be  reasonably  done  was  patiently  to  act 
upon  the  defensive  in  arms  and  the  aggressive  in  mental 
action.  To  repudiate  the  bogus  laws  by  evading  and  de- 
nouncing them  was  a  far  different  affair  from  fighting  the 
Federal  troops  and  defying  the  Federal  Government. 

As  to  leadership  in  this  great  movement,  there  were 
several  prominent  men  who  took  part  in  different  phases 
of  the  struggle  that  might,  without  exaggeration,  be  called 
"  leaders."  But  in  considering  the  whole  movement,  the 
testimony  of  Amos  A.  Lawi-ence  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
G.  W.  Smith,  secretary  of  the  Old  Settlers'  Association, 
written  on  August  16th,  1877,  is  worthy  of  consideration. 
He  said : 

"  Then  there  was  Charles  Robinson,  whom  you  chose  your  leader 
and  Governor.  He  was  to  you  in  that  day  what  Moses  was  to  the 
Israelites.  When  the  action  of  the  Government  was  adverse  to  your 
interests,  when  Reeder  and  Geary  were  removed,  when  Atchison,  *  the 
acting  Vice-President,'  left  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  lead  the  border 
rufBans,  and  to  drive  you  out  with  fire  and  SAvord,  it  was  Robinson 
more  than  any  other  man  who  held  the  people  firm  in  their  allegiance 
to  the  United  States.  Then  he  had  to  light  not  only  the  enemy,  but 
his  friends.  Any  other  man,  with  less  sound  judgment,  and  forbear- 
ance, and  courage,  would  have  led  you  wrong.  He  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  laAv  and  order,  and  so,  under  Providence,  the  public 
xentiment  vi  the  country  was  kept  in  your  favor." 


CHABACTEE 


363 


But  it  may  be  said  that  these  are  the  testimonials  of  his 
friends.  Even  so ;  hnt  they  were  men  whose  testimony  is 
not  to  be  impeached.  They  had  no  favors  to  seek,  no  mo- 
tives to  lead  them  into  false  statements.  Thej  were,  more- 
over, men  of  excellent  judgment,  who  knew  from  actual 
experiences  the  facts  in  the  case.  It  is  true,  they  did 
deprecate  the  peculiar  warfare  of  Lane  and  the  fierce  ag- 
gressiveness of  Brown,  for  they  thought  both  of  these 
leaders  wrong  in  their  attitude.  But,  going  still  further 
back  into  the  annals  of  the  Territory,  we  find  the  testi- 
mony of  two  strangers  who  visited  Lawrence  when  the 
battle  was  on. 

Mr.  G.  Douglas  Brewerton,  a  correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Herald,  visited  Kansas  twice,  and  gained  some  in- 
sight into  affairs  here.  Writing  in  1856,  he  has  among 
other  things  the  following  to  say  about  Robinson : 

"  In  Kansas  politics.  General  Eobinson  was  a  member  of  the 
State  Constitutional  Convention,  is  chairman  of  the  Free-State 
Executive  Committee,  and  in  addition  to  this,  holds  the  military 
rank  of  Major-General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Kansas 
Volunteers,  as  the  Free-State  army  of  Kansas  style  themselves.  He 
may  be  regarded  as  the  real  head  —  the  thinking  one,  we  mean  — 
and  mainspring  of  the  Free-State  party;  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 
of  all  that  party  who  are  worth  anything.  We  believe  him  to  be  a 
keen,  shrewd,  far-seeing  man,  who  would  permit  nothing  to  stand 
in  the  way  of  the  end  which  he  desired  to  gain.  He  is,  moreover, 
cool  and  determined,  and  appears  to  be  endowed  with  immense  firm- 
ness; we  should  call  him  a  conservative  man  now;  but  conservative 
rather  from  policy  than  from  principle.  He  seems  to  have  strong 
common-sense  and  a  good  ordinary  brain,  but  no  brilliancy  of 
talent.  In  fact,  to  sum  General  Robinson  up  in  a  single  sentence, 
we  consider  him  the  most  dangerous  enemy  which  the  Proslavery 
party  have  to  encounter  in  Kansas." 

It  would  appear  from  this  that  the  newspaper  reporter 


364  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

understood  the  character  of  Governor  Robinson  quite  well, 
save  for  what  he  has  to  say  regarding  the  "ordinary 
brain  "  and  the  lack  of  "brilliancy  of  talent,"  which  do 
not  seem  to  agree  with  the  statements  in  the  remainder 
of  his  paragraph. 

The  last  quotation  that  will  be  given  to  show  the  posi- 
tion Robinson  occupied  in  the  early  struggle,  is  that  of 
Mrs.  Hannah  A.  Ropes.  She  visited  the  Territory  in 
1855,  and  was  at  Lawrence  during  the  Wakarusa  War.  It 
was  soon  after  the  murder  of  Barber,  and  the  excitement 
caused  by  bringing  the  body  to  Lawrence,  that  Mrs.  Ropes 
wrote  the  following: 

"  The  windows  are  open ;  (General  Robinson  is  preparing  the 
somewhat  restless  body  of  soldiery,  occupying  the  ground  in  front 
of  the  hotel,  for  the  reception  of  Governor  Shannon.  He  points  to 
the  moA'ing  cavalcade  in  the  distance  and  says :  '  It  is  in  the  hope 
of  a  speedy  settlement,  without  more  bloodshed,  that  this  interview 
is  proposed.'  It  is  not  palatable  to  these  men;  for  there  is  but  a 
wall  between  them  and  their  sleeping,  murdered  comrade.  But  they 
honor  Greneral  Robinson,  and  he  curbs  their  justly  indignant  blood 
by  the  power  of  his  own  magnanimity."' 

After  the  settlement,  arrangements  were  made  for  a 
"  peace  gathering  "  to  celebrate  the  "  bloodless  victory,"  of 
the  Wakarusa  War.  Mrs.  Ropes  first  describes  the  as- 
sembling of  the  guests,  and  then  says : 

"  General  Robinson,  too,  was  showing  them  the  attention  they  de- 
served at  his  hand  as  invited  guests.  The  General  looked  pale  and 
more  disturbed  than  I  thought  possible  for  one  of  such  remarkable 
self-control  and  courage.  It  seemed  that  some  of  the  hotel  crowd 
were  not  ready  to  give  up  the  war  spirit,  and  accept  with  grace  the 
peace-offering  of  social  intercourse  offered  by  our  great-hearted 
General  to  those  who  had  arrayed  themselves  so  cruelly  against  ua." 

Then  she  describes  the  action  of   Sheriff  Jones  and 


CHABACTEK 


365 


Colonel  Lane  in  keeping  up  the  agitation  of  the  crowd 

while  there  was  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  Robinson  and 

others  t^  bring   about   a  peaceful  settlement  of  affairs. 

She  continues : 

"  Colonel  Lane's  voice  could  be  heard  in  different  rooms,  detail- 
ing to  eager  listeners  the  most  painful  circumstances  of  poor  Bar- 
ber's death,  and,  with  wonderful  ingeniousness,  keeping  up  the 
wicked  spirit  of  vengeance  among  those  over  whom  he  exercised 
any  power.  What  on  earth  he  Avas  driving  at  by  such  a  course, 
it  seemed  to  my  stupid  self  quite  impossible  to  understand;  while, 
at  the  same  time,  I  knew  very  well  that  he  aimed  at  something  he 
could  not  otherwise  attain  so  well.  Any  reader  of  human  faces  can 
never  study  his  without  a  sensation  very  much  like  that  with  which 
one  stands  at  the  edge  of  a  slimy,  sedgy,  uncertain  morass.  .  .  . 
General  Eobinson  stood  like  an  aggrieved  king.  He  not  only  stemmed 
the  tide,  but  rallied  back  the  surging  emotions  of  the  crowd;  and 
the  meeting  closed  much  more  like  a  gathering  of  peace  than  at  one 
time  seemed  likely.  I  should  like  very  much  to  have  you  see  General 
Robinson.  He  is  honest  in  expression,  simple  and  unaffected  in 
manner,  and  brave  as  a  lion.  I  have  somewhere  seen  a  fine  engraving 
of  John  Knox,  standing  with  uplifted  finger  and  solemn,  earnest 
rebuke  in  his  countenance,  iu  the  presence  of  yueen  ilary.  The 
head,  profile,  and  general  outline  of  the  figure  are  very  much  that 
of  Governor  Robinson." 

Those  who  knew  Robinson  best  speak  of  a  sort  of  inner 
life  which  was  not  usually  known  to  the  public.  A  man 
who  had  known  him  during  the  entire  period  of  his  career 
in  Kansas,  Mr.  W.  H.  T.  Wakefield,  said : 

"  To  know  Charles  Robinson  was  to  love  him.  He  was  one  of 
nature's  noblemen,  his  mind  and  character,  like  his  magnificent 
frame,  being  cast  in  a  giant  mold  of  the  finest  metal.  He  was  a 
strong,  clear-headed,  true-hearted,  and  generous  man,  utterly  un- 
nelfish,  and  guided  by  the  noblest  impulses  of  humanity.  Few  men 
have  ever  lived  so  much  for  others,  and  self  so  little.  His  great 
abilities  and  tireless  energy  have  been  given  largely  to  the  public 
and  to  those  in  need  of  assistance,  and  never  to  his  own  selfish 
enjoyment  or  gratification." 


366 


LIFE    OF    CirXKLES    ROBINSON 


Indeed,  it  mlft'ht  be  said  that  liis  habit  of  thought  for 
those  who  needed  assistance  led  him  always  to  take  sides 
with  the  weak  against  the  strong.  A  friend  who  had 
known  him  said  that  he  had  formed  such  a  habit  of  tak- 
ing sides  with  the  weak  in  a  struggle  that  he  had  grown 
to  believe  they  were  always  in  the  right.  While  the  world 
is  never  overwhelmed  with  charity  and  love  for  the  down- 
trodden and  the  oppressed,  it  is  true  that  people  fre- 
quently err  in  supposing  that  "the  under  dog"  is  neces- 
sarily in  the  right.  It  is  contrary  to  the  laws  of  human 
selection  and  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  social  life,  to 
suppose  that  the  weak  is  necessarily  correct  and  that  the 
strong  is  wrong  in  the  fight.  Either  may  be  wrong  —  the 
one  from  abuse  of  power,  the  other  from  inherent  weak- 
ness. However,  there  are  comparatively  few  who  err  in 
wrong  assumptions  respecting  the  oppressed. 

Those  who  knew  Robinson's  inner  life  best  know  well 
of  the  services  of  Mrs.  Robinson.  "  Of  the  noble  woman 
who  so  heroically  shared  his  trials,  privations,  conflicts 
and  victories,  and  who  survives  him  for  a  brief  period, 
nothing  but  good  can  be  said.  She  was  the  presiding 
genius  of  the  household  of  the  grand  and  devoted  husband. 
Hospitality  was  always  the  rule,  and  the  kindliest  sympa- 
thy of  true  hearts  was  ever  extended,  within  the  reach  of 
their  home  and  influence." 

The  writer  understands  from  those  who  knew  Governor 
Robinson  best,  that  he  dealt  justly  with  all  men  in  his  pri- 
vate business  relations,  and  that  in  the  home  he  was  an 
excellent  and  exemplary  husband.  As  a  neighbor  he  was 
helpful  and  sympathetic,  and  many  are  ready  to  assure  us 
of  his  kindness  to  them  in  the  time  of  need.     The  Robin- 


CHAKACTER 


367 


son  home  was  always  given  to  hospitality  to  all  who  chose 
to  accept  of  it.  It  was  not  blessed  with  children,  but  many 
children  felt  the  kindly  sympathy  of  Governor  Robinson 
and  his  wife.  The  spacious  grounds  of  "  Oakridge  "  have 
often  rung  with  the  echoes  of  their  joyous  laughter. 

That  Governor  Robinson  believed  in  a  wise  Creator  and 
a  beneficent  Father  of  all,  no  one  who  knew  him  well 
could  doubt.  That  he  did  not  join  any  church  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at;  for  neither  would  he  join  any  medical 
society,  but  practiced  what  he  had  found  to  be  of  advan- 
tage. If  he  found  it  difficult  to  adhere  to  a  political  party 
because  of  the  non-progressive  attitude  of  political  tradi- 
tions and  beliefs,  how  could  one  expect  him  to  join  a  church 
with  a  positive  creed  and  binding  rules  of  action?  His 
early  struggle  with  the  creed  of  his  own  church  seemed  to 
settle  that  question  for  him  as  it  did  for  Thomas  Carlyle 
after  his  wrestle  with  Scotch  Presbyterianism.  So  it 
seems  that  while  Governor  Robinson  believed  in  the  help- 
fulness of  churches,  he  preferred  to  have  the  utmost  free- 
dom in  religious  beliefs  and  practice,  and  hence  refrained 
from  subscribing  himself  a  member  of  any  church  after 
his  name  wa.s  left  on  the  rolls  of  the  old  T^ew  England 
church,  as  described  in  a  former  chapter. 

Robinson  had  a  kindly  heart  and  nature.  He  was  ever 
ready  and  willing  to  help  the  needy,  and  very  many  owe 
their  preservation  or  advancement  to  his  helping  hand. 
He  had  a  heartfelt  sympathy  for  all  who  were  oppressed, 
and  was  easily  aroused  to  fight  at  once  against  the  op- 
pressors. He  had  a  religion  all  his  own,  which  was  of  a 
pure  nature,  of  a  practical  sort.  He  l)elieved  little  in  the 
saving  power  of  creeds,  ceremonies,  churches,  or  ministers. 


368 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


But  he  believed  in  a  Creator  and  Father  who  answered  the 
call  from  the  depths  of  his  nature,  as  a  soul  crying  out 
for  strength  in  its  loneliness.  If  he  did  not  vigorously 
support  the  outward  forms  of  Christianity,  he  practiced 
its  best  principles  in  standing  for  truth,  justice,  and  right 
living.  There  is  hardly  a  church  building  in  Lawrence 
to  which  he  did  not  contribute  money  or  material.  lie  be- 
lieved there  was  good  in  all  —  especially  good  for  some 
people. 

As  indicated  in  the  first  chapter  of  this  book,  Robinson 
had,  in  his  boyhood,  something  of  humor  in  his  genial 
nature.  Those  who  were  best  acquainted  with  him  in 
later  life  often  discovered  a  rich  vein  of  humor  in  his 
rather  austere  nature.  The  ludicrous  side  of  danger  ap- 
pealed to  him,  as  is  commonly  the  case  with  those  who 
have  complete  mastery  over  fear.  It  is  related  that  when 
Dr.  Robinson  with  Mrs.  Robinson  was  going  East  to  arouse 
the  governors  and  influential  people  in  the  North  in  the 
interest  of  the  Free-State  cause  in  Kansas,  the  captain  of 
the  steamboat  on  the  Missouri  river  came  to  him  as  the 
boat  approached  Lexington  and  warned  him  that  a  band 
of  border  ruiSans  would  board  the  boat  at  the  next  landing 
with  the  intention  of  killing  him.  "  You  are  joking,"  said 
Robinson  to  the  captain ;  "  why  would  they  kill  me  ? " 
While  the  captain  could  not  give  a  satisfactory  reason  for 
the  attempt  on  his  life,  he  made  it  plain  to  Robinson  that 
it  was  not  a  joke,  and  offered  to  find  a  hiding-place  for 
him.  But  Dr.  Robinson  declined,  saying,  "  I  don't  know 
as  I  care.  I  'm  rather  curious  to  know  what  there  is  after 
this  life."  With  a  keen  sense  of  the  ludicrous,  he  showed 
interest  in  the  vagaries  and  follies  of  men,  and  was  in- 


CHAP.ACTEli 


369 


clined  at  times  to  be  too  severe  in  his  witticisms  in  taking 
them  off.  There  is  evidence  of  positive  enjoyment  in  his 
description  of  the  ludicrous  duel  at  the  time  of  the  Topeka 
Convention  hetw^een  Lane  and  Lowry, —  a  duel  that  never 
came  off.  The  contrast  between  Lane's  braggadocio  and 
his  abject  fear  was  not  a  little  amusing  to  a  man  who  knew 
not  fear.  "  The  grim  chieftain,"  shaking  with  fear  under- 
neath a  pretense  of  bravery,  was  a  cause  of  enjoyment  to 
others  besides  Robinson  in  the  convention.^ 

Lane's  straw  men  at  the  ''  battle  "  of  Fort  Saunders  was 
another  instance  that  called  forth  expressions  of  humor 
bordering  on  ridicule  from  the  Governor.^ 

While  in  the  prison-camp  in  Lecompton  he  unintention- 
ally made  an  enemy  of  a  man,  by  good-natured  ridicule. 
His  wit  was  frequently  too  incisive  for  the  comfort  of 
those  toward  whom  it  was  directed.  In  reality  it  appeared 
much  more  severe  than  it  was  intended  to  be.  Indeed,  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  a  man  who  had  such  a  kindly  heart 
and  was  so  much  interested  in  his  fellow-men,  always 
ready  to  help  them  in  time  of  distress,  could  have  inten- 
tionally caused  pain  by  his  shafts  of  wit.  If  he  ever  did 
so,  it  was  sometimes  because  of  a  keen  and  irrepressible 
sense  of  humor  due  to  the  absence  of  fear  on  his  part, 
under  circumstances  that  aroused  it  in  most  people. 

His  strong  individualism  at  times  seemed  to  overpower 
his  native  generous  consideration  of  the  feelings  of  others. 
For,  upon  the  whole,  the  serious  side  of  life  impressed 
him  profoundly  with  its  importance  and  earnestness,  and 
he  frequently  wore  in  his  countenance  and  manner  an 

1  See  chapter  V. 

"There  really  was  no  battle.    The  enensy  bad  fled  before  the  "  straw  "  men  arriTed. 

—24 


370 


LIFE    OF    CHAKLE.S    ROBINSON 


austerity    which    covered    the    kindly    intentions    of    his 
heart.. 

His  views  and  actions  on  the  temperance  question  afford 
a  very  good  illustration  of  his  general  attitude  toward 
troublesome  questions.  From  his  earliest  life  Robinson 
was  a  strong  temperance  man.  He  believed  in  temperance, 
not  as  any  part  of  his  religious  faith,  nor  because  he  held 
it  to  be  a  sin  in  itself  to  partake  of  strong  drink,  but 
because  he  believed  that  the  inordinate  use  of  such  drink 
was  destructive  of  body  and  mind,  and  led  to  poverty,  vice, 
and  crime.  But  as  an  ideal  he  held  that  temperance  is  a 
greater  virtue  than  total  abstinence;  for  the  man  who  of 
his  own  volition  is  temperate  in  life,  has  reached  a  higher 
stage  of  development  than  the  man  who  is  forced  by  law 
to  refrain  from  harmful  practices.  It  is  the  same  with 
society.  A  community  that  acts  rightly  in  its  own  normal 
life,  and  not  because  of  restriction  and  repression  im- 
posed by  rules,  is  of  a  much  higher  order  than  the  weak 
community  which  must  be  hedged  around  with  barriers  to 
keep  it  in  a  normal  line  of  action.  To  him  intemperance 
was  a  deep-seated  evil,  extending  to  all  departments  and 
practices  of  life.  Hence,  any  mere  rule  of  action  attempt- 
ing to  control  the  personal  social  habits  of  man  was  worse 
than  useless.  He  opposed  the  prohibitory  law  in  Kansas 
because  he  believed  it  to  be  a  sham  and  a  pretense  at  vir- 
tue, and  he  disliked  and  opposed  all  shams.  He  appears 
to  have  opposed  it  also  because  he  thought  it  inconsistent 
with  personal  freedom,  or  liberty  of  action.  It  is  easy  to 
see  how  this  phase  of  the  question  appealed  to  him,  for  he 
loved  freedom;  he  was  himself  able  to  stand  upright,  in- 
dependently and  alone,  on  what  he  termed  "  the  right " ; 


CHARACTER 


371 


hence  lie  could  not.  see  tlie  virtue  of  a  law  that  attempted 
to  remove  temptation  from  the  weak  and  caused  the  in- 
dulgers  in  strong;  drink  to  become  sneaks  and  reprobates  in 
evading  a  law  which  the.y  thought  unjust  and  unworthy  of 
their  obedience. 

He  thus  expressed  his  opposition  to  the  prohibiDorj 
amendment  of  1881:  "  M j  opposition  is  for  the  reason 
that  I  believe  its  adoption  would  be  the  greatest  calamity 
that  could  befall  our  State,  and  a  blow  against  temper- 
ance that  we  could  not  recover  from  in  long  years."  Using 
this  as  a  basis  of  argument,  he  entered  the  newspapers, 
combatting  all  comers  who  favored  the  prohibitory  amend- 
ment, for  the  sole  purpose  of  defending  what  he  thought 
was  the  right.  His  opponents  said:  "Whatever  may  be 
the  specious  arguments  advanced  to  support  his  opposition, 
from  a  temperance  standpoint  the  fact  will  remain  that 
every  blow  he  strikes  against  the  temperance  cause  is  one 
in  favor  of  whisky,  drunkenness,  gambling,  and  the  whole 
list  of  crimes  born  and  bred  in  the  saloons.''  It  was  in 
this  way  that  many  of  the  prohibitory  folk  frequently  at- 
tempted to  classify  persons  differing  in  opinion  from  them- 
selves as  persons  who  favored  saloons.  There  were  such 
narrowness  and  bigotry  evinced  among  radical  prohibition- 
ists. They  could  not  tolerate  opinions  on  temperance  differ- 
ent from  their  own,  and  sought  to  put  every  one  who  op- 
posed them  in  an  unfair  light.  By  their  unreason  and  in- 
tolerance they  have  done  the  temperance  cause  much  harm 
in  the  State.  For  there  are  broad-minded  Christian  men 
who  believe  that  other  methods  of  dealing  with  the  temper- 
ance question  would  be  better  than  the  prohibition  of  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors.     Some  of  the 


372 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


most  ardent  workers  for  temperance  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  law  pause  again  and  again,  questioning  the  possi- 
bility of  a  successful  issue  of  prohibition  in  Kansas,  hop- 
ing that  some  better  way  for  meeting  social  evils  may  be 
devised,  yet  still  struggling  on,  though  somewhat  blindly, 
in  their  righteous  attempts  to  enforce  the  law. 

Governor  Robinson,  aroused  by  false  representation  and 
stung  as  by  a  nettle  with  the  intolerant  jibes  of  opponents, 
set  himself  squarely  against  the  amendment.  In  the  po- 
litical controversy  that  followed  he  used  his  pen  with  the 
vigor  usual  to  him  when  engaged  in  debate. 

But  the  amendment  was  passed,  and  laws  under  it  for 
the  carrying  out  of  the  will  of  the  people.  This  was  but 
the  beginning  of  the  trouble,  however,  for  each  succeeding 
year  brought  increasing  difficulties  in  its  enforcement. 
While  the  writer  may  not  agree  in  the  attitude  of  Governor 
Robinson  on  the  question,  he  is  compelled  to  confess  that  the 
Governor's  warnings  regarding  the  future  operation  of  the 
law  were  in  some  degree  prophetic.  What  will  be  the  final 
outcome,  no  one  at  present  can  determine.  While  there  is 
probably  an  overwhelming  majority  in  favor  of  retaining 
the  prohibitory  law  for  fear  of  getting  nothing  better 
should  it  be  repealed,  if  for  no  other  reason,  yet  its  most 
ardent  supporters  cannot  pretend  to  be  satisfied  with  its 
operation  in  Kansas.  While  it  would  be  out  of  place  to 
enter  into  a  full  discussion  of  this  question, —  one  of  the 
greatest  that  Kansas  has  ever  undertaken  to  dispose  of, — 
it  may  be  safely  said  that  the  present  enforcement  of  the 
law  is  unsatisfactory  to  nearly  every  one;  and  while  the 
idea  of  prohibition  has  many  warm  supporters  in  Kansas, 
tbere  are  others,  not  interested  in  the  liquor  business,  who 


CHARACTER  373 

believe  it  to  be  a  curse  to  the  State.  However,  the  liquor 
question  gives  trouble  of  one  kind  or  another,  no  matter 
under  what  law,  and  a  change  from  the  prohibitory  la^v  to 
some  other  would  not  insure  any  improvement,  and  it 
might  prove  worse. 

What  Governor  Robinson  did  in  the  controversy  on  this 
subject  was  with  the  purest  motives,  and  the  wish  to  aid  in 
securing  for  the  State  the  best  and  most  effective  law  for 
the  suppression  of  drunkenness  and  the  vice  and  crime  that 
spring  out  of  it.  Whether  we  could  have  a  better  law  for 
the  times  it  is  diflficult  to  say,  although  the  present  will 
receive  a  thorough  trial,  and  will  not  be  given  up  by  its 
advocates  until  it  is  proved  a  failure  or  until  some  better 
law  is  substituted  for  it.  Governor  Robinson  believed 
that  only  such  laws  should  be  created  as  could  be  executed 
and  enforced.  He  knew  that  no  prohibition  law  had  ever 
been  successfully  enforced,  wherever  tried  in  the  United 
States;  therefore,  for  this  and  other  reasons,  he  was  op- 
posed to  it.  He  believed  in  local  option.  In  this  way  in 
some  communities  it  would  be  possible  to  have  entire  pro- 
liibition,  while  in  others,  less  favored,  restrictive  measures 
could  be  adopted  much  more  serviceable  to  such  communi- 
ties than  a  prohibitory  law:  measures,  for  example,  pro- 
viding a  severe  penalty  for  selling  to  minors  or  habitual 
drunkards,  for  selling  on  election  days,  Sundays,  and 
national  holidays;  and,  in  fact,  just  such  restrictions  as 
the  community  is  able  to  enforce.  Because  a  man  advo- 
cates such  a  rational  course,  is  there  any  reason  why  those 
apposing  him  should  assert  that  he  is  working  with  the 
liquor-dealers  and  for  the  saloons?  'No  automatic  process 
lias  yet  been  discovered  for  the  suppression  of  the  liquor 


374  IIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

traffic.  Ivocal  option  has  succeeded  in  some  parts  of  some 
States,  and  this  is  all  that  can  be  said  of  prohibition  so 
far  as  tried. 

But  Governor  Robinson  was  not  perfect,  nor  did  he  ever 
pretend  to  be  without  faults.  He  had  faults  which  he 
knew  and  deplored,  and  which  his  best  friends  knew  and 
deplored.  He  was  a  strong  individualist,  of  a  nature  that 
might  almost  be  called  turbulent  had  it  not  been  so  largely 
under  the  control  of  a  strong  will.  He  was  willing  to  as- 
sume responsibility  and  submit  to  the  consequences.  A 
favorite  motto  was,  "  Suffer  and  groT\^  strong."  Nor  did 
he  fear  to  stand  alone  in  the  pursuit  of  a  course  which  his 
best  judgment  directed  him  to  follow.  In  the  general 
acceptation  of  the  word,  he  was  not  a  partisan.  He  never 
submitted  his  private  convictions  of  right  and  wrong  to  the 
exigencies  of  party  success.  Wliile  in  a  large  sense  he 
was  an  excessively  social  man,  working  always  for  the 
good  of  humanity  and  seeking  for  it  the  highest  social 
well-being,  he  found  it  difficult  tx5  bind  himself  to  any 
clique  or  set,  or  to  strike  hands  with  his  fellows  to  stand 
by  any  proposition  or  party.  He  preferred  to  meet  is- 
sues as  they  came,  and  to  depend  on  his  own  best  judgment 
to  do  the  right  thing.  He  was  especially  interested  in  the 
so-called  "  common  people."  He  early  formed  the  habit 
that  has  already  been  referred  to  in  this  chapter  —  that 
of  taking  the  part  of  the  oppressed ;  and  so  strong  did  this 
habit  become  that  he  always  assumed  if  a  man  was  down 
his  cause  was  just.  His  best  friends  frequently  felt  that 
his  individualism  was  too  strong  for  their  comfort.  One 
of  his  admiring  friends  said  to  him  one  day,  "  Why  don't 
you  behave  yourself,  and  let  us  love  you,  for  we  want  to  ? " 


CHAEACTEK 


376 


Governor  Kobin&on  responded  with  a  quiet  laugh,  and 
that  was  all.  This  was  in  the  latter  dajs,  when  lie  had  be- 
come estranged  from  the  Kepubliean  party.  Perhaps  his 
leaving  the  Kepubliean  party  after  it  had  given  him  offices 
of  trust  was  the  worst  grievance  the  friends  of  Governor 
Robinson  had  against  him.  Yet,  when  we  consider  his 
nature,  Ave  must  see  that  it  was  the  most  natural  thing 
in  the  world  for  him  to  do.  He  believed  in  "  money  for 
the  people,"  and  in  Government  measures  for  the  relief 
of  the  people.  He  felt  that  the  Government  had  been  legis- 
lating too  much  in  favor  of  the  rich  and  too  little  in  favor 
of  the  poor.  While  we  cannot  agree  with  all  of  his  social, 
economic  and  political  theories,  we  may  admit  that  he  was 
right  in  his  fundamental  principles.  He  had  a  wide  sym- 
pathy with  the  laboring  classes,  and  a  strong  fellow-feeling 
for  the  farmers  when  they  suffered  so  much  from  over- 
borrowing,  short  crops,  and  falling  prices.  He  left  the 
Republican  party  and  became  a  Democrat.  He  never  ad- 
mitted that  he  was  a  Populist,  but  the  time  came  when  the 
two  parties  were  peculiarly  mixed  in  Kansas,  and  the 
terms  were  then  almost  synonymous.  His  theory  was, 
that  if  a  party  would  not  do  what  the  individual  thought 
was  right,  he  should  drop  it  and  take  up  with  one  which, 
in  his  judgment,  came  nearer  doing  this. 

It  is  not  intended  to  say  here  that  Robinson  was  never 
diplomatic  or  a  partisan,  for  this  would  be  entirely  erro- 
neous and  misleading.  Although  strongly  individualistic 
in  nature  and  independent  in  thought  and  action,  he  was 
ever  ready  to  serve  others  by  diplomacy  and  policy.  Nor 
did  he  fail  to  manage  his  personal  affairs  with  adroitness 
and  skill.     But  what  is  unquestionably  true  is,  that  once 


370  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

having  decided  upon  a  given  course  of  action  lie  could  not 
be  changed  through  fear  of  personal  consequences ;  and  he 
would  not,  with  the  hope  of  personal  gain,  "stand  in  "  with 
a  clique  or  party  in  conflict  with  his  opinions  of  what 
was  right  or  expedient.  But  to  stand  for  a  course  of  ac- 
tion which  he  deemed  right  and  just,  and  to  use  policy, 
skill  and  diplomacy  in  achieving  its  success,  was  what  he 
loved  and  did  do ;  but  this  is  something  far  different  from 
striking  hands  with  his  fellows  in  order  to  save  his  own 
neck  or  in  any  way  advance  his  own  interests. 

As  we  reflect  upon  the  stirring  times  in  which  Governor 
Kobinson  lived,  on  his  struggle  with  ill-health  and  grief 
in  Massachusetts,  on  his  adventures  in  California,  and 
the  great  struggle  in  Kansas;  as  we  consider  what  of 
treachery  and  calumny,  misrepresentation  and  malignity 
he  had  to  endure  from  his  enemies,  we  may  consider  it 
remarkable  that  his  life  moved  along  so  evenly  in  the 
later  years,  and  that  his  character  retained  its  equipoise. 
The  momentum  of  his  life-struggle  for  the  right  carried 
him  on  to  the  end,  fighting  for  the  cause  of  truth  and 
freedom. 

His  old  friend.  Chancellor  Snow,  paid  him  a  just  and 
beautiful  tribute  without  fulsome  praise  when  he  said : 

"The  life  which  has  just  ended  has  been  one  men  may  wiael/ 
study  and  imitate.  True,  our  friend  had  his  faults  and  made  his 
mistakes.  True,  he  lived  in  times  which  brought  forth  qualities 
and  traits  of  character  worthy  the  attention  and  imitation  of  all. 
The  State  has  lost  a  true  citizen.  The  University  has  been  de- 
prived of  its  oldest,  firm&st  and  best  friend.  All  Kansas  mourna 
the  death  of  a  father." 

Governor  Eobinson  was  not  only  generous  in  support  of 
any  good  cause,  but  was  personally  helpful  to  individuals. 


CHARACTER 


377 


No  deserving  person  ever  went  to  liim  in  distress  without 
receiving  aid.  No  worthy  public  enterprise  was  passed 
by.  His  giving  was  quiet,  and  hence  came  from  the  heart. 
Indeed,  so  quiet  was  it  that  only  those  who  knew  him  inti- 
mately have  an  idea  of  its  extent.  At  one  time,  when  the 
library  of  Lawrence  was  to  receive  a  present  from  the  son 
of  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  and  knowing  that  the  city  had 
asked  much  of  the  man,  Governor  Robinson  sent  Mr.  Law- 
rence a  check  for  fifty  dollars,  to  be  used  in  purchasing 
books  to  be  presented  to  the  library  in  Mr.  Lawrence's 
name.  Thus  did  he  help  to  relieve  the  son  of  his  old 
friend  from  too  great  a  burden  and  the  solicitors  of  the 
city  from  an  embarrassing  position. 

Believing  that  every  man  should  have  a  chance  for  his 
life  and  prosperity  in  the  industrial  struggle,  he  gave 
quiet  personal  aid  to  many  who  afterwards  lived  and  pros- 
pered to  call  him  blessed.  After  his  death  many  letters 
came  to  Mrs.  Robinson  testifying  of  personal  services 
received  and  affection  returned.  Said  one:  "While  I 
was  struggling  to  educate  my  family  I  rode  with  the  Gov- 
ernor from  Leavenworth,  and,  as  I  left  the  cars  at  Tonga- 
noxie,  he  handed  me  a  small  roll  and  said,  '  That  may 
help  to  educate  your  children.'  I  thanked  him,  and  when 
I  unrolled  the  greenbacks  to  my  surprise  I  found  fifty 
dollars."  Another  relates  how  on  his  first  arrival  in  Law- 
rence, almost  penniless,  he  received  assistance  from  Dr. 
Robinson,  and  frequently  afterwards  received  help.  A 
workman  on  a  public  building  was  once  heard  to  say: 
"  When  a  man  went  over  to  the  Governor's  place  he  was 
treated  as  a  gentleman  and  given  a  nice  room  and  a  good 


378 


LIFE    OF    CHABLES    KOBINSON 


bed  in  the  house,  and  was  not  put  oif  in  a  shed  with  an 
old  hard  bed  to  lie  on,  the  way  some  folks  treat  their 
men." 

So  it  appears  that  he  lived  true  to  his  convictions  in 
private  as  well  as  public  life.  With  a  sympathetic  social 
nature,  he  won  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  all  the  Free- 
State  men  and  the  admiration  of  many  of  his  enemies  for 
his  manly  vigor.  He  loved  his  country  and  mankind,  and 
put  his  energies  continually  to  the  test  in  actual  service 
to  both.  He  was  a  persistent  foe  of  error;  a  strong  ad- 
vocate of  truth ;  a  fearless  fighter  in  every  cause  which  he 
espoused,  and  a  tireless  worker  for  humanity.  He  was 
not  a  sounder  of  trumpets,  but  a  builder  of  states  and  in- 
stitutions. His  work  was  lasting  in  its  efitects,  and  his  his- 
torical record  is  clear  and  substantial.  As  there  passes 
away  hero  after  hero  of  those  who  stood  shoulder  to  shoul- 
der in  the  great  struggle  for  freedom  and  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  commonwealth  of  Kansas,  leaving  the  blessings 
and  the  burdens  of  civilization  to  be  borne  by  others, 
the  men  of  these  later  times  are  enabled  to  realize  more 
and  more  clearly  that  the  advantages  of  previous  struggles 
are  now  all  their  own.  They  can  look  back  with  thankful- 
ness of  heart  upon  the  lives  of  those  who  wrought  and  suf- 
fered that  future  generations  might  have  the  blessings 
of  liberty,  peace  and  prosperity.  As  they  ponder  with  be- 
coming reverence  upon  the  long  list  of  Kansas  heroes,  they 
will  find  none  greater  than  Charles  Kobinson,  the  patriot 
and  statesman,  the  citizen  and  man. 

On  Friday,  August  17th,  1894,  at  the  age  of  76  years, 
at  3  :15  a.  m.,  just  as  the  dawn  of  a  new  day  was  approach- 


CHAKACTEK  379 

ing,  Governor  Robinson  passed  into  the  unknown.  He  met 
death  as  bravely  and  calmly  as  if  it  were  an  ordinary  event 
of  life.  He  had  often  fearlessly  faced  it  before,  but  now 
it  came,  bringing  the  welcome  end  of  a  well-spent  life. 

No  citizen  of  Kansas  has  passed  away  amid  more  ardent 
expressions  of  affectionate  regret  than  Charles  Robinson. 
The  whole  State  knew  him  and  felt  its  loss.  On  Sunday, 
August  19th,  four  ex-Governors  of  the  State,  and  other 
prominent  men  and  officials  from  various  points,  came  to 
join  with  neighbors  and  friends  in  paying  their  last  tribute 
of  respect  to  him  who,  so  powerful  in  life,  now  lay  helpless 
in  death.  The  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  Dr.  C.  G. 
Howland,  a  venerable  and  lovable  man,  since  passed  to  his 
rest,  who  closed  his  discourse  with  these  graphic  words : 

'^  Much  of  Governor  Robinson's  life  was  tempestuous, 

but  the  close  was  as  gentle  as  the  fading  light  of  day.  With 

a  tender  yet  speechless  touch  of  a  dear  hand,  and  without 

the  slightest  concern,  he  went  out  '  to  meet  what  the  future 

hath  of  marvel  or  surprise,'  " 

"  Fallen  at  length,  the  Nestor  of  our  time, 
Founder  and  savior  of  our  infant  State, 
The  lofty  life  to  Freedom  dedicate, — 
The  champion  ever  mailed  to  challenge  crime, 
And  make  the  people's  rustic  cause  sublime. 
Peer  of  the  commonwealth  he  did  create, 
His  strength  hath  known  no  weakness,  no  abate. 
From  this  strange  stillness  back  to  youth's  rich  prime. 
And  is  he  fallen?     Nay;   a  wiser  thought 
Follows  the  spirit  as  it  slow  withdrew, 
Leaving  the  fields  on  which  he  grandly  fought. 
The  writhing  wrongs  his  prowess  overthrew. 
And  lo!    amidst  the  zenith  stars  inwrought. 
We  speed  the  newest  orbed.     Hail,  and  adieu." 

Henry  M.  Greene. 


APPENDIX  A. 


NOTES. 


NOTES. 

Note  (a). —  Subsequently  Kev.  W.  B.  Stone  became  Gov.  Robia- 
aon's  brother-in-law.  He  was  brother  to  Lucy  Stone,  the  womaa 
who  spent  her  life  and  all  her  thought  for  the  enfranchisement  of 
woman.  Colleges  in  New  England  were  not  yet  open  to  women,  but 
Oberlin  College  in  Ohio  was  founded  in  1833,  in  which  instruction 
was  offered  equally  to  men  and  women.  Here,  all  who  would  seek 
knowledge  should  find  it.  Full  of  zeal,  Lucy  Stone  and  Sarah  Pellet, 
of  North  Brookfield,  Massachusetts,  went  to  Oberlin;  the  latter  car- 
rying her  kit  of  material  wherewith  she  could  mend  or  make  shoes 
for  the  other  students,  and  so  add  to  her  scanty  means,  while  Lucy 
Stone  set  and  cleared  off  tables  for  the  daily  meals.  The  spirit  of 
New  England  girls  and  boys  was  full  of  aspiration,  and  they  de- 
sired above  all  things  wise  instruction  and  cleanliness  of  he^rt  and 
life. 

Note  (b). —  Academies  and  seminaries  were  great  blessings  to 
New-England  youth  in  those  days.  They  made  Amherst,  Harvard, 
Williams  and  Dartmouth  possible  to  thousands  of  young  men. 
Hadley  was  settled  in  about  1669,  and  her  academy  founded  in  1687. 
Among  other  academies  there  might  be  mentioned  the  academy  of 
South  Byfield,  for  boys,  incorporated  in  1761.  The  first  woman's 
academy  was  Adams,  at  Derry.  New  Hampshire,  founded  in  1823; 
and  the  academy  at  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  in  1828.  There  were 
academies  at  Deerfield,  Massachusetts;  and  at  New  Salem  and  a 
few  other  places.  Children  and  youths  who  desired  to  be  edu- 
cated in  all  branches  of  study  were  compelled  to  attend  private 
schools  and  academies. 

Jonathan  Robinson  sent  three  of  his  girls  to  Mount  Holyoke 
Seminary  as  soon  as  that  institution  was  opened.  In  1790,  Boston 
girls  were  allowed  to  attend  the  public  schools  in  the  summer  for 
two  hours  in  the  afternoon,  provided  the  seats  were  left  vacant  by 
boys.  In  1788  the  town  of  Northampton  voted  that  none  of  the 
public  money  be  expended  for  the  schooling  of  girls.  Indeed,  girls 
were  not  recognized  by  the  school  laws,  for  we  read  that  "  the  v/ord 
children  "  be  interpreted  to  mean  boys.     It  had  been  a  dark  age  for 

(383) 


384  1.1VE    OF    ClIAELES    ROBINSON 

women,  even  in  good  old  Massachusetts;  but  light  was  breaking. 
Among  the  Berkshire  mountains,  over  one  hundred  years  ago,  Feb- 
ruary 28,  1797,  a  little  girl,  Mary  Lyon,  was  born,  who  possessed 
a  craving  for  knowledge;  the  same  grand  assimilating  power  of  in- 
tellect which  sometimes  falls  to  the  lot  of  brothers  in  the  race,  and 
the  same  keen  instinct  into  truth,  marked  her  mental  and  moral  char- 
acter. She  was  self-reliant,  and  she  learned  self-control.  She  had 
little  regard  for  trifles;  they  meant  nothing  to  her.  She  always  saw 
the  humorous  side  of  life,  and  whatever  was  set  for  her  to  learn  she 
devoured  with  eagerness  and  made  her  own.  Miss  Lyon  wished  to 
found  an  institution  which  should  be  wholly  devoted  to  the  higher 
education  of  women,  and  she  concentrated  all  her  energies  on  this 
work.  Belchertown  was  thought  of,  on  account  of  its  singular 
beauty  of  situation,  as  the  location  of  the  school,  but  the  choice  fell 
upon  South  Hadley.  Two  of  the  teachers  of  the  Classical  school, 
and  the  head  of  its  largest  boarding-house,  were  wanted  to  go  with 
Miss  Lyon.  Miss  Mary  Whitman  and  Miss  Moore  and  "  Pa  "  Hawks 
were  transferred  to  Mount  Holyoke  Seminary,  South  Hadley,  as 
soon  as  the  school  opened  there.  In  gathering  funds  for  the  new 
enterprise,  Miss  Lyon  was  untiring.  The  weather  never  in  the  least 
interfered  with  her  excursions  into  the  towns  about,  to  lay  her  plans 
before  the  people  personally,  and  ask  for  substantial  aid.  She  took 
whatever  was  offered  with  exceeding  thankfulness;  no  gift  was  de- 
spised. Even  a  contribution  of  six  cents  was  received  with  gratitude, 
and  the  largest  gift  of  $1,000  only  served  to  inspire  her  to  more 
heroic  efforts.  Sometimes  a  heavy  summer  shower,  with  lightnings 
flashing  and  thunders  pealing  and  reverberating  among  all  the 
hills,  (for  Belchertown,  according  to  Pres.  Timothy  Dwight,  of 
Yale  College,  "  was  famous  for  its  Anti-Masonry  and  being  struck 
by  lightning,")  and  one  would  see  Miss  Lyon,  seated  on  the  bottom 
of  an  open  wagon  with  her  outer  garments  drawn  closely  about 
her,  driving  as  fast  as  she  could,  with  ten  miles  yet  to  pass  between 
Belchertown  and  South  Hadley,  before  the  darkness  of  the  night 
should  envelop  her.  She  roused  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  and 
the  women  who  desired  knowledge  saw  the  shackles  falling  from 
them.  Miss  Lyon  was  not  discouraged  by  the  taunts  of  men,  some- 
what educated  to  be  sure,  but  not  advanced  enough  to  realize  how 
their  own  uplifting  would  come  —  must  come  —  by  every  advance 
made  by  their  sisters.  Father  Robinson  was  among  those  who  felt 
the  stirring  soul-awakening  of  Miss  Lyon's  enthusiastic  work,  and 


APPENDIX  386 

when  the  school  opened  in  1837,  his  three  surviving  danghters  — 
cne  had  died  —  entered  as  students,  r.nd  made  such  proficiency  in 
their  studies  that  they  subsequently  all  became  teachers  and  taught 
successfully  for  many  years. 

Thus,  one  can  see  readily  how  the  spirit  of  studious  thought  was 
aroused  in  the  youth  Charles  Robinson.  We  might  mention  one 
incident  in  connection  with  a  visit  he  made  to  his  sisters.  Miss 
Lyon  always  seated  her  guest  at  her  table,  and  she  always  invited 
him  to  "  ask  the  blessing  "  upon  the  meal.  In  the  simplicity  of  his 
heart  the  young  man  very  reverently  asked  for  the  Divine  blessing. 
It  required  courage  to  do  so  in  the  presence  of  a  bevy  of  young 
women, —  or  it  would  to  a  less  modest  man.  But  his  courage  in 
youth  was  evinced  in  other  ways.  For  instance,  when  he  made  his 
first  attempt  at  swimming.  There  was  no  water  deep  enough  near 
his  home  to  tempt  him  to  try  his  powers,  but  at  Hadley  there  was 
the  broad  and  beautiful  Connecticut  river,  one-fourth  of  a  mile 
•wide.  At  the  first  trial  he  swam  to  the  Northampton  side  of  the 
river,  a  boat  containing  two  or  three  of  his  school-mates  going 
along  to  take  him  in,  in  case  of  weakness  or  untoward  accident. 
Again,  in  later  years,  while  a  student  in  Dr.  Gridley's  office,  he  went 
with  him  to  assist  in  cutting  off  an  arm  of  Miss  Smith,  daughter 
of  Col.  Smith,  with  whom  he  had  boarded  while  at  school  at  Hadley, 
Dr.  Cutter  and  Dr.  Linncll  accompanying,  while  he  courageously  as- 
sisted in  the  operation.  His  diffidence  did  not  permit  him  to  speak 
to  the  family  with  whom  he  had  had  a  pleasant  home,  but  Col. 
Smith  thought  he  knew  him,  and  said,  "  Is  not  this  our  Charles 
Robinson?"  and  it  pleased  him  to  be  remembered.  The  clinical 
experience  students  of  medicine  now  get  in  hospitals,  they  received 
quite  as  surely  by  going  with  their  instructors  to  the  bedsides  of 
the  sick,  and  sometimes  without  them. 

Note  (c). —  Bekhertown  was  situated  upon  a  long  plateau,  ten 
miles  from  the  Connecticut  river.  There  was  the  Mount  Holyoke 
range  of  mountains  upon  the  northwest,  with  the  mountain  house 
plainly  to  be  seen  in  clear  weather;  the  Wilbraham  mountains  on 
the  south,  and  a  high  range  of  hills  four  miles  to  the  northeast, 
from  which  the  view  is  thought  to  equal  that  of  Mount  Holyoke.  It 
has  been  much  visited  by  New-Yorkers  and  other  people,  who  have 
made  of  the  town  a  summer  resort  for  many  years.  The  ascent  of 
the  long  hills  from  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  north,  where  the 
—25 


386  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 

ponds  lie,  was  two  miles  from  the  principal  hotel,  directly  south. 
Very  seldom  did  Mr.  Lawrence,  whose  eldest  daughter  subsequently 
became  the  wife  of  Charles  Robinson,  drive  down  into  it,  every  fort- 
night on  his  way  to  court  at  Northampton,  without  saying  with 
renewed  enthusiasm,  "  This  must  look  like  the  valley  of  Jordan." 
It  was  on  the  great  stage  route  between  Boston  and  Albany,  and 
the  hotel  was  the  half-way  house,  the  finest  on  the  whole  route. 
The  large  stone  slab,  marked  "Eighty  miles  from  Boston,"  stil! 
stands  at  the  turn  of  the  fence. 

Its  large  and  substantial  houses  on  the  broad  and  well-shadec 
common,  on  most  of  the  streets  where  the  branches  of  the  elms 
form  an  archway  over  them,  as  well  as  in  most  of  the  school  dis- 
tricts (there  being  fourteen),  with  their  beautiful  gardens  and 
dooryards,  make  of  Belchertown  a  delightful  town.  It  is  in  Hamp- 
shire county,  often  spoken  of  as  the  model  county  of  the  State. 
It  was  so  near  to  Amherst,  the  president  and  professors  of  the 
college  often  came  to  preach  on  Sunday,  and  some  of  them  to  in- 
terest themselves  in  the  public  examinations  of  the  Classical  school, 
and  not  so  far  from  Williamstown  as  to  prevent  Dr.  Mark  Hopkins 
from  sometimes  giving  the  people  the  benefit  of  his  erudite  learning. 
The  corps  of  six  instructors  in  the  school  were  graduates  from  Am- 
herst, Williams,  and  Yale.  The  one  hundred  and  fifty  scholars  were 
from  all  portions  of  the  town  and  adjacent  towns.  They  went  out 
from  the  school  thoroughly  equipped  for  their  work,  and  are  widely 
scattered  in  their  chosen  fields  throughout  the  whole  country,  and 
some  of  them  are  beyond  the  seas. 

The  stage  left  Northampton  for  Boston  at  1  a.  m.,  and  when  it 
reached  the  Belchertown  hills  the  elders  would  alight  to  lighten  the 
load,  and  walk  up  the  hills.  A  little  daughter  of  Judge  Lyman 
of  Northampton,  did  not  awaken  vmtil  the  sunrise^ — and  such  a 
sunrise!  Having  vague  ideas  of  the  pearly  gates  and  the  golden 
streets  of  the  New  Jerusalem,  looking  off  beyond  the  Belchertown 
hills  upon  the  intermingling  colors,—  jasper,  sajiphire,  and  chal- 
cedony; emerald  and  chrysolite;  topaz,  jacinth,  and  amethyst  in  that 
glorious  horizon, —  she  .said,  "Are  we  going  to  heaven?" 

Some  interest  may  attach  to  the  following  extracts  from  a  letter 
received  by  Mrs.  Robinson  in  November  ( 1893 )  before  the  Governor's 
death.  It  was  written  by  an  early  school  friend,  resident  then  at 
Belchertown : 

"Accepting  the  position  of  organist  in  Dr.  Benian's  church  about 


APPENDIX  387 

184G,  I  continued  as  director  of  the  music  for  nearly  forty-five  years, 
commencing  with  a  volunteer  choir  of  forty  singers,  and  closing  with 
a  quartet  of  single  voices,  which  were  paid  $1,200  and  $1,000  per 
annum.  Having  given  the  salient  points  of  an  uneventful  life,  which 
I  hope  you  may  not  think  in  the  repeating  I  have  too  much  of 
egotism,  I  cannot  refrain  from  a  word  in  retrospect.  Your  letter 
brought  to  mind  so  much  of  the  past,  and  so  vividly,  that  the  scenes 
of  long  ago  seem  more  near  and  dear  than  anything  transpiring 
at  present. 

•■  Hanging  up  in  my  office,  with  pictures  of  my  father  and  family, 
is  the  lithograph  of  Oakridge,  sent  me  some  time  since.  And  often 
has  the  thought  of  the  gentle  maiden  who  gave  me  my  first  French 
lessons,  and  who  has  since  passed  through  the  thrilling  scenes  that 
made  '  Bleeding  Kansas  '  the  prelude  to  the  terrible  war,  come  to 
me,  contrasting  the  late  life  of  excitement  and  danger  with  the  al- 
most pastoral  quiet  of  those  days  at  Belchertown;  and  there  comes 
an  awe  such  as  when  one  looks  on  a  picture  of  Jeanne  d'Arc  before 
and  after  her  insi)iration.  When  in  a  mood  of  reverie,  1  recall  the 
fact  that  our  mothers  were  intimate  scnoolmates  in  Belchertown; 
that  my  mother  first  caught  a  glimpse  of  my  fatner  there,  and 
saucily  dashed  the  mop  around  his  heels  when  she  with  others  was 
cleaning  the  school-room  for  examination,  while  he  was  visiting  the 
principal,  an  old  friend  of  his;  where  I  tirst  heard  and  saw  your 
father,  who  was  ever  to  me  the  peer  of  all  men  intellectually ;  where 
Mr.  Pearl  taught  dancing  under  the  pious  fraud  of  "  calisthenics  ' : 
where  the  churches  fought  one  anotner  instead  of  the  devil,  and 
Bro.  Oviatt  tried  to  podr  oil  on  the  waters;  where  the  boys  and 
girls  found  friendships  that  endured;  where  the  daily  stage  to  and 
from  Amherst  and  Palmer  with  Father  Clapp  as  superintendent 
was  the  great  event  of  the  day;  where  such  views  of  Mt.  Holyoke 
and  Aalleys  stretching  in  all  directions  made  one  feel  that  Belcher- 
town was  the  very  center  of  the  earth,  a  city  set  upon  a  hill,  a  very 
Jerusalem  where  the  tribes  go  up  to  worship. 

"All  this  and  more  comes  to  my  mind,  until  that  time  and  not  the 
present  seems  vividly  real.  You  will  pardon  the  garrulity  of  an  old 
man,  and  believe  the  old  friends  seem  and  are  better  than  new  ones. 

"  With  kind  regards, 

S.  B.  S. 
"Troy,  N.  Y.,  Nov.  16,  '93." 

Note  (d). —  Myron  Lawrence  was  born  in  Middlebury,  Vermont, 
May  8th,  170!).  In  1820  he  graduated  from  the  college  in  his  native 
town,  sharing  tlie  highest  honors  of  his  class  with  Stephen  Olin, 
who  afterwards  became  Dr.  Olin  of  Wcsleyan  University,  at  Middle- 
town,  Connecticut.  In  their  school  duties  they  had  been  wont  to 
help  each  other.  In  all  calculations  of  eclipses  Mr.  Lawrence  had 
made  the  calculations,  while  Mr.  Olin  perfected  the  drawings.     Be- 


388  LIFE    OF    CHART.ES    KOBINSON 

fore  he  reached  his  majority,  by  the  advice  of  Judge  Doolittlc  of 
Middlebury  he  had  gone  to  Belchertown,  Massachusetts,  to  study  law 
with  his  brother,  Hon.  Mark  Doolittle,  a  graduate  of  Yale  College. 
He  became  also  a  member  of  his  family,  remaining  such  until  his 
marriage  March  28th,  1824. 

There  came  the  happy  day  to  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts,  when 
the  granite  hills  of  its  western  county,  Berkshire,  were  tunneled 
for  the  passage  of  the  Boston  &  Albany  Railroad,  at  great  labor  and 
great  cost.  Mr.  Lawrence,  as  one  of  the  directors,  worked  untiringly 
for  the  accomplishment  of  the  work.  There  would  no  longer  remain 
the  necessity  of  taking  the  stage  at  four  o'clock  in  the  bitter  cold 
of  a  January  morning,  to  travel  by  the  highways,  were  they  open,  and 
over  the  stone  walls  when  the  snows  were  deepest  and  hardest,  if, 
by  so  doing,  the  distance  of  eighty  miles  to  Boston  could  be  made 
less.  Such  a  winter  was  that  of  1840.  Its  cold  and  snows  were  un- 
precedented. There  were  many  upsettings  of  the  coaches  that  winter 
on  the  Leicester  and  Spencer  hills,  and  much  merriment  as  the  legis- 
lators were  trying  to  be  on  time  at  the  opening  of  the  General 
Court  [the  Legislature]. 

When  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  Mr.  Lawrence  represented  his 
town  in  the  Legislature.  He  served  several  years  as  Senator  and 
several  as  President  of  the  Senate.  At  his  home  the  distinguished 
people  of  the  times  visited  him.  Among  the  most  noted,  Daniel 
Webster,  Miss  Harriet  Martineaii,  Stephen  Olin.  Robert  Rantoul, 
George  Ashmun  and  W.  B.  Calhoun  never  passed  him  by. 

T^uis  Kossuth,  the  great  Hungarian,  had  been  struggling  to  free 
his  fatherland  from  the  chains  of  despotism.  In  1850,  Mr.  Law- 
rence presided  at  the  immense  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  which  wel- 
comed him  to  Boston.  In  that  little  down-trodden  country  of  Hun- 
gary the  spirit  of  liberty  was  awakened,  and  the  clear  tones  of 
Kossuth's  voice  and  the  magic  of  his  unmistakable  genius  had  aroused 
an  unusual  enthusiasm  in  the  heart  of  New  England,  and  all  through 
her  hills  and  A-alleys  the  fires  of  liberty  were  lighted  anew.  It  was 
worth  much  to  see  and  hear  such  a  man,  so  wholly  inspired  and 
devoted  to  his  cause. 

In  1850,  Mr.  Lawrence  delivered  the  semi-centennial  address  at 
the  commencement  at  Middlebury,  while  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  na- 
tive of  Brandon,  Vermont,  gave  the  address  of  the  evening.  It  was 
said  that  the  impromptu  address  of  Mr.  Lawrence  to  the  alumni 
was  one  of  the  happiest  efforts  of  his  life.     He  became  a  trustee  of 


APPENDIX  389 

the  college  in  1851,  and  worked  without  ceasing  the  last  winter  of 
his  life  in  raising  funds  for  its  endowment.  He  often  said,  "  It  is 
a  blessing  to  a  boy  to  be  born  in  a  college  town."  He  and  his  only 
brother  found  it  so.  His  brother,  Judge  Edwin  Lawrence,  of  Ann 
Arbor,  Michigan,  was  graduated  eight  years  after  himself,  and 
served,  for  thirteen  years,  a  most  honest  and  severely  upright  judge, 
before  the  bar  of  Washtenaw  county.  Mr.  Lawrence  honored  his 
State  and  his  State  honored  him.  The  experience  he  attained  in  his 
profession,  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  for  his  course  in 
life,  his  usefulness  to  the  State,  are  all  well  known.  In  June  before 
his  death,  he  was  honored  with  the  nomination  for  Governor  on  the 
temperance  ticket,  but  failing  health  prevented  his  acceptance.  On 
November  7th,  1852,  Mr.  Lawrence  passed  quietly  away. 

XoTE  ( e ) . —  Fitchburg,  a  growing  town  in  the  northern  part  of 
Worcester  county,  had  become  a  great  railroad  center.  It  may  not 
seem  irrelevant  to  give  a  brief  description  of  the  town  with  whose 
interests  Dr.  Eobinson  became  identified,  and  which  he  left  for  busy 
scenes  of  wider  range.  In  its  location  upon  the  Nashua  river,  it 
possessed  many  natural  advantages  for  the  building  of  a  great  city. 
There  was  ample  room  for  its  many  industries,  works  in  iron  and 
brass,  the  foundry  and  steam-boiler  works,  and  steam-engine  com- 
pany works.  Putnam  machine-shops,  established  in  1836,  the  oldest 
and  largest  machine-shops  in  the  city,  cover  fourteen  acres,  and  they 
have  all  the  facilities  for  making  all  the  tools  they  use.  The  Simonds 
Manufacturing  Co.  dates  from  1832.  Their  machine  knives,  circular 
and  handsaws  are  known  over  the  whole  world.  They  are  the  largest 
manufacturers  of  machine  knives  in  the  world.  The  circular  saw 
exhibited  by  them  at  the  World's  Fair,  1893,  is  the  largest  saw  ever 
made,  being  130  inches  in  diameter. 

Then  there  were  the  woolen  mills,  the  first  one  started  in  1822; 
the  first  paper  mill,  in  1804.  There  is  Rollstone  mountain,  east  of 
the  Nashua  river.  It  is  of  solid  granit«,  from  three  to  four  hun- 
dred feet  high,  and  about  a  mile  in  circumference.  In  1844,  granite 
was  sent  to  Boston  for  the  construction  of  the  Fitchburg  railroad 
station.  The  first  building  in  Fitchburg  to  be  built  of  Rollstone 
granite  was  the  stone  mill  on  Lamb  street,  built  in  1852.  No  der- 
rick was  used  to  lift  the  blocks  into  place,  for  they  were  all  drawn 
up  on  an  inclined  plane  by  oxen. 

There  was  the  river  and  the  mill  in  the  valley,  and  when  the 
railroads  centered  there,  a  great  impetus  was  given  to  every  sort  of 


390  LIFE    OP    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

business:  and  there  were  the  homes,  many  of  them  ]ialatial  ones, 
perched  upon  the  hijrh  hills  inclosing  the  main  street  and  the  river, 
almost  like  an  amphitheater.  The  to\>n  has  often  been  called  the 
Heidelbers;  of  America,  from  the  old  German  Heidelberg  with  its 
castles  upon  the  hilltops. 

FitehburjT  has  become  a  half-shire  town  since  then,  and  has  greatly 
increased  in  wealth  and  prosperity.  Its  first  library  was  a  shelf  of 
hooks  of  travels  and  stories,  in  a  blacksmith's  shop  on  the  "  Back 
Road."  There  are  now  30.000  volumes  in  the  public  library,  and 
13.000  card-holders  use  the  books. 

Note  (f). —  Mrs.  Eobinson's  mother,  Clarissa  DAvight,  was  a 
woman  who  joined  to  personal  charm  and  intellectual  strength,  great 
independence  of  character  and  marked  individuality.  She  was  the 
twelfth  and  youngest  child  of  Col.  Henry  Dwight  and  Ruth  Rich, 
the  only  one  of  the  children  who  had  a  clear  brunette  complexion 
and  large  dark  eyes.  She  not  only  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  the 
private  schools  in  town,  but  several  terms  at  Hopkins  Academy, 
Hadley,  and  Deerfield  Academy;  also  with  some  relations — Dwights — 
who  conducted  a  school  for  young  ladies  at  Hartford,  Connecticut. 
She  much  resembled,  in  personal  appearance  as  well  as  mental  char- 
acteristics, her  cousin  Miss  Catherine  Maria  Sedgwick,  daughter  of 
Pamelia  Dwight  and  the  Hon.  Theodore  Sedgwick,  of  Stockbridge, 
Berkshire  county,  Mass.  Miss  Sedgwick,  in  those  days  when  few 
women  ventured  upon  using  their  pen,  had  become  quite  famous  by 
her  little  books,  intended  to  arouse  popular  thought  upon  some  of  the 
evils  of  the  time:  "The  Rich  Poor  Man,"  "The  Poor  Rich  Man,"  "Live 
and  Let  Live,"  "  Hope  Leslie,"  the  "  Lin  woods,"  the  "  Redwoods,"  and 
many  other  books  of  interest  and  value.  Miss  Margaret  Dwight,  an- 
other cousin,  had  been  the  founder  of  the  celebrated  Gothic  Seminary 
for  young  ladies  at  Northampton,  and  a  successful  teacher  in  it. 
Mrs.  Doolittle,  with  whose  whole  name  the  young  girl  was  chris- 
tened (Sara  Tappan  Doolittle),  and  Mrs.  Lawrence  seemed  to  be 
looked  upon  as  the  godmothers  of  the  town.  They  were  at  the  head 
of  every  public  enterprise,  educational  or  benevolent,  and  never 
halted  for  one  moment's  rest.  For  many  years  they  held  the  posi- 
tions alternately  of  President  and  "  Directress "  of  a  large  and 
busy  sewing-circle.  Their  earnings  usually  went  to  gladden  the 
hearts  of  missionaries  in  the  newer  fields,  but  the  work  of  one  sum- 
mer was  devoted  to  procuring  blinds  for  the  newly  repaired  church. 
A  little  "  outing  "  for  pleasure  Avas  made  to  South  Hadley  Falls  for 


APPENDIX 


391 


the  purchase  of  the  blinds,  an  omnibus-load  of  ladies  appearing  at  the 
blind  factory  one  day,  with  Mrs.  Lawrence  at  their  head.  The 
church  was  long  and  had  its  double  row  of  Avindows,  and  the  ladies 
(lid  not  consider  their  work  complete  until  the  blinds  were  painted 
and  hung. 

It  may  be  because  Mrs.  Lawrence  was  at  all  times  called  upon 
to  aid  the  public  and  never  refused,  that  her  two  daughters  were  so 
early  trained  to  be  ready  for  action  at  any  emergency.  It  seems  odd 
in  these  days,  Avhen  girls  grow  up  without  knowledge  of  matters 
connected  with  housekeeping,  to  hear  of  a  little  girl  of  ten  years 
mounting  upon  her  small  chair,  and  making  the  "  election  cake " 
for  the  sewing-circle  of  forty  members  to  meet  with  her  mother  the 
next  afternoon.  Her  father  was  possessed  of  the  happy  thought  that 
what  was  good  for  a  boy  fitting  for  the  college  would  be  equally  good 
for  his  two  daughters.  Hence  at  this  time  the  child  of  ten  was 
keeping  pace  with  her  brother,  making  good  progress  in  Andrew  and 
Stoddard's  Latin  Grammar  and  Exercises,  and  two  years  afterward 
was  reading  one  hundred  lines  of  Virgil  a  day. 

It  may  not  be  considered  amiss  to  give  something  of  the  history 
and  characteristics  of  the  Dwights,  Mrs.  Lawrence's  ancestry.  It  is 
taken  mostly  from  the  Genealogy  of  Dwights,  two  large  volumes 
of  nearly  1,200  pages.  Such  a  judicial  history  as  is  given  of  the 
descendants  of  Captain  Henry  Dwight,  of  Hatfield,  in  western  Massa- 
chusetts, cannot,  we  believe,  be  paralleled  in  any  other  family  in 
the  land.  Five  of  the  Dwights,  all  closely  related  to  each  other, 
sat  at  different  times  as  justices  upon  the  bench  of  the  same  court, 
that  of  common  pleas,  of  Hampshire  county,  Massachusetts.  These 
were  Capt.  Henry  Dwight,  of  Hatfield;  Col.  Timothy  Dwight,  of 
Northampton,  his  nephew;  two  sons  of  Capt.  Henry  Dwight,  namely, 
Col.  Joshua  Dwight  of  Springfield  and  Gen.  Josenh  Dwight  of  Great 
Barrington,  and  Major  Timothy  Dwight  of  Northampton,  son  of 
Col.  Timothy  Dwight,  and  father  of  President  Dwight  of  Yale  Col- 
lege. Captain  Henry  Dwight  was  judge  for  five  years,  until  his 
death.  Col.  Timothy  Dwight  held  the  office  twice  (1737-41  and 
(1758-74.)  In  two  difierent  instances  two  Dwights  sat  as  asso- 
until  his  death.  Joseph  Dwight  was  judge  from  1753-61,  when  the 
county  was  divide<l,  and  he  was  made  judge  of  the  new  county  of 
Berkshire,  which  position  he  held  until  his  death  in  1705.  He  was 
also  judge  of  probate  of  Berkshire  county  at  the  same  time.  Major 
Timothy    Dwight    was    judge    in    Berkshire    county    sixteen    years 


392  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 

(1758-74).  In  two  different  instances  two  Dwights  sat  as  asso- 
ciate judges  on  the  same  bench:  first,  from  1750  to  1757,  Col.  Timo- 
thy Dwight  and  Col.  Josiah  Dvvight,  his  cousin ;  secondly,  from  1758 
to  1761,  Major  Timothy  Dwight  and  Gen.  Joseph  Dwight,  second 
cousins  to  each  other.  In  one  instance  a  son.  Major  Timothy  Dwight, 
immediately  succeeded  his  father.  Col.  Timothy  Dwight  (1750). 
In  two  other  instances,  two  sons  of  the  same  father  succeeded  him 
to  the  same  office.  But  strangest  of  all,  three  Dwights  sat  for  four 
years  each  as  judges  upon  the  same  bench:  Col.  Timothy  Dwight 
(1748-57);  Col.  Josiah  Dwight  (1750-08);  and  Brig.-Gen.  Joseph 
Dwight  (1756-61).  Gen.  Joseph  Dwight  was  judge  at  different  times 
in  three  different  counties:  Worcester,  Hampshire,  and  Berkshire. 
Two  of  this  family  were  Chief  Justices:  Col.  Timothy  Dwight  and 
Brig.-Gen.  Dwight.  The  history  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  and  of 
the  probate  court  also,  of  Hampshire  county,  the  one  for  more  than 
seventy-five  years  and  the  other  for  more  than  eighty,  were  so  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  Dwight  family  as  to  be  worthy  of 
notice. 

Capt.  Henry  Dvvight  was  active  in  the  subsequent  purchase  of 
the  territory  composing  now  the  towns  of  Great  Barrington,  Sheffield, 
Egremont,  Alford,  all  in  what  is  now  Berkshire  county.  Captain 
Dwight  and  two  other  gentlemen  were  "  a  committee  appointed  by 
the  General  Court  to  purchase  a  certain  tract  of  land  lying  upon  the 
Housatonic  river.'  That  land  was  cheap  at  Hatfield,  and  that  Cap- 
tain Dwight  was  disposed  to  purchase  largely,  appears  from  the 
fact  that  in  June,  1772,  he  purchased  1,200  acres  for  one  hundred 
eighty  pounds,  or  three  English  shillings  per  acre. 

The  name  Dwight  is  now,  as  in  days  gone  by.  a  well-recognized 
symbol  throughout  the  land,  of  earnest  appreciation  of  all  that  is 
highest  and  best  in  education  and  religion,  and  in  personal  indus- 
try and  personal  worth.  If  asked  to  state  what  one  practical  qual- 
ity beyond  any  other  has  characterized  the  family  within  the  author's 
range  of  observation,  he  would  at  once  reply,  military  talent,  or  that 
natural  executive  energy  and  administrativeness  which  may  be 
readily  and  effectively  applied  to  the  demands  of  the  battle-field, 
the  exigencies  of  general  business,  the  explorations  of  studious  re- 
search, or  the  comprehensive  duties  of  statesmanship,  or  of  official 
service  of  one's  country;  and  which,  in  whatever  field  of  employment 
exerted,  is  in  itself  one  and  the  same  essential  manifestation  of  manly 
vigor  of  thought  and  feeling.    The  next  most  practical  trait  of  those 


APPENDIX  393 

of  the  family  kuovvu  to  history,  has  been  that  of  their  own  separate 
individuality  of  conscience  and  of  conviction  of  character  and  con- 
duet.  The  personal  element  has  been  generally  a  marked  factor  in 
the  composition  of  their  ideas,  in  the  expression  of  them,  in  their 
words  and  deeds.  They  have  been  in  a  striking  degree  men  and 
women  of  thought,  independent  in  framing  their  opinions,  and 
fearless  in  acting  according  to  them,  and  in  declaiming  them  freely 
and  unmistakably  to  others.  The  feminine  branches  of  a  family 
exhibit  the  higher  qualities  that  distinguish  it,  quite  as  clearly  as 
those  which  bear  the  family  name.  Any  one  having  a  long  ac- 
quaintance with  the  family  history  can  easily  rally  to  his  thought 
many  an  honored  name,  both  among  the  living  and  the  dead,  resonant 
with  its  own  intrinsic  worth,  which  has  been  drawn  from  the  best 
Dwight  motherhood,  gracing  its  own  lineage  and  graced  by  it. 
They  could  not  call  any  man  their  father  in  their  habits  of  re- 
ligious thinking, —  not  John  Calvin,  nor  their  own  Jonathan  Edward.s 
or  President  Dwight,  but  like  those  very  leaders  of  religious  thought 
themselves,  they  were  like  those  wise  men  of  progress  in  their  ideas 
of  religious  truth.  Theology,  a  human  science  at  the  best,  they  re- 
garded as  being  in  itself  as  thoroughly  capable  of  improvement  from 
time  to  time  as  any  other  piece  of  man's  wisdom ;  and  more  desirably 
so  than  any  other,  because  of  its  lai'ger  bearings  in  every  way  on 
human  happiness,  here  and  forever.  And  the  moral  and  scriptural 
ideas  which  they  cherished  for  the  life  and  light  and  warmth  which 
they  gave  to  their  own  souls,  they  were  ever  active  in  putting  into 
force  in  the  communities  where  they  lived,  rejoicing  to  meet  any 
invitation  or  opportunity  for  their  manifestation.  They  have  not 
been  lovers  of  general  society.  Being  studious  to  a  large  degree,  and 
fond  of  seeking  the  higher  culture,  they  have  become  by  their  special 
tastes  and  habits,  greatly  isolated  in  their  lives  of  effort  and  expe- 
rience. They  have  been  no  idlers,  overcome  with  ennui,  and  wasteful 
of  life's  best  opportunities  for  receiving  and  doing  good.  With  quite 
a  large  number  of  the  leading  spirits  in  the  family  it  would  not  be 
too  much  to  say  that  their  love  of  work  amounted  almost  to  a  rul- 
ing passion.  With  abounding  energy  of  will,  they  have  addressed 
themselves  to  the  highest  points  of  human  hope  and  thought,  and 
delighted  to  communicate  the  riches  of  truth  and  love  that  they  had 
found  with  others  in  the  recitation-room,  the  pulpit  and  the  press. 
They  have  been  conspicuous  always  for  their  swiftness  and  power  to 
protest  against  wrong:   high-hearted  leaders  of  forlorn  hopes;   brave 


594 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 


helpers  of  anyone  tliey  fonml  in  life's  pathway;  strong  lovers  of 
everything  truest  and  best  in  the  cominnnity,  and  strong  haters  of 
anything  evil;  warm  in  their  likes  and  warm  in  their  dislikes, 
with  an  intense  dislike  for  shams  in  all  matters  of  social  intercourse, 
of  business,  and  of  taste.  The  constitution  of  the  Dwight  name  is 
thoroughly  non-jesuitical.  The  aspirations  and  impulses  of  those 
who  have  given  character,  a  name  to  the  family,  haA'e  grown  out  of 
and  clustered  around  such  doctrines,  imbedded  deeply  in  their  hearts, 
as  these: 

"  The  sacredness  of  religious  conditions  is  in  individual  minds.'- 

"  No  infallible  system  of  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  to  be 
found  anywhere,  in  any  human  being,  council,  creed,  or  sect." 

"  Continual  progress  toward  something  ever  better  than  before,  in 
each  individual  and  in  society  at  large." 

"  The  greatest  possible  freedom  of  thought,  feeling  and  action  to 
be  allowed  to  evei"y  one,  consistent  with  similar  rights  to  all  others, 
and  the  good  of  all." 

"  Justice  to  all  men,  liberty  to  all,  and  peace  to  men  of  peace." 

Note  (9). —  When  Josiah  had  completed  his  apprenticeship  as 
printer,  he  wanted  to  get  a  position  with  the  New  York  Evangelist. 
His  father  asked  him  what  recommendation  he  would  offer.  He  re- 
plied, "  I  Avould  recommend  myself."  He  was  accepted  by  the 
Evangelist  office,  and  remained  there  until  he  came  to  Lawrence, 
when  he  was  assistant  editor  of  the  Lawrence  Journal  in  association 
with  Hovey  Lowman.  At  the  time  of  the  Quantrell  raid,  he  was  one 
of  the  three  young  men  who  were  killed  at  Dr.  Griswold's  house,  that 
fatal  morning  of  August  21st,  1863, —  Mr.  Baker  alone  surviving,  of 
a  group  of  four.  A  memorial  of  Trask  was  written  by  a  minister 
of  Fitchburg. 


APPENDIX   B. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  WRITINGS,  ADDRESSES  AND  PAPERS 
OF  CHARLES  ROBINSON. 


SPEECH    DELIVERED   AT   THE    CLOSE    OF    THE 
"WAKARUSA  WAR," 

BY   GENERAL   0HARLB8   ROBINSON. 
From  the  Herald  of  Freedon),  December  15,  1855. 

Feixow-Soldiers:  In  consequence  of  a  "misunderstanding"  on 
the  part  of  the  Executive  of  this  Territory,  the  people  of  this  vicin- 
ity have  been  menaced  by  a  foreign  foe,  and  our  lives  and  property 
threatened  with  destruction.  The  citizens,  guilty  of  no  crime,  rallied 
for  the  defense  of  their  families,  their  property,  and  their  lives,  and 
from  all  parts  of  the  Territory  the  true  patriots  came  up,  resolved 
to  perish  in  the  defense  of  their  most  sacred  rights  rather  than  sub- 
mit to  foreign  dictation.  Lawrence  and  her  citizens  were  the  first 
to  be  sacrificed,  and  most  nobly  have  her  neighbors  come  to  her 
rescue.  The  moral  strength  of  our  position  was  such  that  even  the 
'•  gates  of  hell  "  could  not  prevail  against  us,  much  less  a  foreign 
mob,  and  we  gained  a  bloodless  victory.  Literally  may  it  be  said 
of  our  citizens,  "  They  came,  they  saw,  they  conquered." 

Selected  as  your  commander,  it  becomes  my  cheerful  duty  to  tender 
to  you,  fellow-soldiers,  the  meed  of  praise  so  justly  your  due.  Never 
did  true  men  unite  in  a  holier  cause,  and  never  did  true  bravery 
appear  more  conspicuous,  than  in  the  ranks  of  our  little  army. 
Death  before  dishonor  was  visible  in  every  countenance,  and  felt  by 
every  heart.  Bloodless  though  the  contest  has  been,  there  are  not 
wanting  instances  of  heroism  worthy  of  a  more  chivalric  age.  To 
the  experience,  skill  and  perseverance  of  the  gallant  General  Lane 
all  credit  is  due  for  the  thorough  discipline  of  our  forces,  and  the 
complete  and  extensive  preparations  for  defense.  His  services  can- 
not be  overrated;  and  long  may  he  live  to  wear  the  laurels  so 
bravely  won.  Others  are  worthy  of  special  praise  for  distinguished 
servicert,  and  all,  both  officers  and  privates,  are  entitled  to  the  deep- 
est gratitude  of  the  people. 

In  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  in  behalf  of  the  ladies  of 
Lawrence,  in  behalf  of  the  children  of  Lawrence,  in  behalf  of  your 
fellow-soldiers  of  Lawrence,  and  in  my  own  behalf,  I  thank  you  of 
the  neighboring  settlements  for  your  prompt  and  manly  response  to 

(397) 


398  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    ROBINSON 

our  call  for  aid,  and  pledge  you  a  like  response  to  your  signals  of 
distress.  The  citizens  wlio  have  left  their  homes  to  come  to  our 
assistance  have  suffered  great  privations  and  many  discomforts  and 
expenses,  while  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  have  incurred  heavy  ex- 
penses; but  all  has  been  submitted  to  without  a  murmur,  and  in  a 
spirit  worthy  of  a  people  enji;a<;ed  in  a  high  and  holy  cause. 

The  war  is  ended,  our  duties  are  discharged,  and  it  only  remains 
for  me,  with  the  warmest  affection  for  every  soldier  in  this  conflict, 
to  bid  you  adieu,  and  dismiss  you,  to  go  again  to  the  bosoms  of  your 
families. 


1 


APPENDIX  399 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  ORATION   DELIVERED  AT  THE 
BURIAL  OF  BARBER. 

The  occasion  which  calls  us  together  is  one  of  deep  interest  and 
peculiar  significance  to  every  patriot  and  republican. 

Our  Territory  has  been  repeatedly  invaded,  and  our  dearest  rights 
trampled  upon,  by  the  citizens  of  a  foreign  State.  They  have  taken 
possession  of  our  ballot-boxes,  and  by  force  of  arms  have  wrested 
from  us  the  right  to  make  our  own  laws  and  choose  our  own  rulers, 
and  imposed  upon  us  a  system  of  laws  uncongenial  to  our  natures 
and  wants.  Having  accomplished  all  this  by  invasion  and  outrage, 
it  was  but  natural  to  suppose  that  invasion  and  outrage  would  be 
necessary  to  enforce  their  enactments.  "  Misunderstanding "  the 
facts  and  tlie  temper  of  the  people  as  well  as  their  tactics,  the  Execu- 
tive recently  gave  the  signal  for  another  invasion,  and  the  armed 
hordes  responded.  Our  citizens  have  been  besieged,  robbed,  insulted, 
and  murdered;  and  our  town  threatened  Avith  destruction  for  two 
whole  weeks,  by  the  authority  of  the  Executive,  and,  as  he  now  says, 
in  consequence  of  a  '•  misunderstanding." 

A  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  our  Executive  is  a  most  un- 
fortunate afl'air. 

Our  Governor  having  been  told  that  the  people  of  Kansas  did  not 
recognize  the  laws  of  Missouri,  and  were  determined  these  laws 
should  be  a  dead  letter  in  the  Territory,  unwittingly  fell  into  the 
error  of  supposing  the  people  would  array  themselves  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  evidently  not  understanding  how 
a  code  of  enactments  can  be  effectually  resisted  and  no  law  violated. 
Had  he  carefully  read  the  early  history  of  his  country,  he  might 
have  understood  the  "sons  of  liberty"  better  than  to  suppose  any 
United  States  law  would  be  violated  by  the  people,  or,  if  violated, 
that  the  community  would  be  guilty  of  violating  it. 

By  whose  act  do  the  remains  of  the  lamented  Thomas  Barber  now 
await  interment  at  our  hands?  By  whose  hand  is  his  wife  made  a 
widow?  By  whose  instrumentality  are  we  made  to  mourn  the  un- 
timely fall  of  a  brave  comrade  and  worthy  citizen? 


400  LIFE    OF    C3IAKLES    EOBINSON 

Report  says  Thomas  Barber  was  murdered  in  cold  blood  by  an 
officer  or  officers  of  the  Government,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
sheriflf's  posse,  which  was  commanded  by  the  Governor,  who  is  backed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Was  Thomas  Barber  murdered? 

Then  are  the  men  who  killed  him,  and  the  officials  by  whose 
authority  they  acted,  his  murderers.  And  if  the  laws  are  to  be  en- 
forced, then  will  the  Indian  Agent,  the  Governor,  and  the  President 
be  convicted  of,  and  punished  for,  murder?  There  is  work  enough 
for  the  •'  law-and-order  "  men  to  do,  and  let  us  hear  no  more  about 
resistance  to  the  laws  till  this  work  is  done.  If  all  Missouri  must  be 
aroused  and  the  whole  nation  convulsed  to  serve  a  peace  warrant 
on  an  unofl'ending  citizen,  may  we  not  expect  some  slight  effort  will 
be  made  to  bring  these  capital  offenders  to  justice?  Or  are  our  laws 
made  for  the  low,  and  not  for  the  high, —  for  the  poor,  and  not  for 
the  rich? 

For  the  dead  we  need  not  mouvn.  He  fell  a  martyr  to  principle ; 
and  his  blood  will  nourish  the  tree  of  liberty.  An  honorable  death 
is  preferable  to  a  dishonorable  and  inglorious  life.  Such  was  the 
death  of  our  brother,  and  as  such  he  will  ever  be  cherished  by  his 
companions  and  fellow-citizens.  It  is  glory  enough  for  any  man  that 
a  body  of  men  like  the  Barber  Guards  should  adopt  his  name  to 
designate  and  distinguish  their  company. 

To  his  beloved  and  bereaved  wife,  to  his  brothers  and  relatives, 
to  the  members  of  his  company,  to  all  who  have  pledged  property, 
honor,  and  life  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  humanity,  I  seem  to  hear 
the  spirit  of  our  departed  brother  say:  "Be  of  good  cheer;  weep  not 
for  me;  you  are  engaged  in  a  good  work,  and  your  reward  will  be 
glorious.  Death  is  no  misfortune  to  the  true;  indeed,  it  is  sweet 
to  die  in  defense  of  liberty." 

But  the  shock  produced  by  the  murder  of  our  friend  is  felt  be- 
yond the  circle  of  his  immediate  relations  and  friends.  It  has 
shaken  the  entire  fabric  of  our  Government  to  its  very  base,  and 
nothing  but  the  unseen  hand  of  the  All-Wise  Governor  of  the  Uni- 
verse could  have  saved  this  nation  from  civil  war  and  political  death. 

It  is  due  to  the  bold  stand  taken  by  the  freemen  of  Kansas  during 
the  late  invasion  that  the  sun  of  Liberty  is  still  above  the  horizon; 
and  cold   indeed  must  be  the  heart,  wherever  found,  that  does  not 


APPENDIX  401 

beat  in  unison  with  ours  as  we  pay  cur  last  tribute  of  respect  to  the 
remains  of  our  brother! 
Can  the  people  of  this  nation  approve  the 

"  Costly  mockery  of  piling  stone  on  stone  ? 
To  those  who  won  our  liberty,  the  heroes  dead  and  gone. 
While  we  look  coldly  on,  and  see  law-shielded  ruffians  slay 
The  men  who  fain  would  win  their  own,  the  heroes  of  to-day  ?" 
No! 

"Be  callous  as  they  will, 
From  soul  to  soul,  o'er  all  the  world, 
Leaps  one  electric  thrill." 


-26 


402  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


EXTRACTS    FROM    ORATION    DELIVERED    AT    LAWRENCE, 
KANSAS   TERRITORY,   JULY   4,   1855. 

This  day,  the  seventy-ninth  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence,  finds  us  in  a  new  and  strange  country  and 
surrounded  by  circumstances  interesting  and  peculiar.  While  the 
echoes  of  the  booming  cannon  are  reverberating  among  our  native 
hills,  and  the  merry  peals  of  the  church-going  bells  are  announcing 
to  the  world  the  rejoicings  of  a  great  and  prosperous  people,  that 
their  days  of  weakness,  sufl'ering  and  thraldom  are  past,  we  are  here 
in  a  remote  wilderness,  to  found  a  new  State,  and  to  plant  anew 
the  institutions  of  our  patriotic  ancestors.  It  is  a  day  to  us  of 
peculiar  significance.  While  we  would  pay  a  tribute  of  respect  to 
that  period  which  in  the  annals  of  this  nation  will  ever  be  regarded 
as  most  sacred;  while  with  one  accord  and  with  one  voice  we  worsliip 
in  the  Temple  of  Liberty,  uncontaminated  by  party  distinctions  oi- 
sectional  animosities,  and  unite  in  the  endeavor  to  raise  some  fit- 
ting memento  of  a  Nation's  gratitude  for  the  declarations  of  thai 
day,  the  most  glorious  in  the  history  of  a  mighty  People,  we  should 
also  gather  lessons  of  instruction  from  the  past  by  which  to  be  guided 
in  the  erection  of  a  new  State  in  the  heart  of  this  great  Republic. 

One  lesson  the  history  of  our  Government  should  teach  us  who 
have  chosen  Kansas  for  our  home,  and  that  is  especially  applicable 
to  the  instructions  of  this  day,  viz.:  the  more  closely  the  principles 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  are  followed  as  a  basis  of  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  more  universal  they  are  made  in  their  application, 
the  more  prosperous  the  Goveinment  and  people. 

As  the  people  of  Kansas  Territory  are  to-day  the  subjects  of  a 
foreign  State,  as  laws  are  now  being  imposed  upon  us  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Missouri,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  forcing  upon  this  Territory 
the  institution  of  Slavery,  I  surely  need  make  no  apology  for  de 
voting  the  few  moments  allotted  to  me  on  this  occasion,  to  an  exami- 
nation of  the  effects  of  this  institution  upon  a  State  and  people, 
whether  politically,  morally,  or  socially.  I  ask  you  not  to-day  to 
listen  to  arguments  of  Abolitionists,  or  for  Abolitionism.     I  wish  not 


APPENDIX  403 

to  wage  war  upon  Slavery  or  slaveholders  ia  any  State  of  this  Union, 
or  to  interfere  in  any  respect  with  our  neighbors"  affairs:  but  it  is 
for  ourselves,  our  families,  our  own  institutions  and  our  prosper- 
ity,—  it  is  for  Kansas,  I  ask  your  attention.  Is  it  politic,  is  it  for 
our  moral,  intellectual  or  pecuniary  advancement  to  submit  to  the 
dictation  of  a  foreign  power  in  regard  to  our  laws  and  institu- 
tions? This  is  the  question  that  deeply  interests  us  all,  and  for 
the  consideration  of  which  this  day  is  most  appropriate. 

Liberty,  the  goddess  to  whom  this  day  is  dedicated,  showers  upon 
her  votaries  peace  and  prosperity,  intelligence  and  enterprise,  mor- 
ality and  religion.  The  inspirer  and  guide  of  Washington  and  the 
patriot  fathers,  may  she  become  the  presiding  genius  of  our  own 
beautiful  Kansas!  Slavery  —  the  opposite  and  antagonist  of  Lib- 
erty, the  ruin  of  nations,  the  impoverisher  of  States,  the  demoralizer 
of  communities,  the  curse  of  the  world,  the  child  of  hell  —  may  she 
go  to  her  own  place.  On  this  day  and  this  occasion  we  may  speak 
freely,  assured  that  no  offense  can  be  given  by  the  strongest  expres- 
sions in  favor  of  Freedom,  or  in  opposition  to  Slavery,  as  no  one 
who  is  in  favor  of  the  latter  can  join  in  the  celebration  of  this  day. 
No  person  who  does  not  "hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident:  that 
all  men  are  created  equal:  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,'"  can  consistently  participate  in  the 
festivities  of  this  day.  Nay,  should  we  fail  to  speak  in  utter  de- 
testation of  Slavery,  and  hurl  defiance  at  the  monster  on  this  anni- 
versary of  Freedom's  natal  day,  especially  when  the  tyrant  has 
already  placed  his  foot  upon  our  necks,  why,  the  very  stones  would 
cry  out! 

Fellow-citizens,  let  us  for  a  moment  inquire  who  and  wliere  and 
what  are  we? 

Who  are  we?  Are  we  not  free-born?  Were  not  our  niolhers  as 
well  as  our  fathers  of  Anglo-Saxon  blood?  Was  not  the  right  to 
govern  ourselves,  to  choose  our  own  rulers,  to  make  our  own  laws, 
guaranteed  to  us  by  the  united  voice  of  the  United  States? 

Where  are  we?  Are  we  not  in  the  most  beautiful  country  that 
human  eye  ever  heheld?  Is  it  not  for  surface,  soil  and  productions, 
worthy  to  be  styled  the  garden  of  the  world?  A  wilderness,  yet  al- 
ready budding  and  blossoming  like  the  rose?  A  new  country,  yet  hav- 
ing the  appearance  in  its  diversity  of  meadow  and  woodland,  of  hill 


404  LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 

and  dale,  of  a  land  long  inhabited,  and  most  beautifully  and  tastefully 
laid  out  into  parks  and  groves?  With  a  mild  and  salubrious  climate, 
a  dry,  pure  atmosphere,  must  it  not  soon  become  the  resort  of  the  in- 
valid from  the  consumptive  East  and  the  ends  of  the  earth? 

Our  situation,  geographically,  is  in  the  center  of  this  republic, 
at  the  half-way  station  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  and  the  British  Possessions.  The  "  Father  of  Waters  " 
extends  to  us  his  great  right  arm  and  proffers  the  commerce  of  the 
world  and  a  market  for  all  our  productions;  and  the  line  of  steam 
and  telegraphic  communication  that  is  soon  to  encircle  the  globe  will 
of  course  pass  directly  through  our  Territory,  thus  bringing  to  our 
very  doors  the  commerce  of  China  and  the  Indies. 

What  are  we?  Subjects,  slaves  of  Missouri!  We  come  to  the 
celebration  of  this  anniversary  with  our  chains  clanking  about  our 
limbs;  we  lift  to  heaven  our  manacled  arms  in  supplication;  pro- 
scribed, outlawed,  denounced,  we  cannot  so  much  as  speak  tlie  name 
of  Liberty  except  with  prison-walls  and  halters  looking  us  in  the 
face.  We  must  not  only  see  black  Slavery,  the  blight  and  curse  of 
any  people,  planted  in  our  midst,  and  against  our  wishes,  but  we 
m.ust  become  slaves  ourselves. 

Persons  may  teach  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  Avas  a 
lie;  that  tyranny  and  oppression,  a  thousand-fold  more  severe  than 
that  which  our  ancestors  rose  in  rebellion  against,  are  right;  that 
marriage  is  a  mockery ;  that  the  parent  shall  not  have  possession  of 
his  own  child,  nor  the  husband  his  wife;  that  education  is  a  crime; 
that  traffic  in  human  beings,  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  is  a 
virtue; — all  this  may  be  taught  vpith  impunity  in  this  boasted  land 
of  ours,  and  those  who  teach  such  things  must  be  recognized  as 
gentlemen  and  Christians.  But  to  teach  that  all  men  are  created 
equal;  that  they  have  an  inalienable  right  to  life  and  liberty;  that 
oppression  is  a  crime,  and  that  education,  religion  and  good  morals 
are  virtues, —  this  is  not  to  be  tolerated  for  a  moment.  Tar  and 
feathers,  the  gallows  and  stake,  await  all  persons  who  dare  express 
a  belief  in  such  dangerous  doctrines,  if  we  can  believe  our  masters. 
Masters,  did  I  say?  Heaven  foibid!  Subjects?  slaves?  Oh,  no! 
it  is  all  a  mistake.  What!  the  whisky-drinking,  profane,  blas- 
y>hemou«,  degrading,  foul-mouthed  and  contemptible  rabble  that  in- 
vaded our  Territory  at  the  late  elections,  our  masters?  Never! 
Never!     I  can  say  to  Death,  Be  thou  my  master, —  and  to  the  grave. 


APPENDIX  405 

Be  tliou  my  prison-house;  but  acknowledge  such  creatures  my 
masters,  never!  No,  thank  God.  we  are  yet  free,  and  hurl  defiance 
at  those  who  would  make  us  slaves. 

"Look  on,  who  will,  la  apathy,  and  stifle,  they  who  can. 
The  sympathies,  the  hopes,  the  words,  that  .make  man  truly  man; 
Let  those  whose  hearts  are  dungeoned  up  with  interest  or  with  ease. 
Consent  to  hear  with  quiet  pulse  of  loathsome  deeds  like  these  1 
We  first  drew  in  New  England's  air,  and  from  her  hardy  breast 
Sacked  in  the  tyrant-hating  milk  that  will  not  let  us  rest ; 
And  if  our  words  seem  treason  to  the  dullard  and  the  tame, 
'Tis  but  our  native  dialect, —  our  fathers  spake  the  same." 

With  truth  and  justice  on  our  side,  we  have  nothing  to  fear,  for  — 

"Thrice  is  he  armed  who  hath  his  quarrel  just. 
And  he  but  naked,  though  locked  up  in  steel. 
Whose  conscience  with  Injustice  is  corrupted." 

Whose  conscience  with  injustice  is  corrupted,  if  not  his  who  with- 
holds from  the  laborer  his  due,  who  makes  merchandise  of  men, 
women  and  children,  who  sunders  family  ties,  sending  the  husband 
perhaps  to  the  cane-fields  of  Mississippi,  the  wife  to  a  New  Orleans 
brothel,  and  the  children  to  the  rice-swamps  of  Alabama,  never  to  see 
one  another  again,  and  to  all  spend  their  lives  amid  whips  and  chains? 
Is  it  not  ■'  confirmation  strong  as  Holy  Writ."  and  their  conscience 
is  corrupted,  when  such  men  "  repel  the  doctrine  "  that  such  proceed- 
ings are  wrong,  either  morally  or  politically?  when  they  "  hurl  back 
with  scorn"  the  charge  that  conduct  like  this  can  be  inhuman?  Per- 
haps it  is  not  inhuman,  if  they  are  fair  samples  of  humanity;  but 
it  is  certainly  un-beastlike.  ' 

And  who  are  the  cowards  in  this  contest,  if  not  those  who  shun 
investigation,  tremble  at  free  discussion,  or  even  the  expression  of 
an  opinion,  who  cry  out,  "  Down  with  the  press,  down  with  the 
church,  and  down  with  every  man  who  disapproves  of  oppression  "  ? 
And  what  acts  are  more  cowardly,  if  it  is  brave  and  manly  for  scores 
of  men,  maddened  with  whisky,  to  prowl  about  in  the  dark  and  de- 
stroy the  defenseless,  to  seize  peaceable  and  unarmed  citizens,  to  tar 
and  feather  them,  to  throw  printing-presses  into  the  river,  and 
threaten  to  shoot  governors  and  hang  editors,  and  especially  to  march 
upon  a  weak  and  defenseless  people  by  thousands,  armed  with  deadly 
weapons  of  all  kinds,  the  most  deadly  of  which  is  whisky,  and  trample 
under  their  feet  the  dearest  rights  of  freemen,  imposing  upon  a  neigh- 
boring Territory  a  foreign  government  and  laws  not  of  their  choice, 


406  LIFE    OF    ClIAKLES    ROBINSON 

at  the  point  of  the  bayonet?     If  such  acts  are  brave  and  heroic,  what 
are  cowardly  and  villainous? 

What  reason  is  given  for  the  cowardly  invasion  of  our  rights  by 
our  neighbors?  No  good  reason  is  or  can  be  given.  They  and  their 
apologists  say  that  if  Kansas  is  allowed  to  be  free,  the  institution 
of  slavery  in  their  own  State  will  be  in  danger;  that  the  contrast 
between  a  free  and  a  slave  State  will  be  so  great  that  their  own 
citizens  will  become  abolitionists,  or  the  underground  railroad  will 
relieve  them  of  their  slaves.  But  for  the  first  cause  there  is  no 
danger  of  alarm,  if  their  doctrine  is  correct  that  slavery  is  a  bless- 
ing, and  not  a  moral  or  political  evil.  If  it  is  the  humane  institu- 
tion that  they  represent,  who  will  want  to  see  it  abolished?  As  to 
the  second  cause,  there  is  no  ground  to  fear,  provided  the  people  of 
Missouri  mind  their  own  affairs  and  let  ours  alone,  for  it  is  not  true 
that  the  settlers  of  Kansas  have  enticed  away  a  single  negro,  or  at- 
tempted to  do  so.  On  this  point  we  speak  by  authority;  for  do  not 
the  Westport  and  other  Missouri  papers  say  that  the  general  agency 
of  this  line  of  travel  is  under  our  charge? — and  did  those  papers 
ever  tell  an  untruth  ?  We  say,  then,  officially,  that  up  to  the  present 
time  not  the  first  rail  has  been  laid  of  this  road  in  Kansas;  but  the 
workmen  are  in  readiness,  and  will  commence  operations  with  a  will 
if  our  affairs  are  again  interfered  with  by  foreign  intruders.  If  the 
people  of  Missouri  make  it  necessary,  by  their  unlawful  course,  for 
us  to  establish  freedom  in  that  State  in  order  to  enjoy  the  liberty  of 
governing  ourselves  in  Kansas,  then  let  that  be  the  issue.  If  Kan- 
sas or  the  whole  North  must  be  enslaved  or  Missouri  become  free, 
then  let  her  be  made  free.  Aye,  and  if  to  be  free  ourselves  slavery 
must  be  abolished  in  the  whole  country,  then  let  us  accept  that  issue. 
If  black  slavery  in  a  part  of  the  States  is  incompatible  with  white 
freedom  in  any  State,  then  let  black  slavery  be  banished  from  all. 
As  men  espousing  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  the  fathers, 
we  can  do  nothing  less  than  accept  these  issues.  Not  that  we  are 
unfriendly  to  the  South :  far  from  it.  If  there  be  any  true  friend  of 
the  South  in  this  assembly,  to  him  we  say  that  our  love  to  the  South 
is  no  less  than  his.  If,  then,  such  friend  demand  why  we  are  ready 
to  accept  this  issue,  this  is  our  answer :  Not  that  we  love  the  South 
less,  but  we  love  our  country  more.  "  Had  you  rather  Caesar  were 
living,  and  die  all  slaves,  than  that  Caesar  were  dead,  to  live  all  free- 
men?" "Who  is  here  so  base  that  would  be  a  bondman?  If  any, 
speak,  for  him  have  I  offended." 


APPENDIX 


407 


Fellow-citizens,  in  conclusion,  it  is  for  us  to  choose  for  ourselves, 
and  for  those  who  shall  come  after  us,  Avhat  institution  shall  bless  or 
curse  our  beautiful  Kansas.  Shall  we  have  freedom  for  all  her  peo- 
ple, and  consequent  prosperity,  or  slavery  for  a  part,  with  the  blight 
and  mildew  inseparable  from  it?  Chose  ye  this  day  which  you  will 
serve.  Slavery  or  Freedom,  and  then  be  true  to  your  choice.  If 
Slavery  is  best  for  Kansas,  then  choose  it;  but  if  Liberty,  tlien 
choose  that. 

Let  every  man  stand  in  his  place,  and  acquit  himself  like  a  man 
who  knows  his  rights,  and  knowing,  dares  maintain  them.  Let  us 
repudiate  all  laws  enacted  by  foreign  legislative  bodies,  or  dictated 
by  Judge  Lynch  over  the  way.  Tyrants  are  tyrants  and  tyranny  is 
tyranny,  whether  under  the  garb  of  law  or  in  opposition  to  it.  So 
thought  and  acted  our  ancestors,  and  so  let  us  think  and  act.  We 
are  not  alone  in  this  contest.  The  entire  nation  is  agitated  upon 
the  question  of  our  rights.  The  spirit  of  "76  is  breathing  upon  some 
the  handwriting  upon  the  wall  is  being  discerned  by  others,  while 
the  remainder  the  gods  are  evidently  preparing  for  destruction. 

Every  pulsation  in  Kansas  vibrates  to  the  remotest  artery  of  the 
body  politic,  and  I  seem  to  hear  the  millions  of  freemen  and  the  mill- 
ions of  bondmen  in  our  land,  the  millions  of  the  oppressed  in  other 
lands,  the  patriots  and  philanthropists  of  all  countries,  the  spirits  of 
the  Revolutionary  heroes,  and  the  voice  of  God,  all  saying  to  the 
people  of  Kansas,  ''Do  your  duty!  " 


408  LIFE    OU    Cn/iKLES    KOBINSON' 


SELECTIONS    FROM  THE   FIRST   MESSAGE  TO  THE   FIRST 
FREE-STATE   LEGISLATURE,  MARCH   4,   1856. 

The  organization  of  a  new  government  is  always  attended  with 
more  or  less  difficulty,  and  should,  under  the  most  favorable  circum- 
stances, enlist  the  learning,  judgment  and  prudence  of  the  wisest  men 
in  all  its  departments.  The  most  skillful  workmanship  is  requisite, 
that  each  part  of  the  complicated  machinery  may  be  adapted  to  its 
fellow,  and  that  a  harmonious  whole,  without  jar  or  blemish,  may 
be  the  result.  In  Kansas  especially  is  this  a  most  delicate  and  diffi- 
cult task.  Our  citizens  are  from  every  State  in  the  Union,  and  from 
nearly  every  country  on  the  globe,  and  their  institutions,  religion, 
education,  habits  and  tastes  are  as  various  as  their  origin.  Also 
in  our  midst  are  several  independent  nations,  and  on  our  borders, 
both  west  and  east,  are  outside  invaders. 

The  reasons  why  the  Territorial  Uovernment  should  be  suspended 
and  Kansas  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  are  various. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  not  a  government  of  the  people.  The  exec- 
utive and  judicial  officers  are  imposed  upon  the  people  by  a  distant 
power,  and  the  officers  thus  imposed  are  foreign  to  our  soil,  and  are 
accountable,  not  to  the  people,  but  to  an  executive  two  thousand  miles 
distant.  American  citizens  have  for  a  long  time  been  accustomed 
to  govern  themselves,  and  to  have  a  voice  in  the  choice  of  their  offi- 
cers ;  but,  in  the  Territorial  Government,  they  not  only  have  no  voice 
in  choosing  some  of  their  officers,  but  are  deprived  of  a  vote  for  the 
officers  who  appoint  them. 

Again:  Governments  are  instituted  for  the  good  and  protection  of 
the  governed;  but  the  Territorial  Government  of  Kansas  has  been 
and  still  is  an  instrument  of  oppression  and  tyranny  unequaled  in 
the  history  of  our  republic.  The  only  officers  that  attempted  to  ad- 
minister the  law  impartially  have  been  removed,  and  persons  substi- 
tuted who  have  aided  in  our  subjugation.  Such  has  been  the  con 
duct  of  the  officers  and  the  people  of  a  neighboring  State,  either  iu 
tentionally  or  otherwise,  that  Kansas  to-day  is  without  a  single  lav,' 


APPENDIX  409 

enacted  by  the  people  of  the  Territory.  Not  a  man  in  the  country 
will  attempt  to  deny  that  every  election  had  under  the  Territorial 
Government  was  carried  by  armed  invaders  from  an  adjoining  State, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  enacting  laws  in  opposition  to  the  known 
wishes  of  the  people. 

The  Territorial  Grovernment  should  be  withdrawn,  because  it  is 
inoperatiA'e.  The  officers  of  the  law  permit  all  manner  of  outrages 
and  crimes  to  be  perpetrated  by  the  invaders  and  their  friends 
with  impunity,  Avhile  the  citizens  proper  are  naturally  law-abiding 
and  order-loving,  disposed  rather  to  siiffer  than  to  do  wrong.  Sev- 
eral of  the  most  aggravated  murders  on  record  have  been  committed, 
but  as  long  as  the  murderers  are  on  the  side  of  the  oppressors,  no 
notice  is  taken  of  them.  Not  one  of  the  whole  number  has  been 
brought  to  justice,  and  not  one  will  be,  by  the  Territorial  officers. 
While  the  marauders  are  thus  in  open  violation  of  all  law,  nine- 
tenths  of  the  people  scorn  to  recognize  as  law  the  enactments  of  a  for- 
eign body  of  men,  and  would  sooner  lose  their  right  arm  than  bring 
action  in  one  of  their  misnamed  courts.  Americans  can  suffer 
death,  but  not  dishonor;  and  sooner  than  the  people  will  consent 
to  recognize  the  edicts  of  lawless  invaders  as  laws,  their  blood  will 
mingle  with  the  waters  of  the  Kansas,  and  this  Union  will  be  rolled 
together  in  civil  strife. 

Not  only  is  this  Territorial  Government  the  instrument  of  op- 
pression and  subjugation  of  the  people,  but  under  it  there  is  no  hope 
of  relief.  The  organic  act  permits  the  Legislature  to  prescribe  the 
qualification  of  voters,  and  the  so-called  Legislature  has  provided 
that  no  man  shall  vote  in  any  election  who  will  not  bow  the  knee  to 
the  dark  image  of  slavery,  and  appointed  officers  for  the  term  of  four 
years  to  see  that  this  provision  is  carried  out.  Thus  nine-tenths 
of  the  citizens  are  disfranchised  and  debarred  from  acting  under  the 
Territorial  Government  if  they  would. 

Even  if  allowed  to  vote,  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  country  says 
that  he  has  no  power  to  protect  the  ballot-box  from  invaders,  and  if 
the  people  organize  to  protect  themselves,  his  appointees  intimate 
that  they  must  be  disarmed  and  put  down:  hence,  whether  allowed 
to  vote  or  not,  there  is  no  opportunity  for  the  people  of  the  Territory 
to  rule  under  the  present  Territorial  Government.  Indeed,  the  laws 
are  so  made  and  construed  that  the  citizens  of  a  neighborrtig  State 
are  legal  voters  in  Kansas,  and  of  course  no  United  States  force  can 


410 


LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


be  brought  against  them.     They  are  by  law  fiilitled  to  invade  us 
and  control  our  elections. 

Whereas,  the  Territorial  Government,  as  now  constituted  for 
Kansas,  has  proved  a  failure, —  squatter  sovereignty  under  its  work- 
ings a  miserable  delusion, —  in  proof  of  which  it  is  only  necessary  to 
refer  to  our  past  history,  and  our  present  deplorable  condition; — our 
ballot-boxes  have  been  taken  possession  of  by  armed  men  from  foreign 
States,  and  our  people  forcibly  driven  therefrom;  persons  attempted 
to  be  foisted  upon  us  as  members  of  a  so-called  Legislature,  unac- 
quainted with  our  wants,  and  hostile  to  our  best  interests,  some  of 
them  never  residents  of  our  Territory;  misnamed  laws  passed,  and 
now  attempted  to  be  enforced  by  the  aid  of  citizens  of  foreign  States, 
of  the  most  oppressive,  tyrannical,  and  insulting  character;  the 
right  of  suffrage  taken  from  us,  debarred  from  the  privilege  of  a 
voice  in  the  election  of  even  the  most  insignificant  officers ;  the  right 
of  free  speech  stifled;  the  muzzling  of  the  press  attempted; — and 
whereas,  longer  forbearance  with  such  oppression  has  ceased  to  be  a 
virtue; — and  whereas,  the  people  of  this  country  have  heretofore  ex- 
ercised the  right  of  changing  their  form  of  government  when  it  be- 
came oppressive,  and  have  at  all  times  conceded  this  right  to  the 
people  in  this  and  all  other  governments; — and  whereas,  a  Territorial 
form  of  government  is  unknown  to  the  constitution,  and  is  the  mere 
creature  of  necessity,  awaiting  the  action  of  the  people; — and  whereas, 
the  debasing  character  of  the  slavery  which  now  involves  us  im- 
pels us  to  action,  and  leaves  us  the  only  legal  and  peaceful  alterna- 
tive,—  the  immediate  establishment  of  a  State  Government; — and 
whereas,  the  organic  act  fails  in  pointing  out  the  course  to  be 
adopted  in  an  emergency  like  ours:  Therefore,  you  are  requested  to 
meet  at  your  several  precincts  in  said  Territory  hereinafter  men- 
tioned, on  the  second  Tuesday  of  October  next,  it  being  the  ninth 
day  of  said  month,  and  then  and  there  cast  your  ballots  for  members 
of  a  convention  to  meet  at  Topeka  on  the  fourth  Tuesday  of  October 
next,  to  form  a  constitution,  adopt  a  bill  of  rights  for  the  people  of 
Kansas,  and  take  all  needful  measures  for  organizing  a  State  govern- 
ment preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a 
Stat*. 

It  is  understood  that  the  deputy  marshal  has  private  instructions 


APPENDIX  411 

to  arrest  the  members  of  tbe  Legislature  and  the  State  officers  for 
treason,  as  soon  as  this  address  is  received  by  you. 

In  such  an  event,  of  course,  no  resistance  will  be  offered  to  the 
<^cer.  Men  who  are  ready  to  defend  their  own  and  their  country's 
honor  with  their  lives,  can  never  object  to  a  legal  investigation  into 
their  actions,  nor  to  suffer  any  punishment  their  conduct  may  merit. 
We  should  be  unworthy  the  constituency  we  represent,  did  we 
shrink  even  from  martyrdom  on  the  scaffold,  or  at  the  stake,  should 
duty  require  it.  Should  the  blood  of  Collins  and  Dow,  of  Barber 
and  Brown,  be  insufficient  to  quench  the  thirst  of  the  President  and 
his  accomplices,  in  the  hollow  mockery  of  "  squatter  sovereignty' " 
they  are  practicing  upon  the  people  of  Kansas,  then  more  victims 
must  be  furnished.  Let  what  will  come,  not  a  finger  should  be  raised 
against  the  Federal  authority,  until  there  shall  be  no  hope  of  relief 
but  in   revolution. 

The  task  imposed  upon  us  is  a  difficult  one;  but  with  mutual 
cooperation,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  His  wisdom  who  makes  "  the 
wrath  of  man  praise  Him,"  we  may  hope  to  inaugurate  a  government 
that  shall  not  be  unworthy  of  the  country  and  the  age  in  which  we 
live. 


4:12  LIFH    OL''    CHA.KLF,S    ROBINSON 


MESSAGE    OF    GOVERNOR    CHARLES    ROBINSON, 

JUNE    11,    1857. 

FelloiC'-Citisens  of  the  Bevate  and  Bouse  of  Representatives : 

You  are  again  convened  together  at  the  expiration  of  the  recess 
taken  by  you  in  January  last.  You  meet  under  circumstances 
scarcely  less  difficult,  and  no  less  embarrassing,  than  have  char- 
acterized the  previous  meetings  of  this  Legislature.  But  your  duties 
under  the  Constitution  are  plain,  and  the  necessity  for  action  im- 
perative. 

As  the  representatives  of  the  people,  you  are  here  to  do  the  work 
for  which  they  have  selected  you.  The  bitter  experience  of  the  past 
has  brought  nothing  with  it  that  could  relieve  you  of  your  responsibil- 
ity. Every  step  in  that  experience  has  shown  the  necessity  for  you  to 
do  your  work,  and  that  you  with  calmness,  wisdom  and  determina- 
tion prepare  those  bulwarks  on  which  the  people  may  rest  their  con- 
stitutional rights,  as  American  citizens,  and  keep  the  State  Govern- 
ment in  readiness  for  admission  into  the  Union. 

As  it  becomes  my  duty  to  recommend  such  measures  as  I  may 
deem  expedient  for  your  action,  and  to  communicate  to  you  the  condi- 
tion of  afTairs  in  the  State,  I  shall  endeavor  briefly  to  do  so. 

Since  I  sent  my  message  to  you,  when  you  first  convened,  in  March, 
1856,  many  important  and  startling  events  have  marked  and  dis- 
turbed the  current  of  affairs.  The  horrors  of  actual  warfare  have 
existed  in  our  midst.  Towns  and  cities  have  been  sacked  and  burned, 
and  our  citizens  have  been  brutally  murdered  on  the  highways  and 
in  their  homes.  A  hostile  enemy  on  our  eastern  border  has  poured 
in  predatory  band  after  band,  and  army  after  army,  with  the  design 
of  harassing  our  citizens  and  completing  the  subjugation  they  had 
begun. 

The  General  Government,  which  still  assumes  the  power  of  protec- 
tion over  us,  has  basely  used  that  power  as  the  screen  under  which  it 
has  rendered  aid  and  comfort  to  our  enemies,  and  strengthened  the 
hands  of  those  foreign  invaders  who  still  pretend  to  hold  the  political 
power  of  the  people,  that  they  usurped.  Nor  have  your  labors  or 
your  persons  been  exempt.     Lawless  arrests  have  been  made  of  your 


APPENDIX  413 

members,  and  also  executive  officers,  by  men  who,  although  they  pos- 
sessed some  power,  and  in  many  instances  held  positions  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Federal  courts,  acted  with  irregularity  and  in  defiance 
of  even  the  rules  which  they  professed  to  respect. 

A  large  and  necessary  portion  of  the  labors  of  your  codifying 
committee  was  destroyed,  with  much  other  property,  at  Lawrence, 
in  May,  1856,  when  that  place  was  pillaged  and  partially  burned, 
by  a  mob  brought  there  by  a  United  States  Marshal.  When  your 
bodies  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  in  July  last,  your  assembly  was 
interfered  with  and  broken  up  by  a  large  force  of  United  States 
troops,  in  battle  array,  who  drove  you  hence,  in  gross  violation  oi 
those  constitutional  rights  which  it  was  their  duty  to  have  protected. 
When  you  again  convened  in  January  last,  at  your  regular  session, 
your  proceedings  were  again  interfered  with  by  a  deputy  marshal, 
and  many  of  your  members  arrested. 

I  do  not  propose  entering  into  a  minute  detail  of  all  the  unliappy 
occurrences  that  have  marked  the  past  year  —  occurreuces  which 
have  stamped  a  page  of  infamy  on  the  history  of  the  country.  Let 
me  refer  you  to  the  comprehensive  address  prepared  by  a  committee 
of  the  convention  that  assembled  in  this  place  on  the  10th  of  March 
last,  for  those  particulars,  an  enumeration  of  which  would  absorb  too 
much  of  your  time.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  owing  to  these  causes  the 
Government  is  not  yet  fully  organized,  and  wait«  in  urgent  necessity 
for  the  completion  of  your  work. 

The  period  for  Avhieh  you  were  elected  is  drawing  to  a  close.  Xo 
provision  for  taking  the  census  has  been  made,  and  no  election  law 
adopted.  Without  these  your  function  in  the  government  will  ex- 
pire, and  with  it  the  power  of  reproducing  it.  I  cannot  think  that 
you  v?ill,  in  any  contingency,  incur  the  reproach  of  leaving  helpless 
the  people  who  trusted  you,  or  compelling  them  to  recur  through 
original  action  to  their  primary  power,  for  those  needed  steps  which 
it  is  your  duty  to  supply. 

In  my  message  sent  you  in  March,  1856,  I  enumerated  the  outlines 
of  the  legislation  it  would  be  incumbent  on  you  to  frame  and  adopt. 
Let  me  respectfully  refer  you  to  that  document  for  those  .details. 

There  is  one  subject  of  great  moment  for  our  present  and  future 
prosperity.  The  public  land  in  our  midst  still  belongs  to  the  General 
Government.  To  secure  these  lands,  or  all  of  them  that  can  be  ob- 
tained, is  a  matter  to  which  we  should  devote  no  ordinary  attention. 
The  policy  hitherto  adopted  towards  other  new  States,  gives  us  just 


414  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSOK" 

grounds  to  look  to  Congress  for  a  grant  of  all  the  public  lands  in 
our  midst.  To  your  enterprise  and  endurance  its  value  can  be  traced, 
and  to  you  it  rightly  belongs.  The  sale  of  much  of  our  valuable  land.s 
for  the  behalf  of  Indians,  gives  an  additional  claim  on  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  remainder.  Surely,  the  General  Government  will  not 
seek  to  make  a  speculation  on  the  bones  and  sinews  of  the  struggling 
pioneers  who  seek  to  add  another  State  to  the  confederacy.  Let  us 
respectfully  urge  upon  the  assembled  wisdom  of  Congress  our  claim 
for  donations  of  these  lands,  and  let  us  press  these  claims  before  the 
Government  has  passed  its  title  to  all  the  valuable  portions,  into 
the  hands  of  speculators.  Xo  donation  should,  by  its  terms,  conflict 
with  the  claim  of  a  squatter  on  the  soil. 

The  inanimate  framework  of  a  Territorial  Government  still  exists 
in  Kansas.  While  the  popular  branch  of  Congress  has  accepted  our 
application  for  admission  into  the  Union,  the  Senate  has  still  with- 
held its  approval.  In  this  isolated  condition,  our  rights  as  American 
citizens,  under  the  Constitution,  and  our  inherent  rights  as  men, 
remain  to  us.  Tlie  Territorial  Governor,  recently  sent  among  us  by 
the  Federal  Government,  in  his  inaugural  truly  said: 

"  It  is  the  people  of  Kansas,  who,  in  forming  their  State  Consti- 
tution, are  to  declare  the  terms  upon  which  they  propose  to  enter  the 
Union.  Congress  cannot  compel  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  enter  the 
Union  as  a  State,  or  change,  without  their  consent,  the  Constitution 
framed  by  the  people.  Congress,  it  is  true,  may  for  constitutional 
reasons  refuse  admission,  but  the  State  alone,  in  forming  her  Con- 
stitution, can  prescribe  the  terms  on  which  she  will  enter  the  Union. 
This  power  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  in  forming  a  State  consti- 
tution is  one  of  vital  importance,  especially  in  the  States  carved  out 
of  the  public  domain.  Nearly  all  the  lands  of  Kansas  are  public 
lands,  and  most  of  them  are  occupied  by  Indian  tribes.  Those  lands 
are  the  property  of  the  Federal  Government,  but  their  right  is  exclu- 
sively that  of  a  proprietor,  carrying  with  it  no  political  power." 

The  doctrine  here  enunciated  is  only  what  has  been  established  by 
precedent,  and  reiterated  time  and  again.  In  it  we  have  a  right  to 
form  a  State  constitution,  and  of  necessity  a  complete  State  organiza- 
tion, for  which  its  specific  terms  must  provide.  As  Congress  has 
neither  the  right  to  frame  a  Constitution  for  us,  nor  to  "  change  " 
the  same,  it  must  be  apparent  to  all,  they  have  no  power  to  destroy 
it  when  created.  Governor  Walker  goes  even  farther  than  this,  and 
farther  than  we  have  ever  proposed  going,  for  he  says  "  The  State 
alone,  in  forming  her  constitution,  can  prescribe  the  terms  on  which 
she  will  enter  the  Union,"  —  clearly  implying  that  she  may  enter  the 


APPENDIX  415 

Union  or  not.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  clearly  apparent  that 
the  Federal  Government  has  only  sent  Governor  Walker  as  a  Terri- 
torial officer  to  Kansas,  because  we  have  hitherto  failed,  or  been 
unable  to  complete  the  organization  we  have  begun.  In  the  absence 
of  the  full  and  vital  powers  of  goAernraent  adopted  by  the  people, 
this  is  merely  an  endeavor  to  carry  out  the  implied  protection. 

What  renders  this  more  unhappy,  is  the  fact  that  the  Federal 
authorities  have  never  yet  been  able  to  afford  us  such  protection,  and 
as  there  is  no  Territorial  law  here,  recognized  by  the  people  as  such, 
the  executive  function  is  a  mockery. 

Your  first  consideration  is  the  necessities  of  the  people,  but  be- 
yond that  it  is  your  duty  to  act  with  promptness,  so  as  to  relieve 
these  Federal  appointees  of  a  merely  nominal  duty,  that  must  be 
embarrassing  and  disrespectful  to  them,  whilst  the  unsettled  state 
of  affairs  conveys  an  impressive  reproach  to  those  republican  insti- 
tutions on  which  all  our  hopes  as  a  people  center.  In  the  Inaugural 
to  which  I  have  referred,  there  is  a  recommendation  that  our  people 
forsake  the  government  they  ha\e  adopted,  and  under  the  management 
of  usurping,  pretended  officials,  seek  to  do  over  again  what  has  been 
done. 

We  do  not  think  any  serious  or  generally  entertained  desire  exists 
amongst  our  people  to  do  so;  and,  while  opinions  from  such  a 
source  may  be  entitled  to  respect,  it  is  at  least  unfortunate  that  a 
course  of  action  in  relation  to  the  Constitution  should  be  pointed  out 
in  the  ofiicial  address  of  a  Federal  appointee,  who,  in  that  very 
address,  urges  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  their  rights  alone,  to 
take  steps  for  a  State  government.  It  is  clearly  evident  from  that 
address  itself,  that  Governor  Walker  has  not  been  sufficiently  con- 
versant with  affairs  in  Kansas,  to  warrant  the  expression  of  opinion 
on  so  grave  a  matter.  In  that  document  he  assures  us  that  we  shall 
ha\e  everything  over  which  his  executive  function  has  no  control, 
and  refrains  from  expressing  any  opinion  on  the  only  points  for 
which  we  could  entertain  hopes  of  his  action.  You  are  doubtless 
aware  that  Acting  Territorial  Governor  Stanton  issued  a  proclama- 
tion containing  an  apportionment  of  representation  for  a  delegate 
convention.  That  apportionment  leaves  nearly  one-half  of  Kansas 
without  any  representation,  and  as  no  census  has  been  taken  there  by 
anyone,  they  will  of  course  have  no  privilege  of  even  voting. 

Had  there  been  no  State  Cionstitution  in  Kansas;  had  a  fraudu- 
lent, pretended  Territorial  Legislature  never  originated  the  steps  to 


416  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 

•which  this  Inaugural  refers;  had  that  action  come  simply  from  the 
people,  as  it  legitimately  should,  there  would  still  have  been  the 
strongest  reasons  why  all  good  men  should  refrain  from  partici- 
pating in  an  act  so  grossly  fraudulent  and  despotic  as  this  pretended 
census,  and  partial  appointment  under  it.  In  any  event  such  proceed- 
ings will  inevitably  fall  to  the  ground  as  lacking  in  that  great 
essential,  the  popular  will,  which  alone  could  give  it  vitality. 

Although  that  strange  appointment  which  deliberately  anticipates 
disfranchising  one-half  of  the  people  was  issued  a  week  previous  to 
the  Inaugural  of  Gov.  Walker,  there  was  not  the  slightest  allusion  to 
that  document.  And  yet  the  evidence  of  the  fact  was  of  easy  access 
to  him,  and  he  was  not  ignorant  of  it.  What  does  he  mean  when  he 
says,  "  The  law  has  performed  its  entire  appropriate  function  when 
it  extends  to  the  people  the  right  of  suffrage  "  ? 

Has  it  done  so?  or,  is  Gov.  Walker  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  it 
has  not?     He  adds: 

"  Throughout  our  whole  Union,  however,  and  w'herever  free  gov- 
ernment prevails,  those  who  abstain  from  the  exercise  of  the  right 
of  sufi'rage,  authorize  those  who  do  vote  to  act  for  them  in  that 
contingency,  and  the  absentees  are  as  much  bound  under  the  law 
and  the  constitution,  Avhere  there  is  no  fraud  or  violence,  by  the  act 
of  the  majoiity  of  those  who  do  vote,  as  though  all  had  partici- 
pated in  the  election." 

It  would  be  needless  to  tell  you  that  such  a  position,  however  good, 
is  quite  inapplicable  to  this  so-called  census  law  and  all  the  proceed- 
ings under  it.  It  originates  in  an  usurping  fraud,  and  every  step  in 
the  process  has  been  a  fraud.  It  is  not  a  proposed  election  to  ascer- 
tain the  wishes  of  the  people,  but  a  foregone  conclusion,  every  part 
of  which  is  carefully  framed  to  accomplish  a  certain  result.  But  if 
its  applicability  cannot  be  found  in  these  proceedings,  let  me  suggest 
■where  it  can  be  applied.  In  the  proceedings  under  which  the  State 
Constitution  was  framed  and  ratified,  all  the  actual  voters  had  ths 
privilege  of  participating.  Men  of  all  parties  did  do  so,  and  if  any 
portion  declined,  it  was  because  they  feared  to  hazard  the  policy 
they  were  trying  to  thrust  on  Kansas  to  a  popular  vote. 

How  are  we  to  reconcile  the  two  positions  of  this  Federal  In- 
augural —  first,  that  the  people  alone  must  freely  and  fairly  make  or 
change  their  Constitution;  and  secondly,  that  "the  Territorial 
Legislature  is  the  power  ordained  for  this  purpose  bj/  the  United 
/States,  and  in  opposing  it  you  oppose  the  authority  of  the  Federal 
Government "  ? 


APPENDIX  417 

Well  knowing  that  the  complaint  that  the  Legislature  referred  to 
did  not  derive  its  power  from  the  people  of  Kansas,  he  makes  up 
for  its  lack  of  popular  legitimacy  thus :  "  That  Legislature  was 
called  into  being  by  the  Congress  of  1854,  and  is  recognized  in  the 
very  latest  Congressional  legislature.  It  is  recognized  by  the  pres- 
ent Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union." 

There  is  not  much  of  "  popular  sovereignty  "'  and  "  self-govern- 
ment "  here.  This  usurpation  is  repudiated  by  the  people,  but  it  is 
"  recognized  "  by  "'  Congress  "  and  the  "  President."  Its  pretended 
enactments  are  a  dead  letter.  All  the  official  proclamations  and 
bulletins  of  Presidents  and  Territorial  Governors  cannot  make  them 
law,  for  nothing  is  law  or  can  have  the  authority  thereof  save  the 
legitimately  expressed  will  of  the  people.  But  if  the  Federal  authori- 
ties cannot  make  their  usurpations  laws,  they  seem  bent  on  prevent- 
ing the  jDeople  from  having  any  law  unless  they  will  stoop  to  accept 
of  this.  Never  let  it  be  said  that  the  people  of  Kansas  were  so 
recreant  to  the  principles  of  self-government  as  to  accept  the  laws 
thrust  upon  them  by  a  body  of  invaders.  Such  a  fatal  precedent 
would  sow  the  seed  that  would  spring  up  to  the  ultimate  ruin  of 
our  Government.  An  insignificant  minority  in  Kansas  may  cooperate 
with  the  invaders  outside  to  perpetuate  this  usurpation,  but,  as 
Gov.  Walker  says :  "  The  minority,  in  resisting  the  will  of  the  ma- 
jority, may  involve  Kansas  again  in  civil  war;  they  may  bring  upon 
her  reproach  and  obloquy,  and  destroy  her  progress  and  prosperity; 
they  may  keep  her  for  years  out  of  the  Union,  and,  in  the  whirlwind 
of  agitation,  sweep  away  the  Government  itself;  but  Kansas  never 
can  be  brought  into  the  Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  except  by  a 
previous  solemn  decision,  fully,  freely,  and  fairly  made  by  a  ma- 
jority of  her  people  in  voting  for  or  against  the  adoption  of  her 
State  Constitution." 

This  has  been  done  in  the  adoption  of  our  State  Constitution  — 
has  been  done  in  accordance  with  the  very  principles  and  require- 
ments of  this  Inaugural  itself,  and  we  may  well  ask  in  the  language 
of  Gov.  Walker,  "  Why  then  should  this  just,  peaceful  and  consti- 
tutional mode  of  settlement  meet  with  such  opposition  from  any 
quarter  ? " 

I  cannot  dismiss  this  Inaugural,  sent  amongst  us  by  the  Federal 

authorities  and  Territorial  Governor,  without  noticing  one  or  two 

other  points.     He  says  there  is  a  clause  in  our  Constitution  forever 

excluding  the  African  race,  bond  or  free,  from  Kansas.     There  is 

—27 


4:18  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

no  such  clause  in  our  Constitution,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
Gov.  Walker,  who  talks  so  much  about  the  "  will  of  the  people," 
should  not  have  given  a  Constitution  emanating  from  them,  a  more 
careful  investigation.  At  the  time  the  Constitution  was  submitted 
to  the  people,  a  resolution  from  the  people  to  the  first  Legislature 
was  also  submitted.  This  was  neither  "  in  "  nor  connected  with  the 
Constitution,  and  has  just  as  much  force  as  the  first  Legislature  may 
choose  to  attach  to  it.  It  originated  in  an  anxious  desire  to  show 
favor  to  the  peculiar  institutions  of  "  her  sister  States "  —  espe- 
cially her  immediate  neighbor,  the  State  of  Missouri.  And  how  has 
this  compromise  spirit  been  met?  By  invasion,  usurpation,  rapine, 
fire  and  sword.  Such  clauses  as  that  he  has  sarcastically  said  were 
in  our  Constitution,  he  expressly  denies  in  another  paragraph. 

How  much  more  deeply  he  must  feel  the  interests  of  Missouri  than 
Kansas,  is  apparent  when  he  recalls  the  debt  of  gratitude  that  the 
people  of  Kansas  owe  the  State  which  has  stripped  our  people  of- 
every  constitutional  right,  has  involved  us  in  the  confusion  of  civil 
discord,  and  which  is  trying  by  the  aid  of  General  Government  to 
place  its  feet  upon  our  necks  to-day.  The  first  cause  of  a  political 
struggle  in  Kansas  was  whether  Kansas  should  be  a  free  or  slave 
State.  After  the  invasion  of  1855,  a  still  more  fearful  issue  arose, 
whether  the  people  of  Kansas  should  have  the  right  to  govern  them- 
selves. It  is  for  this  we  struggle.  The  rights  of  the  people,  the 
glory  of  republicanism  on  earth,  the  integrity  of  our  Government, 
are  all  wrapped  up  in  the  issue.  Truly,  we  can  say,  "  never  was  so 
momentous  a  question  submitted  to  the  decision  of  any  people,  and 
we  cannot  avoid  the  alternatives  now  before  us  of  glory  or  of 
shame." 

The  rights  of  a  free  people  we  love,  the  L^nion  we  regard,  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  government  we  will  maintain.  The  devotion  of  the 
people  of  Kansas  to  the  Union  is  evidenced  by  the  stern  reality  of 
their  sufferings  and  their  endurance.  In  wisdom  and  devotion  the 
people  of  Kansas  will  struggle  to  preserve  the  Union,  should  they 
ever  be  permitted  to  enjoy  the  bands  of  sisterhood;  they  will  do  so 
by  endeavoring  to  make  the  Union  worth  preser^ang,  without  which 
it  will  inevitably  crumble  in  pieces.  We  may  with  sacrilegious  hand 
tear  from  the  tomb  of  Washington  or  Jefferson  some  perishable 
relic  of  the  mortality  of  those  who  while  living,  were  devoted  to 
liberty  and  reverenced  the  claims  of  God  and  humanity,  and,  under 
the  cover  of  the  awe-striking  symbol,  incite  the  reluctant  representa- 


APPENDIX  419 

tives  of  the  people  to  acts  disfranchising  American  citizens,  robbing 
republicanism  of  all  that  is  good  in  it.  We  may  shout  "  The 
Union !  ''  "  The  Union !  "  over  acts  of  the  most  reckless  despotism, 
and  hurry  our  Government  into  oligarchy  and  anarchy  under  the 
delusion,  but  the  delusion  will  not  save  us  from  the  penalty  of  our 
folly  and  our  crime. 

Let  us  then  preserve  the  Union  by  maintaining  the  integritj- 
of  republicanism. 

It  is  a  universal  maxim  that  usurpers  never  voluntarily  relin- 
quish their  power.  Under  whatever  guise  it  may  come,  the  action  of 
those  who  now  pretend  to  hold  Territorial  power  will  be  for  the 
continuation  of  that  power. 

For  Gov.  Walker  to  urge  us  into  that  flimsy  trap  in  which  they 
hope  to  ensnare  our  people  is  wrong;  and  to  talk  to  us,  in  the  con- 
nection of  fairness  and  justice,  is  to  add  insult  to  wrong. 

While  the  great  principle  for  which  we  have  to  contend  is  to 
maintain  our  right  to  self-government,  the  secondary  consideration, 
of  preserving  Kansas  a  free  State,  is  not  to  be  lost  sight  of.  It  is 
of  importance  that  the  principles  of  Freedom  should  prevail,  not  only 
because  the  people  have  willed  it,  but  because  it  is  good  policy, 
and  above  all,  because  it  is  right.  Where  would  our  prosperity  be 
if  slavery  were  entailed  upon  us?  Where  would  the  towns  and 
cities,  the  railroads  and  commerce  be,  with  such  a  plague-spot  on 
our  energies?  The  owls  would  hoot  through  the  cities  now  laid  out 
in  Kansas,  the  railroads  be  confined  to  charters  of  usurped  legislation. 

The  industrious  settler  would  shrink  from  the  contamination  of 
slave  labor,  that  would  degrade  his  manhood  and  his  honest  toil. 
Nor  can  we  trace  all  the  reasons  by  which  the  unerring  finger  of  a 
just  Providence  guides  the  policy  of  every  systematic  wrong  to  a 
sure  decay,  and  entails  the  curse  that  there  should  be  no  prosperity 
in  the  land  that  is  stained  by  the  tears  and  watered  by  the  unpaid 
sweat  of  any  portion  of  the  children  of  men. 

There  is  indeed  an  "  isothermal  line"  and  a  law  of  the  thermome- 
ter "  which  may  make  slave  labor  comparatively  profitable  or  un- 
profitable," but  there  is  unhappily  no  "  law  of  the  thermometer  " 
to  prevent  infatuated  slavery  propagandists  from  attempting  to  estab- 
lish the  institution  where  wise  policy  says  it  never  should  be.  It  will 
therefore  be  an  important  duty  in  us  to  guard  carefully  against  all 
the  steps  in  such  an  insidious  design;   the  more  so,  that  "policy" 


420  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBI^^SON 

and  an  "  isothermal  law  "  arc  united  with  the  claims  of  republicanism 
and  justice. 

Under  these  circumstances  we  can  contemplate  the  duties  before 
us,  and  with  judicious  calmness  undertake  them.  We  struggle  for 
our  birthright,  and  we  must  not  sell  it  for  a  "  mess  of  pottage."  The 
eyes  of  the  country  are  on  us,  for  our  cause  is  the  common  cause 
of  all  who  love  republicanism.  In  our  defeat  the  principle  on  which 
the  Government  rests  will  sustain  a  shock;  in  our  victory  it  will 
take  root  and  be  perpetuated.  To  you  is  confided  no  common  share 
of  the  task.  To  you  will  be  meted  out  the  glory  of  victory  or  the  mis- 
fortune of  defeat.  Be  true,  and  we  Avill  triumph.  Our  task  is  dif- 
ficult: let  us  meet  its  responsibilities  in  full  reliance  on  the  wisdom 
of  Him  who  is  the  God  of  Justice.  A  future  of  prosperity  and  use- 
fulness  is  before  the  people  of  Kansas.  A  great  State  is  rapidly 
expanding  into  prosperous  existence.  May  we  hope  to  establish  in 
it  a  government  not  unworthy  of  this  civilized  age  and  our  republi- 
can institutions. 

Charles  Robinson. 

TOPEKA,  June  9,  1857. 


APPENDIX  421 


EXTRACTS  FROM  GOVERNOR  ROBINSON'S  MESSAGE 
TO  THE  FIRST  STATE  LEGISLATURE,  1861. 

The  past  year  has  been  one  of  unprecedented  drouth,  and  conge- 
quent  scarcity  in  Kansas.  Our  farmers,  encouraged  by  the  bountiful 
return  for  labor  bestowed  on  the  soil  in  the  years  past,  had  an 
unusual  quantity  of  land  under  cultivation.  With  an  ordinary  sup- 
ply of  rain,  a  large  amount  of  produce  would  have  been  raised  for 
export,  and  no  people  would  have  been  more  highly  favored  than  our 
own.  Instead,  however,  of  plenty  and  consequent  prosperity,  many 
of  our  citizens  have  been  the  recipients  of  foreign  charity.  For  the 
prompt  and  generous  relief  afforded  by  States  and  individuals,  a 
suitable  acknowledgment  should  be  made  by  the  Legislature;  and 
it  is  proper  to  inquire  if  our  State  is  not  able  to  provide  for  its 
own  poor  in  the  future.  No  spirited  and  energetic  people  will  be 
recipients  of  charity,  when  able  to  procure  their  own  subsistence. 
Such  a  course  would  be  demoralizing  and  degrading.  If  the  State 
has  sufficient  credit  it  would  be  better  to  use  it  for  the  relief  of 
her  citizens,  should  it  be  necessary,  than  longer  live  upon  the  gen- 
erosity of  others.  Seed  has  already  been  furnished  in  abundance 
for  spring  planting,  and  by  the  first  of  June  the  stock  that  abounds 
upon  our  prairies  will  be  suitable  for  food;  it  is  therefore  to  be 
hoped  that  a  general  call  for  charity  will  soon  cease. 

Although  the  past  year  has  been  one  of  adversity  to  our  people, 
yet,  with  the  stern  integrity  and  mutual  cooperation  between  the 
several  departments  of  the  Government,  together  with  a  firm  reliance 
upon  that  Providence  which  has  thus  far  sustained  and  directed  us, 
and  whose  promise  that  seed-time  and  harvest  shall  not  fail,  inspires 
us  with  hope  and  courage  in  the  darkest  hour,  we  may  confidently 
look  forward  to  a  happy  and  prosperous  future  for  our  new  State. 

When  Kansas  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union,  it  was  sup- 
posed that  there  was  a  Federal  Government  that  would  endure 
until  the  present  generation,  at  least,  should  pass  away.  Reeent 
developments,  however,  have  given  rise  to  serious  doubts  as  to  its 
existence.  Theoretically,  such  a  government  is  extended  over  thirty- 
four  States,  but  practically  it  does  not  exist  in  some.  In  seven 
States  the  laws  are  openly  repudiated,  the  forts  seized,  the  revenue 


422 


LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINSON 


stolen,  the  Federal  officers  defied,  and  the  flag  of  the  nation  insulted 
■with  impunity;  and  eight  others  threaten  to  do  likewise  if  the  Gov- 
<>rnnient  attempts  to  assert  its  authority  by  force  in  any  rebellious 
State.  Such  is  the  condition  of  affairs  as  bequeathed  by  the  late 
administration  to  the  present. 

The  future  none  can  predict.  Should  matters  progress  as  for  a 
few  months  past,  and  coercion  be  decried  as  at  present,  not  a  promi- 
nent seaboard  State  will  remain  in  the  Union,  and  not  a  law  of  the 
United  States  will  be  enforced  anywhere.  Our  Government,  once  re- 
garded as  a  power  in  the  earth,  will  become  a  hissing  and  a  byword 
among  the  nations,  a  stench  in  the  nostrils  of  all  men.  This  nation 
occupies  a  very  remarkable  position  before  the  civilized  world.  It 
has  heretofore  been  prompt  and  efficient  in  putting  down  treason  and 
rebellion,  and  the  whole  force  of  the  army  and  navy  has  been  called 
into  requisition  at  once  whenever  danger  threatened.  Shay's  re- 
bellion, the  whisky  insurrection,  South  Carolina  nullification  and 
the  John  Brown  raid,  were  all  summarily  disposed  of  with  no  cry 
against  "  coercion " ;  now,  when  certain  persons  in  the  South  have 
seized  upon  the  revenues,  forts,  ships,  postoffices,  mints,  arms,  and 
army  and  navy  stores,  waged  war  upon  the  United  States  troops,  set 
up  an  independent  government  and  bid  defiance  to  all  law,  the  po- 
sition of  the  authorities  has  been  simply  that  of  non-resistance. 
Two  independent  and  hostile  governments  cannot  long  exist  at  the 
same  time  over  the  same  territory  without  conflict,  and  either  the 
Confederate  States  of  the  South  or  the  Federal  Government  must 
succumb,  or  civil  war  is  inevitable. 

A  demand  is  made  by  certain  States  that  new  concessions  and 
guarantees  be  given  to  slavery,  or  the  Union  must  be  destroyed.  The 
present  Constitution,  however  faithfully  adhered  to,  is  declared  to  be 
incompatible  with  the  existence  of  slavery;  its  change  is  demanded, 
or  the  government  under  it  must  be  withdrawn.  If  it  is  true  that 
the  continued  existence  of  slavery  requires  the  destruction  of  the 
Union,  it  is  time  to  ask  if  the  existence  of  the  Union  does  not  re- 
quire the  destruction  of  slavery.  If  such  an  issue  be  forced  upon 
the  nation,  it  must  be  met,  and  met  promptly.  The  people  of  Kan- 
sas, while  they  are  willing  to  fulfill  their  constitutional  obligations 
toward  their  brethren  in  the  sister  States  to  the  letter,  even  to  the 
yielding  of  the  "  pound  of  flesh,"  cannot  look  upon  the  destruction 
of  the  fairest  and  most  prosperous  government  on  earth  with  in- 
difference.    If  the  issue  is  presented  to  them,  the  overthrow  of  the 


APPENDIX  423 

Union  or  the  destruction  of  slavery,  they  will  not  long  hesitate  as 
to  their  choice.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  issue  will  be  with- 
drawn, and  the  nation  advance  in  its  career  of  prosperity  and  power, 
the  just  pride  of  every  citizen  and  the  envy  of  the  world. 

The  position  of  the  Federal  Executive  is  a  trying  one.  The  Gov- 
ernment, when  assumed  by  him,  was  rent  in  twain,  the  cry  against 
coercion  was  heard  in  every  quarter,  his  hands  were  tied,  and  he  had 
neither  men  nor  money,  nor  the  authority  to  use  either.  While  it 
is  the  duty  of  each  loyal  State  to  see  that  equal  and  exact  justice 
is  done  to  the  citizens  of  every  other  State,  it  is  equally  its  duty  to 
sustain  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  Nation  in  defending  the  Govern- 
ment from  foes,  whether  from  within  or  from  without,  and  Kansas, 
though  last  and  least  of  the  States  in  the  Union,  will  ever  be  ready 
to  ans-wer  the  call   of  her  country. 


424  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    ROBINSON 


TOPEKA  AND  HER  CONSTITUTION. 


Extract  from  an  Address  Delivered  before  the  Kansas   Historical 
Society,  in  the  Winter  of  1877-78. 

Nothing  but  the  menacing  attitude  of  the  Topeka  Constitution  and 
Government  compelled  the  Territorial  oflScials  to  restore  the  ballot- 
box  to  the  people.  This  is  made  clear  by  the  proclamation  of  Gov- 
ernor Walker  and  Secretary  Stanton,  relative  to  the  Oxford  fraud, 
when  they  discarded  that  vote  at  the  election  of  the  Territorial 
Legislature  in  1857. 

The  Topeka  Constitution  was  equally  important  as  a  rallying- 
point  for  the  Free-State  men.  No  mere  party  platform  or  organi- 
zation could  have  prevented  the  recognition  of  the  Territorial  Legis- 
lature and  laws  until  the  people  should  have  a  fair  election.  The 
first  Territorial  Legislature  had  provided  for  "  returning  boards  " 
for  four  years,  and  in  that  time  slavery  would  be  established  and  a 
Proslavery  Constitution  fastened  upon  the  State.  Recognition  of 
that  usurpation  would  have  been  fatal,  and  the  Topeka  Constitution 
was  the  only  instrumentality  that  rendered  a  prevention  of  that 
recognition  possible.  This  was  the  grand  mission  of  that  Constitu- 
tion, and  it  was  filled  to  perfection.  The  first  successflil  battle 
against  the  Slave-Power  of  the  country  was  fought  under  that 
banner.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States.  The  tide  of  propagandism  was  stayed  in  its  blighting 
course,  and  the  refluent  wave  of  Freedom  swept  over  the  land  from 
Topeka  to  Florida,  giving  liberty  and  equality  before  the  law  to 
every  human  being,  thus  making  our  entire  country,  in  fact  as  well 
as  in  name,  "the  land  of  the  free"  as  well  as  the  "home  of  the 
brave." 


APPENDIX 


425 


EXTRACT  FROM  AN  ADDRESS  AT  THE  QUARTER-CENTEN- 
NIAL OF  KANSAS. 

.  .  .  No,  no;  the  flood-tide  of  slavery  received  its  first  per- 
manent check  in  Kansas,  and  it  was  the  refluent  waves  from  her 
borders  that  carried  Abraham  Lincoln  into  the  White  House,  drove 
the  South  into  rebellion,  and  buried  slavery  so  deep  that  for  it  there 
can  be  no  resurrection.  Not  only  is  the  State  of  Kansas  thus  in- 
debted to  the  Territory,  but  the  late  slave  States  that  contended  so 
earnestly  to  extend  their  peculiar  institution  are  doubly"  indebted. 
These  States  have  not  only  been  redeemed  from  a  blighting  curse,  but 
have  been  prospered  in  every  way  as  never  before  in  their  history. 
So  general  and  widespread  is  their  prosperity,  tliat  so  far  as  known 
not  a  citizen  can  be  found  in  the  entire  South  who  would  reestablish 
slavery  if  he  could.  But  the  blessings  resulting  from  the  Territorial 
struggle  do  not  stop  here,  for  the  nation  itself  has  been  born  again, 
and  with  that  birth  which  brings  with  it  "  peace  on  earth  and  good- 
will to  men.''  The  old  contentions,  bitterness,  and  irrepressible 
conflict  between  the  North  and  South  have  given  place  to  mutual 
respect,  love,  and  good-will.  The  United  States  now  constitute, 
in  reality  as  well  as  in  name,  like  institutions,  like  aspirations 
and  a  common  destiny.  Our  Union,  thus  cemented,  has  become  the 
envy  of  all  nations,  and  a  terror  to  all  enemies.  The  freest,  happiest, 
and  most  prosperous  people  on  the  globe,  we  have  become  a  place  of 
refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  all  nations.  Such  being  th*e  result  of 
the  Territorial  conflict,  well  may  the  contestants  embrace  each  other 
on  the  twenty-fifth  birthday  of  this  wonderful  State,  and  henceforth 
dwell  together  in  unity,  under  a  Gk)vernment  that  knows  no  North, 
no  South,  no  East,  no  West,  but  that  is  "  one  and  inseparable,  now 
and  forever." 


426  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    EOBINSON 


EXTRACT    FROM    ADDRESS    AT    BISMARCK    QUARTER- 
CENTENNIAL    MEETING. 

.  .  .  So  much  for  Kansas  and  Kansas  citizens ;  but  great  injus- 
tice would  be  done  non-residents  did  we  attempt  to  claim  all  ths 
credit  for  the  grand  results  of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  At 
the  opening  of  Kansas,  slavery  seized  upon  every  town  and  district 
except  such  towns  and  districts  as  Avere  settled  by  the  agency  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Society.  Without  these  settlements,  it  is  safe  to  say, 
Kansas  would  have  been  a  slave  State,  Avith  not  even  an  attempt  it 
resistance.  Without  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society  these  towns  would 
not  have  been;  and  without  Eli  Thayer,  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  Edward 
Everett  Hale,  William  M.  Evarts,  and  their  co-laborers,  that  society 
would  have  had  no  existence.  And  these  men  would  have  been  power- 
less with  all  their  machinery,  had  not  the  Liberty  party  and  Free- 
Soil  campaigns,  under  the  lead  of  the  Burneys,  Hales,  Julians,  and 
others  been  fought;  and  these  campaigns  would  have  been  stillborn 
had  there  been  no  Garrisons,  Parker  Pillsburys,  Theodore  Parkers 
and  Wendell  Phillipses  to  cry  in  the  wilderness  and  prepare  the 
way  for  the  agencies  that  followed. 

Another  class  of  actors  rendered  invaluable  service  near  the 
close  of  the  struggle,  and  must  not  be  forgotten  on  this  gala-day. 
The  Walkers,  Stantons,  Denvers,  Fornej's  and  other  conservative 
Democrats,  by  their  impartial  and  honorable  course  prevented  much 
bloodshed  and  cut  short  the  struggle,  perhaps  years,  by  crushing 
out  fraud  and  giving  the  government  to  the  legal  majority  as  de- 
manded by  the  Organic  Act. 

Also,  to  our  former  proslavery  antagonists  who  have  so  honorably 
acquiesced  in  the  result,  we  most  cordially  extend  the  right  hand 
of  fellowship.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  many  are  well 
pleased  with  the  institutions  of  the  State,  and  all  are  forever  to 
close  the  "  bloody  chasm  "  that  once  divided  us. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  congratulate  Kansas  and  our  guests  and  all 
friends  of  Kansas,  that  the  close  of  the  first  quarter  of  a  century 
from  its  settlement  finds  peace  and  good-will  among  all  its  inhab- 
itants, and  unprecedented  prosperity  throughout  its  borders. 


APPENDIX  427 


EXTRACTS    FROM    AN    ADDRESS   WRITTEN    FOR    THE    RE- 
UNION  AT   LEAVENWORTH,  OCTOBER,   1883. 

.  .  .  Every  question  is  said  to  have  at  least  two  sides,  and  in 
every  war  each  side  is  supposed  to  have  reasons  for  justification  satis- 
factory to  itself.  In  our  late  Avar  one  side  claimed  to  be  defending 
the  life  of  the  Government,  while  the  other  side  professed  to  contend 
for  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  States.  These  were  the  ostensible 
questions  involved,  but  the  real  casus  belli,  or  bone  of  contention, 
was  the  freedom  or  slavery  of  a  race  of  laborers.  One  side  was 
fighting  that  all  men,  of  whatever  occupation  or  race,  should  belong 
to  themselves,  while  the  other  would  have  the  laborer  the  chattel  of 
the  employer. 

An  "  irrepressible  conflict "'  between  free  and  slave  labor  had 
been  inherited  from  the  mother  country  from  the  foundation  of  the 
Government.  Slavery  had  remained  in  control  of  the  Government  for 
half  a  century,  when  the  right  of  property  in  human  beings  was 
questioned  as  never  before.  Notwithstanding  this  questioning,  slav- 
ery maintained  its  ascendency,  removing  all  barriers  to  its  progress, 
till  a  handful  of  men  and  women  planted  themselves  on  the  soil  of 
Kansas,  directly  in  the  path  of  the  defiant  monster  which  had  started 
on  a  tour  of  the  Territories  and  States,  with  Bunker  Hill  monument 
as  its  destination,  where  the  roll  of  slaves  was  to  be  called  beneath 
its  shadow.  This  apparently  insignificant  obstacle  in  Kansas  so 
irritated  and  enraged  the  slave-power  that  it  became  an  easy  prey 
to  the  Goddess  of  Liberty.  Discomfitted  and  thwarted  for  the  first 
time  in  its  history,  in  obedience  to  the  gods  it  became  mad,  and 
violently  assailed  the  government  it  could  no  longer  control;  It  was 
this  assault  that  stirred  the  blood  of  every  free  man  in  Kansas  and 
the  nation,  and  filled  our  fair  country  with  the  graves  of  departed 
heroes  and  annual  reunions  of  veteran  soldiers. 

Our  heroes,  both  living  and  dead,  waged  no  war  for  national 
aggrandizement;  to  add  new  laurels  to  a  kingly  crown;  to  give 
additional  power  to  privileged  classes,  or  for  personal  benefits; — 
but  they  offered  up  all  that  men  hold  dear,  that  a  poor,  crushed  and 
despised  ra*e  of  servile  laborers  might  be  raised  to  a  higher  plane, — 
migbt  be  changed  from  chattels  to  freemen;   from  abject  slaves  to 


4:28  LIFE    OF    CHARLES    KOBINSON 

American  citizens.  History  furnishes  no  parallel  to  this  war,  where 
a  million  men  offered  up  their  lives  and.  fortunes,  not  for  themselves 
or  their  kindred,  but  for  an  oppressed  class  of  people,  a  class  so 
degraded  by  long  years  of  slavery  as  not  to  be  able  to  appreciate  the 
value  of  the  sacrifice  made  in  their  belialf. 

Such  were  the  men  whose  reunion  we  witness  to-day;  and  let 
their  names  and  deeds  be  cherished  to  the  latest  generations  as 
benefactors  of  their  race. 

One  word  in  conclusion,  to  the  Union  veterans  who  annually 
gather  at  these  reunions.  The  institution  which  caused  the  terrible 
conflict  of  arms  has  perished  in  the  Eed  Sea  of  fraternal  strife; 
the  flowers  of  twenty  summers  have  shed  their  perfume  over  the 
graves  of  your  dead  comrades ;  the  smoke  of  battle  has  A^anished  from 
sight;  the  passions  of  the  hour  are  cool  and  spent,  while  all  men. 
North,  South,  East  and  West,  are  ready  to  accept  the  situation  as 
most  conducive  to  the  highest  good  of  the  nation. 

Since,  then,  the  combatants  in  that  deadly  conflict  are  citizens  of 
one  government,  with  a  common  interest  and  a  common  destiny,  let 
us  kindly  cherish  that  consideration  and  respect  for  the  defeated 
combatants  that  one  brave  man  always  entertains  for  another,  and 
show  that  consideration,  respect  and  reconciliation  by  some  appro- 
priate word  or  action  on  the  annual  recurrence  of  these  gatherings. 

To  love  a  friend  and  comrade  is  praiseworthy  and  human,  but  to 
forgive  a  defeated  foe  is  noble  and  divine. 

"  Sow  love,  and  taste  Its  fruitage  pure  ; 
Sow  peace,  and  reap  itsi  harvest  bright ; 
Sow  sunbeams  on  the  rock  and  moor. 
And  find  a  harvest  home  of  light." 


APPENDIX  429 


EXTRACTS  FROM  "THE  KANSAS  CONFLICT." 

Several  lessons  may  be  learned  from  tlie  conllict  in  Kansas,  and 
the  conduct  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  in  the  West,  that  may  be  of 
service  to  the  oppressed,  to  philanthropists  and  statesmen. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  remedy  for  oppression  in  a  republican 
government  is  not  the  overthrow  of  that  government,  but  resistance 
of  oppression  within  it.  If  a  people  with  votes  in  their  hands,  with 
power  to  replace  every  official,  from  President  to  constable;  cannot 
exercise  that  power  for  their  relief  from  oppression,  a  forcible  over- 
throw of  the  Government  would  leave  them  at  the  mercy  of  designing 
men,  who  would  as  readily  control  the  new  government  as  the  one 
destroyed.  A  republican  government  is  what  the  people  make  it, 
and  if  not  what  it  should  be,  they  only  are  to  blame.  The  safety  of 
such  a  government  depends  upon  the  education  of  the  voters;  and 
the  remedy  for  injustice  in  any  direction  is  exposure  of  the  wrong 
and  agitation  for  the  right.  Defensive  opposition  to  wrong  and 
oppression  with  prudence  will  succeed,  while  offensive  oppression 
to  the  Government  itself  will  fail.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  once  said: 
"  The  Government  may  have  many  faults,  but  let  it  be  assailed  from 
any  quarter  and  the  whole  people  will  rally  for  its  defense."  In 
resisting  oppression  no  wrong  or  outrage  must  be  committed  by  the 
oppressed.  They  depend  for  relief  upon  the  sympathy  or  sense  of 
justice  of  the  people  not  directly  interested ;  and  so  long  as  oppression 
only  is  resisted,  this  sympathy  will  be  with  the  oppressed,  but  so 
long  as  the  oppressed  or  wronged  turn  oppressors  and  wrong  innocent 
parties,  all  sympathy  ceases. 

The  Free-State  party  of  Kansas  retained  the  sympathy  of  the  North 
because  it  did  nothing  that  could  be  called  wrong  in  itself  to  any 
man,  but  acted  strictly  on  the  defensive.  [Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  461, 
462,  "  The  Kansas  Conflict."] 

It  is  not  easy  to  conjecture  what  greater  victory  the  Free-State 
men  could  gain,  or  what  greater  defeat  the  Proslavery  men  could 
suffer,  than  to  have  1,900  men  march  from  forty  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  to  serve  a  warrant  issued  by  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
and  then  return,  after  cursing,  swearing,  shivering  and  freezing  for 


430  LIFE    OF    CHARLEd    KOBINSON 

two  weeks,  as  they  came,  minus  the  whisky,  without  serving  any 
process  whatever,  legal  or  otherwise.  If  a  more  brilliant  victory 
has  ever  been  gained  it  has  not  been  recorded.  How  many  such  de- 
feats could  the  Administration  afford  in  enforcing  "  popular  sov- 
ereignty "  where  the  people  were  to  be  left  perfectly  free  to  settle 
their  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States? 

And  what  of  the  Free-State  men  called  "  dastards,"  who  obeyed 
orders  and  suffered  wrong  without  doing  wrong?  It  is  safe  to  say  an 
equal  number  of  men,  with  a  more  unflinching  courage,  both  moral 
and  physical,  has  not  been  seen  since  the  days  of  the  Revolution. 

A  coward  can  give  blow  for  blow,  eye  for  eye,  and  tooth  for  tooth, 
but  it  requires  true  courage  to  suffer  wrong  without  retaliation  that 
a  great  cause  may  be  advanced.  The  Free-State  men  believed  that 
every  outrage  inflicted  strengthened  their  cause  and  correspondingly 
weakened  that  of  their  opponents;  that  in  their  sufferings  lay  their 
strength.  In  this  respect,  the  Wakarusa  War,  while  causing  great 
annoyance  and  suffering,  had  enlisted  the  sympathies  and  support  of 
the  civilized  world.    [Chapter  VIII,  p.  209,  "  The  Kansas  Conflict."] 

Something  of  the  nature  of  the  conflict  in  Kansas  may  be  learned 
from  the  characteristics  of  the  contestants.  Settlers  fi-om  the  North 
and  East  came  from  communities  wheie  person  and  property  were 
protected  by  law,  and  the  carrying  of  weapons  for  self-defense  was 
unknown.  Many  had  come  to  look  upon  war  among  nations  as  a 
relic  of  barbarism.  Xot  a  few  of  the  Kansas  emigrants  had  imbibed 
something  of  the  views  and  spirit  of  the  non-resistant  agitators,  and 
were  sup^josed  to  interpret  the  teachings  of  the  Nazarene  literally: 
to  return  good  for  evil;  when  one  cheek  should  be  smitten,  to  turn 
the  other  to  the  smiter;  and  if  compelled  to  part  with  their  coats,  to 
give  their  cloaks  also.  As  a  rule,  the  Free-State  settlers  were  averse 
to  a  resort  to  physical  force  in  the  settlement  of  any  conflict,  much 
less  a  conflict  purely  moral  and  political. 

These  were  some  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Northern  settlers 
while  at  home,  but  they  were  found  unsuited  to  a  Southern  and 
Western  climate.  It  was  found  that  the  precepts  of  Christianity, 
including  non-resistance,  might  work  admirably  where  all  were 
Christians  and  non-resistants,  but  it  was  also  discovered  that  the 
devil  would  flee  only  when  resisted,  and  that  pearls  were  not  suitable 
diet  for  all  animals  and  on  ail  occasions. 


APPENDIX  431 

The  South  and  Southwest  were  in  many  respects  most  unlike  the 
East  and  North.  Where  a  large  class  was  to  be  kept  in  servitude, 
nothing  but  physical  force  would  avail.  Hence  deadly  weapons  and 
personal  prowess  were  indispensable,  and  the  man  who  would  pass 
current  as  a  gentleman  must  be  prepared  at  all  times  to  protect  his 
person  and  his  honor  by  force.  Also  in  the  new  West,  in  the  absence 
of  the  civil  code,  every  man  was  a  law  unto  himself  and  constituted 
in  his  own  person  judge,  jury,  and  executioner.  In  such  a  com- 
munity human  life,  instead  of  being  sacred  as  in  the  North  and  East, 
was  cheap,  and  could  be  sacrificed  at  any  time  to  respnt  personal 
insult  and  to  protect  peculiar  institutions,  if  not  for  sordid  gain. 
At  the  same  time  the  better  class  of  the  citizens  of  the  South  had 
a  high  sense  of  honor,  and  could  not  be  excelled  in  any  part  of  the 
country  for  civility,  courtesy,  hospitality,  and  business  integrity." 
[Chapter  III,  pp.  26,  27,  "  The  Kansas  Conflict."] 


432 


LIFE    OF    CHAELES    KOBINSON 


IMPORTANT  LETTERS. 

[  The  following  is  a  draft  of  a  letter  sent  by  Amos  A.  Lawrence  to  be  re-wrltten  and 
signed  by  Mrs.  Robinson  and  addressed  to  Mrs.  Lawrence,  the  mother  of  Amos  A.  Law- 
rence. The  letter  was  sent  by  Mrs.  Lawrence  to  Mrs.  Pierce,  wife  of  the  President, 
who  gave  it  to  the  President  to  read.] 

FoBT  Leavenworth,  Kansas  Tekeitoky. 

My  Deau  Madam:  I  take  the  liberty  of  a  wife  brought  into  great 
distress  by  the  imprisomnent  of  him  whom  I  most  love,  to  ask  for 
your  aid  in  obtaining  for  him  that  justice  which  will  lead  to  his  re- 
lease. You  will  know  something  of  me  if  you  remember  my  father, 
the  late  Myron  Lawrence,  of  Belchertown,  an  acquaintance  of  your 
lamented  husband  and  his  brothers,  for  all  of  whom  he  had  a  high 
regard  and  with  whom  he  often  had  intercourse  during  the  many 
winters  that  he  remained  in  Boston  serving  his  town  in  the  Legisla- 
ture, and  afterward  the  county  of  Hampshire  in  the  Senate,  of  which 
he  was  the  President.  You  will  easily  recall  his  personal  appear- 
ance, and  in  my  partiality  for  him  I  believed  that  his  heart  was  large 
in  proportion  to  his  body.  My  husband  is  Dr.  Charles  Eobinson, 
a  friend  of  your  son,  to  whom  I  was  married  three  years  since,  and 
to  join  whom  I  left  my  widowed  mother  last  autumn  and  came  to 
this  Territory.  He  is  in  every  respect  worthy  of  the  confidence  re- 
posed in  him;  he  has  sacrificed  ease  and  personal  advantage  to  make 
a  home  here  for  the  thousands  who  emigrate  from  the  old  States, 
and  to  secure  this  vast  region  from  the  evils  of  slavery.  He  is  a 
loyal  citizen  of  the  United  States,  whose  laws  he  has  always  obeyed 
and  in  whose  defense  he  would  at  any  time  sacrifice  his  life.  If  he 
has  any  fault,  it  is  that  he  is  bound  less  by  his  domestic  ties  than 
by  his  love  for  liberty  and  his  country. 

You  are  aware  that  all  this  Territory  was  made  forever  sacred  to 
freedom  by  the  law  of  the  United  States  in  1820.  Two  years  ago 
this  law  was  repealed  at  the  instigation,  in  the  first  place,  of  in- 
habitants of  western  Missouri,  acting  through  David  E.  Atchison, 
then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  question  of  its 
being  made  a  Free  or  a  Slave  State  was  to  be  left  to  the  bona  fide 
settlers.  It  was  believed  that  efforts  had  been  making  and  would 
be  continued  in  Missouri  to  perpetuate  in  it  the  same  institutions 
as  exist  there;    and  to  ascertain  this,  and  to  explore  this  country, 


APPENDIX  433 

Dr.  Robinson  came  out  here  at  the  request  of  your  son  and  others. 
He  was  well  adapted  for  the  enterprise,  besides  having  previously 
traveled  through  it,  and  his  feelings  revolted  at  the  prospect  of  its 
being  given  over  to  slavery.  He  executed  the  trust  with  alacrity, 
and  the  information  which  he  imparted  induced  settlers  from  all  the 
States  to  turn  their  eyes  in  this  direction.  At  the  same  time  he  be- 
came acquainted  with  the  plans  which  had  been  made  under  the  name 
uf  '•  Self-Defensive  "  associations  and  "'  Blue  Lodges,"  to  keep  out 
the  citizens  of  the  Free  States,  who  were  regarded  as  "Abolitionists," 
and  have  been  treated  as  such.  After  this  he  was  employed  to  give 
accurate  information  to  the  settlers  who  came  out;  to  erect  saw- 
mills, school-houses,  receiving  and  forwarding  houses  and  one  large 
hotel.  This  is  the  only  agency  in  which  he  has  been  employed,  and 
these  afford  the  only  advantages  given  to  the  settlers  by  those  for 
Avhom  he  as  acted.  He  has  never  favored  a  resort  to  arms,  except 
for  defense,  and  he  has  gone  unarmed  himself.  In  all  his  transac- 
tions he  retained  the  confidence  of  his  friends  in  the  other  States, 
and  he  won  that  of  the  real  settlers,  who  looked  to  him  as  a  safe  ad- 
viser and  friend.  After  it  was  found  by  humiliating  experience  that 
the  real  inhabitants  were  not  allowed  to  elect  their  own  represent- 
atives nor  to  make  their  own  laws,  he  was  regarded  as  the  most 
t-uitable  person  to  lead  them  in  resisting  their  execution.  This  trust 
he  accepted  with  a  deep  feeling  of  his  obligations  to  obey  and  uphold 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government.  His  resistance  has  been 
to  the  Territorial  Government,  established  by  the  inhabitants  of 
another  State,  and  to  the  laws  enacted  by  it,  rei)ugnant  as  they  are 
to  the  sentiments  of  constitutional  liberty  and  to  the  sentiments 
of  all  honorable  men.  For  this  he  and  his  associates  are  called 
"  rebels  "  and  "  traitors,"  and  he  is  now  in  prison,  and  is  to  be  tried 
by  those  whose  authority  he  has  defied  and  who  demand  his  sacri- 
fice. All  this  is  done  with  the  sanction  of  the  Executive  of  the 
United  States,  and  so  deliberately  that  I  tremble  for  the  result. 
Already  the  legally  appointed  representative  of  the  United  States 
Government,  Governor  Shannon,  has  said  and  repeated  that  "He 
is  certain  to  be  tried,  and  if  tried  he  will  be  convicted,  and  if  con- 
victed he  will  be  hung."  God  grant  that  this  may  not  be  so.  Let  them 
take  my  poor  life  rather  than  his.  They  little  know  his  worth, — or 
rather,  as  I  fear,  they  know  it  too  well,  and  they  know  that  by  his 
death  they  hope  more  readily  to  subjugate  this  Territory. 

He  endeavors  to  quiet  my  fears,  and  tells  mc  that  such  a  result 


434  LIFE    OF    CHAKLES    KOBINFON 

is  impossible.  But  ?o  he  said  in  regard  to  the  election;  he  did  not 
believe  that  would  be  carried  by  an  invading  force  which  trampled 
down  the  ballot-boxes  and  threatened  the  lives  of  the  legall}'  chosen 
judges.  So  he  said  in  regard  to  the  first  invasion,  though  it  after- 
ward required  all  his  skill  to  avert  a  collision.  So  he  told  me  in  re- 
gard to  the  last  invasion — that  our  houses  and  property  would  not  be 
molested  if  there  were  no  resistance;  and  yet  they  have  burned  the 
most  valuable  buildings  in  the  Territory  and  robbed  and  insulted 
the  inhabitants  beyond  forbearance;  our  own  house  rifled  and 
burned — a  severe  loss,  and  the  more  so  because  it  contained  the  me- 
mentoes of  my  father,  who  was  very  dear  to  me.  My  husband  con- 
fides too  much  in  the  generosity  of  his  enemies,  and  it  is  this 
which  fills  me  with  fear.  I  cannot  but  give  weight  to  the  assertions 
of  Gov.  Shannon,  publicly  made,  that  he  will  he  hung. 

Pardon  me,  my  dear  Madam,  for  this  long  statement.  1  could  say 
a  thousand  things  in  addition,  but  forbear.  The  President  of  the 
United  States  is  your  relative.  lie  will  soon  know,  if  he  does  not 
already,  that  the  real  settlers  have  been  allowed  to  take  no  part  in 
framing  the  Territorial  lav/s,  which  he  upholds  with  the  authority 
of  the  United  States.  I  beg  your  good  offices  in  behalf  of  my  hus- 
band. He  has  not  resisted  the  authority  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment, and  he  never  will;  he  has  not  believed  that  it  would  be 
exerted  to  support  so  odious  an  oppression.  This  Territory  cannot 
be  made  a  slave  State  except  with  the  assistance  of  the  Executive. 
Until  recently  the  real  settlers  have  been  Free-State  men,  three  to 
one,  and  they  are  now  driven  away. 


New  York,  June  26,  '56. 

My  Deab  Madam:  I  have  had  considerable  conversation  with 
Messrs,  Howard  and  Sherman,  as  well  as  Gov.  Keeder, — with  the 
latter  while  in  Boston,  and  now  here;  and  as  they  are  all  lawyers 
and  good  ones,  as  well  as  statesmen,  the  united  opinion  of  all  at  this 
time  is  better  than  that  of  any  others. 

The  conclusion  which  I  draw  is,  that  Gov.  Eobinson  cannot  be 
harmed  by  any  action  of  the  law.  Still,  you  had  better  send  a  letter 
to  my  mother,  unless  you  are  averse  to  doing  so,  to  be  kept  in  re- 
serve. I  think  her  request  in  a  certain  quarter  would  not  be  refused 
for  anything,  for  reasons  which  need  not  be  named  here. 

To-day  I  have  testified  before  the  Committee  of  Congress,  who 
summoned  me  here.     Gov.  Reedcr  did  the  same. 


APPENDIX  435 

The  proof  would  condemn  a  legion  of  angels,  and  their  united  re- 
port is  excellent.     It  will  put  a  different  aspect  on  affairs;    in  fact, 
the  light  has  broke  already  in  many  dark  places. 
With  kind  regards  to  Gov.  R.,  I  remain, 

Yours  very  truly, 

[Amos  A.  Lawkekce.] 
Having  no  seal,  I  will  not  sign. 


Sex  ATE  Chamber,  May  21st,  185G. 

Mrs.  Eobinsox:  Your  letter  came  duly  to  hand,  and  I  have  been 
daily  to  the  postofRee  since  I  received  it,  but  I  find  no  letters  for 
your  husband  or  yourself.  If  any  come,  I  will  forward  them  to  you 
as  requested.  It  may  be  that  letters  sent  to  you  have  been  plun- 
dered from  the  mails. 

I  deeply  regret  the  arrest  of  your  husband;  so  do  all  our  friends 
here,  especially  those  Avho  have  the  honor  to  know  him.  God  only 
knows  what  will  be  the  end  of  this  conflict  in  Kansas,  but  whatever 
may  be  the  result,  your  husband  has  linked  his  name  forever  with 
the  cause  of  freedom  in  America. 

If  T  can  do  anything  for  you  or  your  friends,  it  will  afl'oid  me 
the  highest  pleasure  to  do  so  at  any  time. 

Yours  truly, 

Henry  Wilson. 


INDEX. 


PAGE. 

Abolitionist.",    in    early   Kansas,  10 ; 

oppose  colonization 102 

Adams,  Sarah,  wife  of  Robinson 40 

Allen,  "Old  Man" 72 

Amherst  Academy 35 

Barber ,  153 

Baldwin,  John 117 

Belchertown 385 

B  ig  Springs  Convention 174 

Blanton  Bridge  Affair 140 

Bogus  Legislature 169 

Border  warfare 252 

Boston  Company 42,    43 

Branson  rescue 140 

Branscomb,  Charles  H 110 

Brown,  John,  19 ;  at  Lawrence,  152, 
205;  Pottawatomie,  252;  Contro- 
versy     314 


California 40,  43, 

Carney,  Governor 

Chase,  Salmon  P 

Chllds,  Doctor 36, 

Cholera 

Clarke,  Edward 

Clay,  Henry,  Compromise  of  1850 

Congress 90,  seq.,  20,  234, 

Connelley,  W.  E 

Controversy,  over  fraudulent  elec- 
tion, 16;  California  lands,  52; 
Brown-Lane-Robinson,  17,  20,  314  ; 

temperance 308, 

Cordley,  Doctor 354, 

Deltzler,  George  W 24, 

Democrats  f  n  early  Kansas 

Denver,  Governor 238, 

Douglas,  Stephen  A 

Dow-Coleman  Affair 

Dwlght,  ClarLssa 

Election 

Emigrant  Aid  Company 85,  100, 

Excelsior 


51 

291 
91 
37 
45 
24 
89 
238 
333 


370 
358 

274 
10 

258 
89 

138 

390 

125 
107 
118 


PAGR. 

Farmers'  Alliance 300 

Fitchburg 83,  389,  seq. 

Free-State  men,  10,  14,  15;  Constitu- 
tional struggle  for  liberty,  165 ; 
convention,  16C,  191,  240,  245  ;  win 
election 232,  233 

Fremont,  John  C,  80,  274 ;  letter 161 


Geary,  Governor 207, 

Glddlugs,  Joshua  R 

Goldsbury,  Mr 

Goodin,  J.  K.,  24  ;  speaks  of  Robin- 
son  a58, 

Grange  

Grasshopper  Falls  Convention 

Greeley,  Horace,  in  New  York  Trib- 
une   

Gridley,  Doctor 30, 

Guadalupe  Hidalgo  treaty 


360 
299 
231 

93 
39 


Hadley  Academy 34 

Haskell  Institute 351 

"  Higher  Law,"  appealed  to 61,  75,     76 

HoUiday,  Cyrus  K 24 

Holland,  Doctor 40 

Howland,  Doctor 379 

Independent,  In  early  Kansas lo 

Jones,  Sheriff 141 

Kansas,  history,  9,  10,  11;  early  set- 
tlers, 16;  "Conflict,"  87,  se^.;  bo- 
gus legislature,  130,  neq.;  becomes 
a    State,    245,    268;    railroad,    259; 

"  hard  times," 296 

Kansas  University 342,  343 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  14,  85,89,  xeq.; 
debate  over,  91 ;  passage 97 

Lane,  James  H.,  politician,  18;  sol- 
dier, 147,  255 ;  president  of  Topeka 

Convention,  183;  Senator 270,  272 

Laughlln-CoIUns  Affair 127 

Lawrence,  Amos  A 104,  302,  336,  432 

Lawrence,  Myron 337 


(437) 


438 


INDEX 


PAGK. 

Lawrence,  Sara  T.  D.,  meets  Robin- 
son, 39;  letter,  64;  marriage,  81. 
(See  Robinson,  Mrs.  T.  D.) 

Lawrence,  Kansas,  first  settlement, 
111 ;  first  newspaper,  124 ;  threat- 
ened, 146  ;  destruction  of,  197,  205  ; 
invasion  of  by  the  2700,  209;  char- 
ter, 22G  ;  Free-State  Convention 233 

Learnard,  organization  of  Republican 
Party •^'t 

Leavenworth  Convention 239,  241 

Lecompton  Constitution 16,  216,  217 

233,  234 

Legate,  James  F 24,  201 

Maloney,  CC  ;  death  of 71 

Manifesto 52 

Martin,  George  W 320 

McDougal,  Lieutenant-Governor 71 

Militia,  in  squatter  riot.? 73 

Mlnneola 239 

Missouri,  citizens  of,  in  Kansas,  116, 

320  ;  rival  claims 117,  125 

Missouri  Compromise 89 

Noyes,  John  W.,  preacher 37 

Osawatomie  Convention 246 

Parker,  Theodore,  speech 94 

Pierce,  President,  message 195 

Platte  river  adventure 50 

Press  influence 96 

Quantrell  Raid 84,  302 

Quindaro 214,  2G3 

Reeder,  first  Territorial  Governor  of 
Kansas,  24,   123,  168,  181 ;  contests 

election  of  Whitfield 198 

Republican  Party 24,  246,  249,  284 

Robinson,  Charles,  agent  of  Emigrant 
Aid  Company,  17 ;  birth  and  ances- 
cestry,  27,  29;  religion,  30,  31,  367  ; 
education,  3.3-35 ;  medical  studies 
and  practice,  36,  seq. ;  meets  future 
wife,  38 ;  marriage,  40 ;  en  route 
for  California,  42,  seq.;  Sacramento 
affairs,  51,  seq.;  quits  California, 
81 ;  home  again,  83 ;  starts  for  Kan- 
sas, 83  ;  second  marriage,  84  ;  ar- 
rives In  Kansas,  110,  seq.;  letter 
to    Thayer,    130;    Convention     of 


PAQE. 

Free-State  men,  166;  arrest,  201; 
in  New  York,  213  ;  resignation,  214- 
219  ;  elected  Governor,  260,  255,  268 ; 
war,  272;  impeachment,  285;  "Oak- 
ridge,"  293  ;  Senate,  301 ;  quits  Re- 
publican party,  301,  375;  author, 
305  ;  character  of,  310,  356 ;  educa- 
tional worker,  22,  334,  349,  351; 
death,  378 ;  speeches  and  messages 
of,  133,  397,  seq.;  399,  402,  408,  412, 

421,  424,  425,  426,  427,  429 
Robinson,  Mrs.  Sara  T.  D . . . .  105,  158,  206 
Royce,  view  of  Robinson 74 

Sacramento,  51 ;  squatter  riot 57 

Scott,  Charles  F 347 

Settlers'  and  Miners'  Tribune 79 

Seward 91 

Shannon,  Governor 137 

Slavery,  question  In  Kansas,  14,  87, 
seg.;  128,  seq.;  Robinson's  opin- 
ion of 8" 

Smith,  S.  C 24 

Snow,  Chancellor 346,  355,  376 

Snow,  Ben.iamin 83 

Speer,  John 24 

Stanton,  Fred  P 219,  seq. 

Stone,  William  B 29,  33,  383 

Sumner,  Charles 91 

Sunday  traveling 48 

Sutter,  land  troubles 54,  seq.,    76 

Tappan,  opinion  of  Robinson 361 

Territorial  Convention 165 

Territorial  Legislature,  169,  216,  234,  242 

Thayer,  Eli 100,  115 

Topeka  Constitution,  161, 183,  220,  229,  230 
Trask,  Josiah 84,  394 

Voting,  illegal  voters 151,  125 

Wade,  Senator  B.F 7,    91 

Walker,  Governor 219,  227,  282 

Walker,  Sam 24 

Wakarusa  War 138,  264 

Whigs,  In  early  Kansas 10 

Whittier,  poems 114,  154 

Winn,  A.  W 67 

Wood,  S.N 24,  143 

Woodward,  B.  W 24,  347 

Wyandotte  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion    16,  243 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


-^ 


REC'D  MLD 

RENEV^Al 


or 


RECE 

ID 


JUN2  819J2 


J». 


AM 
7-4 


Form  L9-32m-8,'58(5876s4)444 


M. 


3  1158  00799  1101 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  751  510